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Ou/pepper, /&, (Sep'f^ /S63 . 






J^ lilSTOISy'Z" 



OF THE 



Tenth Regiment, Vt, Vols, 



WITH 



BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES 



Of nearl\' ever\- Officer who ever belonged to the Regiraeut, and many of 
the Non-commissioned Officers and Men, and 

A Complete Roster 

Of all the Officers and Men connected with it — showing all changes by Pro- 
motion, Death or Resignation, during the Military 
Existence of the Regiment. 

SECOND EDITION. 

Revised, Enlarged and embellished by over Sixty Engrav- 
ings, AND Fully Illustrated by Maps and 
CHARTS OF Battlefields. 

BY THE Ci^APLAIN, 

E. M. HAYNES, D. D. — ^ 

RUTLAND, VT. : ^ ^ '^/ '^ 

The Tuttle Company, Printers, 
1894. 

> 



Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1894, 

By E. M. HAYNES, 

in the office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. 






PREFACE. 

In 1870 the author of this volume published a " History 
of the Tenth Regiment Vermont Volunteers," based upon 
personal observation, his own and other private diaries, with 
such public and official sources of information as were at his 
command. For this revised edition, in addition to the above, 
the large mass of material contained in the "Official Records 
of Union and Confederate Armies," later general and special 
histories of the war, and all other accumulated sources of 
information, so far as they bear, directly or indirectly, upon 
the campaigns and battles of which any description has been 
undertaken, have been carefully studied and compared. 

Hitherto but little has been written or understood about 
the battle of the Monocacy ; much that has been written on 
the battle of Cedar Creek is misleading and inaccurate ; while 
the vast importance of the battle of Sailors Creek has been 
overshadowed by the swiftly succeeding and culminating 
event at Appomattox. It is humbly hoped that the story of 
these three engagements, each of which has gained some well- 
merited distinctions for the Union arms, will afford at least 
a larger knowledge, both of those who participated in them 
and of the importance and magnificence of their results. 

The excuse for embracing the operations of army corps, 
divisions, brigades and even other regiments, in the descrip- 
tion of battles undertaken in the following pages, is that the 
movements of so small an organization as one regiment, act- 
ing with similar and larger bodies of troops, could not be 
easily extricated and made to play a single and intelligible 
part in any general action where all contributed alike to the 
same result. Moreover, omissions of this kind would appa- 



IV PKEFACE. 

rently imply presumptuous claims for a regiment wliich is 
content to share with similar organizations the glorious deeds 
achieved on the field- of battle, through the equal valor and 
cooperation of honored and beloved companions in arms. 

It is to be regretted that a reference to the meritorious 
conduct and high personal character of many more of the 
enslisted men of the regiment, some of whom refused the 
offer of a commission, could not have been made. Such was 
the intention, but it was found that the limits of the volume 
would not admit of it, and that such matter must necessarily 
be confined to what is set forth in the appended official roster. 

But, with all of its omissions and all of its faults, it is hoped 
that this book may be regarded as a grateful and affectionate 
tribute to the memory of the Tenth Regiment Vermont Vol- 
unteers, a memorial that shall 

" Bear witness for those that can utter no word," 
and tell, in part at least, the brave story of all who helped to 
make and now share its fame. 

The author gratefully acknowledges indebtedness to 
Hon. Redfield Proctor, United States Senator in Con- 
gress from Vermont, for maps furnished from the War 
Department; to George B. Davis, Major and Judge Advo- 
cate U. S. A., for copies of unpublished reports and doc- 
uments from the War Records office; to General Theodore 
S. Peck, Adjutant and Inspector General, for copies of 
valuable papers from his office and for many courtesies; 
to Colonel Aldace F. Walker, for use of maps from his 
"Vermont Brigade in the Shenandoah Valley;" to General 
William W. Henry, for valuable aid in many ways; to Major 
A. B. Valentine, for material assistance ; to Major and Brevet 
Colonel Wyllys Lyman, U. S. A., for invaluable material and 
unwearied assistance, wise suggestions and valuable counsel; 
to Captain Lemuel A. Abbott, U. S. A., for material aid and 
historical papers ; to Captain George E. Davis, for rare sources 



PREFACE. V 

of information and use of photographs ; to Corporal Alexan- 
der Scott, U. S. Patent Office, for superintending the engrav- 
ing of maps, for engraved frontispiece and devices for cover ; 
to Thomas L. Wood, Assistant Librarian, State Library, 
Montpelier, Vt., for Regimental Roster; to Prof. James Her- 
bert George, for information concerning the band ; to Rev. 
E. J. Ranslow, for sketch of Col. Jewett before and after the 
war; and, finally, to all who have furnished data and mem- 
oranda for personal sketches and other material; to the 
publishers, the superintendent of the work, Mr. A. H. Cobb, 
and the proof-reader, Mr. J, J. Garrett, for their uniform 
and enduring courtesies. 

The Author. 

Rutland, Vermont, Feb. 22, 1894, 



NAMES, PLACES AND DATES OF PRINCIPAL BATTLES 



IN WHICH 



THE TENTH REGIMENT PARTICIPATED. 



Kelley's Ford, Va.. November 7th, 1863. 

* Orange Grove, or Payns Fartn, November 27th. 

Mine Run, November 30th. 

Wilderness, May 5th to 8th, 1864. 

Spottsylvania, May loth to 17th. 

North Anna River, May 23d to 26th. 

Hanover Court House, May 30th. 

Totopotomy Creek, May 31st. 

Cold Harbor, June ist, 1864. 

Cold Harbor, June 3d and 6th to 12th. 

Bermuda Hundred, June 17th. 

Weldon Railroad, June 22d and 23d. 

Monocacy Junction, Md., July 9th. 

Snicker's Ferry, Va., July 17th. 

Summit Point, near Charleston, W. Va., August 21st. 

Winchester, Va., or Opeqiian Creek, September 19th. 

Fisher's Hill, September 2 2d. 

Cedar Creek, October 19th. 

Petersburg, March 25th, 1865. 

Petersburg, April 2d. 

Deatonsville Road, April 6th. 

Sailors Creek, April 6 th. 

Appomattox Court House, April 9th. 



• Those in italic are on the Begimental Colors. 



CHAPTER I. 

Pages. 

Organization; Brattleboro; Camp Chase . _ _ _ 1-17 

CHAPTER II. 

Up the River; Pleasant's Meadow; Seneca Creek; 

White's Ford; Offutts Cross Roads; Poolville 18-31 

CHAPTER III. 

To Harper's Ferry; Maryland Heights; The Army 
of the Potomac; The Third Corps; The Mine 
Run Campaign ------_.._...._^ 32-64 

CHAPTER IV. 

Brandy Station and its Happenings; The Wilder- 
ness; Spottsylvania; Between the Annas; To- 
topotomy Creek; Cold Harbor; Swinging across 
THE James; Bermuda Hundred; Petersburg; 
Weldon Railroad. ____.__....__ 64-183 

CHAPTER V. 

MONOCACY _____,. . .__,___ ____ _ 184-23S 

CHAPTER VI. 

In the Shenandoah Valley; Winchester; Fisher's 

Hill; Cedar Creek. _______ ______ 239-326 

CHAPTER VII. 

Back to Petersburg ; Twenty-Fifth of March ; Sec- 
ond of April; Sailor's Creek; Appomattox- _ 327-428 




Cj^y. J^e^V Qf-. (^. 




'^^if: 0^-//ei/ ^. ^et^e//. 



THE 



TENTH VERMONT. 



CHAPTER J . 

" OKOANIZE YOUR TENTH REGIMENT." 

THIS message from the Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, So(-rctaiy of 
War, was received on the 25th of June, 1802, by His Excel- 
lency Frederick Ilolhrook, Governor of Vermont. 

On the eighteenth, the following dispatch from the Adju- 
tant-General of the Army had been received by the Governor : 

" We arc in pressing need of troops. How many can yoji 
forward immediately ?" 

The Governor replied to the Secretary of War : 

" The Ninth Regiment is nearly full, and will bo ready for 
marching orders in some ten days. l*rol>ably the Tenth could 
be recruited in some forty or fifty days from this date (June 2.5). 
K the Government needs the Tenth Regiment, and you make 
direct requisition for it, we will raise it." 

The War OfHce replied in the words adopted as the begin- 
ning of this volume. 

On the first of July the President issued his call for three 
hundred thousand more troops, and both the Tenth and Eleventh 
w(!re to be reckoned as a part of Vermont's quota in this call. 
A few hundred men were already enlisted, expecting at the 
time of their enlistment to go into the Ninth Regiment. Re- 
cruiting stations and piincipal recruiting officers were appointed 
for the Tenth Regiment as follows: On the tenth of July, at 
Burlington, Reed Bascom ; at Waterbury, Edwin Dillingham ; 



oloventli, at Rutland, John A. Slioldon ; twelfth, at Svvanton, 
Hiram Flatt ; at St. Alhans, Charles G. Chandler ; fourteenth, 
Derby Line, Hiram K. Steel. 

The companies were all organized according- to the follow- 
ing dates, and with the following named officers as (captains : 
Co. A, St. Johnsburj, July 11, 1862, Capt. Edwin B. Frost.* 

" B, Waterbury, Aug. 4, 1862, Capt. Edwin Dillingham. 

" C, Paitland, Aug. 5, 1862, Capt. John A. Sheldon. 

" D, Burlington, Aug. 5, 1862, Capt. Giles F. Appletoii. 

" E, Bennington, Aug. 7, 1862, Capt. Madison E. Winslow. 

" F, Swanton, Aug. 6, 1862, Capt. Hiram Piatt. 

" G, Bradford, Aug. 12, 1862, Capt. Geo. B. Damon. 

" H, Ludlow, Aug. 8, 1862, Capt. Lucius T. Hunt. 

" I, St. Albans, Aug. 11, 1862, Capt. Chas. G. Chandler. 

" K, Derby Line, Aug. 12, 1862, Capt. Hiram R. Steel. 
The organization of the regiment was finally as follows: 
Gen. William Y. W. Ripley of Rutland, a most gallant 
officer and intelligent gentleman, who had won a high juilitary 
reputation as Lieutenant Colonel of the First United States Sharp- 
shooters, was appointed Colonel, but on account of wounds 
received at the battle of Malvern Hill, from which he was then 
suffering, he was compelled to decline the appointment. 

William Young Warren Ripley, eldest son of William 
Young Ripley and Jane B. Warren, daughter of General Hast- 
ings Warren, was born in Middlebury, Vt., on the 31st of Dccem- 
l)er, 1832. His education was obtained at the Troy Conference 
Academy, Boultney, Vt., and at Lima Institute, Lima, N. Y. 
Early in life, he exhibited decided military tastes and strenuously 
insisted upon securing an appointment to the Military Academy 
at West Point, which he easily might have obtained, but his 
father was unalteral)ly opposed to it, and in deference to his 
wishes he finally relinquished this most ardently cherished pur- 
pose of his life. The events of subsequent years proved, to 
both father and son, how valuable such a course of instruction 
would have been. 



* This company had been raised for the Ninth Ilegimont, but that organ- 
ization was complete without it. 



At the breaking out of the civil war, he was the jnnior 
partner of the linn of Ripley & Son, then operating largo flonr 
and marble mills at Center Rutland. The business was exten- 
sive and profitable, especially in the marble branch of the linn, 
a product at that time, and in this part of the country, rapidly 
assuming a large place in the transactions of trade and com- 
merce, and there was a demand for all that could bo produced. 

But the fierce flames of civil war then spreading over the 
land were destined to dissolve many profitable business connoc- 
tione and this one was included in the sweeping process of sepa- 
ration. William Y, W. Ripley sacrificed his large business for 
the service of his country. 

He entered the United States military service as Captain of 
Co. K, First Regiment Vermont Volunteer Infantry, on tlie 
8th of May, 1861, under the call of the President for 75,000 
troops. Previous to this time, however, his inbj)rn military 
spirit, which had prompted him to seek an appointment to West 
Point, led him to enter the militia of the State, as it existed 
prior to the war, and he worked steadily for several years to 
give it character and efficiency. It was due to his energetic 
efforts, and to the co-operation of such men as the late Adju- 
tant-General Peter T. Washburn, General Stannard, Captains 
Joseph Bush, Andross and a few others, whose persistence against 
many obstacles and the almost universal popular opposition, that 
made it possible for the State to respond to the call of the Presi- 
dent and to place in the field at a moment's notice so fine a reg- 
iment as the First Vermont. Tlierefore, at the time of the out- 
break of the war, Ripley had become First Lieutenant in the 
Rutland Light Guards, a local organization, with the late General 
II. 11. Baxter as Captain, and George T. Roberts as Second Lien- 
tenant, who afterward became Colonel of the Seventii Regiment 
and met a gallant death on the battlefield of Baton Rouge, La. 
On the resignation of Captain Baxter, in order to accept the posi- 
tion of Adjutant-General of the State, Lieutenant Riplej^ was 
made Captain in his place. 

The First Regiment saw but little fighting, having been 
engaged in no battle except the action of Big Bethel, on the 
10th of June, 1861. Still, it was a battle of some importance, 



and both officers and men were highly commended for steadi- 
ness and gallantry. They also gained the distinction of l)eing 
among the lirst Union troops to permanently occnpy the soil of 
a seceded State after the fall of Fort Snmpter. 

It has been claimed that these Vermont soldiers were 
among the iirst Union troops to assault rebel entrenchments, 
and that this was the Urst engagement of the Hebellion where 
infantry in the field was brought under fire. 

Bat, however this may be, or whatever the rci)utati()n 
this organization acquired for itself and Vermont soldiers at 
iJig Bethel, or the distinction that fell to it by reason of prior- 
ity in establishing itself within the limits of the Conf(iderate 
domain, its history is most remarkable for what occnrrcd after 
its disbandment. 

In addition to its brief and exceedingly creditable term of 
service as an organized force, it turned out to be a fountain of 
disciplined military supply — a veritable ecole tmlitaire where 
many officers and men had been fitted for a longer and more 
brilliant term of service. Nearly every officer, and live out of 
every six of the regiment as a whole, re-entered the army to 
renew and continue the battle for their country and the flag. 
Over two hundred and fifty bore commissions as field, line and 
staff officers in subsequent organizations which were effected 
under the second and succeeding calls of the Government for 
troops. While at Newport News, during this short term of ser- 
vice. Captain Ripley's conspicuous ability as a soldier brought 
him quickly into notice, and during the first week in July he was 
tendered a Lieutenant-Colonel's commission in the Regular 
Arm}'. His domestic and business affairs at this time, however, 
prevented his contemplating a longer service than the three 
months term for which he had enlisted, and he reluctantly 
decdined it. In the latter part of the same month Governor 
Fairbanks tendered him a high position in tiie Fourth 
Vermont Regiment, then organizing, which also for the 
same reasons he felt obliged to decline. Therefore, at the close 
of his regiment's term of service Captain Ripley returned home 
and remained several months, devoting his time and energies to 
his family and the business which he supposed he could not longer 



nef^lcct. Cut be realized all the time that he was out of plnce 
while the country waa deinandit)^ its best Tni;ii for service in the 
field, and he could not endure the retstraints that any other con- 
biderjition imposed. Neither domestic duties nor business interest 
could suppress the desire he felt to return to share aj^ain in the stir- 
riiif:^ scenes of the actual conflict. Therefore, in the followin<^ 
autumn a commission as Lieutenant-Colonel in the First Kegi- 
nient U. S. Sharpshooters being offered him, he accepted it 
without hesitation and soon joined his command, in which he 
served with distinf^iiished gallantry until he fell seriously 
wounded at the battle of Malvern Hill. 

Lieutenant-Colonel Ripley's appointment to this important 
comnumd beaj-s date Nov. 29th, 18G1, the regiment at that time 
being encamped near Washington, within the Distric^t limits, to 
which ])lace he immediately repaired. lie spent the winter of 
18()1-(J2 giving almost daily instructions in those essential duties 
that belong to the soldiers' camp, and in drills and in rifle practi(;e, 
preparatory to an active campaign. Undei- his vigilant personal 
supervision the P^irst llegimentof Sharpshooters attained remark- 
able elHciency and became admirjibly adapted to the special 
8ervi(;e to which these troops had been assigned. Lieutenant- 
Colonel Ripley was amply qualified to accomplish these results. 
A man with the marks of high intelligence stamped upon his 
fine features, full of the martial spirit, a commanding physique 
— a man among the manliest ; a crack shot, instinctively a sol- 
dier with flawless courage and loyal to the core. He did not 
have to win the confidence of his men, they rather sought his 
approval. 

In the spring of 1862 the regiment was attached to Major 
General Fjtz John Porter's Division, Army of the Potomac, and 
entered upon that now historic Peninsular campaign to which 
the country looked so hopefully and believed would result in the 
overthrow of the Rebellion. Lieutenant-Colonel Ripley com- 
manded his regiment in nearly every battle of that disastrous 
campaign, as we are now accustomed to call it, although no army 
in the world ever fought with more magnificent courage or better 
deserved success ; and ho and his troops often received the high- 
est recoi'nition in orders from the Division Commander. 



Wlieii General McClellan's splendid army disembarked at 
and in the vicinity of Fortress Monroe, Fitz John Porter's Divis- 
ion was ordered to make a reconnaisance toward Big Bethel. 
A strong detacliment of sharpshooters led the advance of each 
column, and that on the right was entrusted to the command of 
Lieutenant Colonel Kipley. His were the first troops of all that 
grand expedition that came under the enemy's fire. Later on, 
wlien the whole army moved to Yorktown, Lieutenant-Colonel 
llipley also had the advance with the sliarpshooters. In this 
advance they were obliged to move with caution, " searching sus- 
picious patches of woods, streaming out from the road to farm 
houses, hurrying over and around little knolls behind which 
danger might lurk," as they penetrated the enemy's country. 

The effectiveness of his command before Yorktown, and 
during the siege, proved conclusively that the care bestowed in 
training his men in rifle practice during the winter of '61-2 
had not l)een in vain. By skillful maneuvering in order to 
approach the enemy's works and in selecting a position that 
could be maintained, the rebels, who at first affected to 
despise the Yankee marksmen, soon found that they could nijt 
show tlieir heads with impunity above the parapets, and embra- 
sures cut out for artillery and occupied greatly to our disadvan- 
tage in the beginning were before long left without a tenant and 
voiceless. 

Cunning attempts were frequently made by the eneni} 's 
sharpsliooters to drive Kipley's riflemen away ; but discipline 
had been made so thorough an adjunct of native courage that 
counter expedients could be readily devised to meet all such 
advances and they were more than a match for the enemy. 
During the campaign Lieutenant Colonel llipley saw many 
opportunities to prove his skill with the rifle. One instance 
which occurred at Yorktown is related by himself in his admir- 
able " History of Company F, First U. S. Sharpshooters," 
although lie modestly conceals his own deed under the act of 
" an otHcer." 

It seems that one of the enemy's riflemen in particular had 
made himself exceedingly annoying by his boldness and his suc- 
cess, lie had just killed a man, " shot him through the fore- 




^/. c:Mu^. J^e^ V Qt. Of: (2^e>tiy. 



head while in the act of raising his rifle to aim." The Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel instantly took the weapon from the dead man's 
hand and when the rebel again showed his head, it was to make 
his last shot. Both rifles must have been discharged at the 
same instant, for while the Lieutenant- Colonel brought down 
his man, his antagonist's bullet grazed his shoulder in tlie 
moment of necessary exposure in order to accomplish this brave 
deed of justifiable retaliation. 

The battles of Williamsburgh, Gaines Mill, Hanover Court 
House, Mechanics ville. Fair Oaks, Savage Station, each fur- 
nish a basis for continuing the sama brave story of the sharp- 
shooters and the Lieutenant-Colonel of the First Reo-iment. 

At Malvern Hill, Lieutenant-Colonel Kipley was in com- 
mand of tlie regiment, and these troops were remarkably effective 
under his skillful maneuvering, in resisting the enemy's fierce 
assaults upon the left of the Union linos. Although he was 
obliged to change position, once or twice during the engage- 
ment, still he lost no advantage but kept the Confederates con- 
stantly under cover of his riflemen. At a critical moment in the 
progress of the battle, the enemy liaving gained a commanding 
flanking position attempted to bring a battery into action where 
it was thouglit they might sweep our lines for a long distance. 
All at once there broke from the woods in splendid order one 
of its guns, drawn by superb gray horses ; it looked as if it had 
been reserved for some grand display, and wheeled into line as 
if to be greeted by admiring eyes and spontaneous applause. 
This was followed by another gun, and still other guns, each in 
proud scorn of deadly Union rifles that were instantly leveled 
upon them. Quickly the horses began to fall, and when they 
had fallen the gunners tried to bring their pieces into position 
by hand. But all in vain ! The storm of leaden missiles gave 
them no respite, and such as were able to do so speedily took 
to cover in the woods. This magnificent battery, which turned 
out to be Captain McCarthey's Richmond Howitzers and was 
composed of the elite of tlie young men of the city of Rich- 
mond, disappeared — was swept out of existence before the rear 
of the colunni came into view, by Lieutenant-Colonel Ripley's 
unerrina; marksmen. 



8 

It is stated tliat since the war, a member of tliis battery in 
describing; this affair said : ' We went in a battery and came 
out a wreck. We stayed ten minutes by the watcli, and came 
out with one gun, ten men and two horses, and without firing a 
sliot.' Since there are usually ten men and four horses to each 
gun in a full battery, something of the execution done in this 
brief space of time can be fairly judged ; and how much Lieuten- 
ant-Colonel Ripley's men contributed to the result of the battle 
in that day's figliting, the sanguinary nature and importance of 
which, it is feared, have not yet been fully comprehended by the 
American people, may also be reasonably estimated. With this 
battle, in which Lieutenant-Colonel Ripley had taken so l)rilliant 
a part, terminated his military career, having been severely 
wounded near the close of the action. Colonel Benedict in his 
great History of " Vermont in the Civil War," speaking of the 
sharpshooters at Malvern Hill, says that Lieutenant- Colonel 
Ripley had remained on the field " after his command had 
retired to assist in disposing the troops which had beaten back 
Magruder's last desperate charge. While he was stationing a 
regiment under the direction of General Martindale, a musket 
bullet struck him in the right leg, shattering the bone. His 
orderly tied a handkerchief around the leg, and he started for 
the rear, but soon fainted and fell from his horse. The noble 
animal had received three musket balls, but staggered along 
under his master's weight till Lieutenant-Colonel Ripley fell 
frum the saddle, when he, too, la}' down and died within two 
minutes. The Lieutenant-Colonel was then placed in an ambulance 
and taken to Haxall's Landing, where his wound was dressed and 
he was laid under a tree. He was left there that night, when the 
army moved to Harrison's Landing, but was saved from capture 
by some of his men, who learning that he had been left behiiid, 
went back for him and found him just before daylight and 
carried him on a stretcher to Harrison's Landing. It was three 
months before the ball was extracted." But a much longer 
time elapsed before he recovered, nor have the effects of it yet 
fully passed away. It was not only an exceedingly painful 
wound, necessitating several surgical operations, but its moral 
consequences were very serious, causing him great embarrass- 



ment. Probably at that time Lieutenant-Colonel Ripley was 
one of the foremost military men in Vermont, and no one in the 
State had more brilliant prospects of high military positions in 
the field held out to him than he ; and had not his wound and con- 
sequent physical disability prevented his acceptance of the fre- 
quent tenders of promotion, he certainly would have risen to 
high rank and achieved distinction equal to his most successful 
comrades in arms, the opportunities of which he was obliged to 
decline on accourjt of physical inal>ility to improve them. 

Reference has already been made to his offer of a Lieutenant- 
Colonelcy in the Regular Army, and also to the tender of an im- 
portant command in the Fourth Yerniont, He was now appointed 
Colonel of the Tenth Yermont by Governor Holbrook, and 
although still in a crippled condition, he began his preparation to 
go with this command once more to the front. But the slightest 
activity in this direction warned him of his still serious condition 
and he abandoned his purpose. A little later he was offered the 
appointment of Brigadier-General of Volunteers. But he had 
now determined to forego all attempts to re-enter the military 
service until he " was fully able to do a full day's duty.'' It 
must have been a supreme sacrifice to such a man as Lieutenant- 
Colonel Ripley to push aside these flattering opportunities and 
crush out the hopes that dominated his whole being, while he was 
still prostrated upon a bed of pain. But his reasons for doing so 
were as patriotic and more creditable to himself than their 
acceptance would have l)een while in his disabled condition and 
the uncertainty of a speedy recovery. 

In November, 1864, Lieutenant-Colonel Ripley was offered an 
appointment to the command of one of the Brigades of a Divis - 
ion of Militia, which the State raised and equipped under the 
aroused military spirit of the war, which he declined. Later, 
however, a group of veteran officers was called together by the 
Governor in Montpelier, during a session of the Legislature, to 
advise him in making a choice of a Major General to command 
the Division. They advised the appointment of Lieutenant-Colo- 
nel Ripley, and the Governor made the appointment without 
consulting him. The Legislature confirmed the nomination and 
adjourned. As no other appointment could then be made, he 



10 

accepted the position ; and this positiou he held for some time, 
or until the policy of the State in regard to its militia was 
changed. 

General Ripley's business connections since the war and 
until the recent sale of the Ripley marble property, was senior 
member of the firm of Ripley Sons, and since the death of his 
father, William Y. Ripley, President of the Rutland County 
National Bank, Rutland, Vt. 

While always active and prominent in public affairs, both 
State and National, and profoundly interested in municipal poli- 
tics, he has uniformly refused to accept public office, although 
high inducements have often been used to teujpt liim into ser- 
vice. General Ripley still resides in Rutland, where he is univer- 
sally respected and held in high esteem as one of our best and 
most public spirited citizens — a true gentleman and a trusted 
friend. 

Col. A. 13. Jewett, who had been appointed Licut.-Coloncl, 
was then made Colonel. Capt. Eaton of tlui Second Regiment 
was appointed Major, but sickness prevented his acceptance, and 
Gen. William W. Henry, 1st Lieut. Company D, also of the 
Second Regiment, was commissioned Major. John H. Edson 
was Lient.-Colonel. 

Adjutant — Wyllys Lyman. 

Quartermaster — A. B. Valentine. 

Surgeon— Willard A. Childe, M. D. 

Assistant Surgeon — J. C. Rutherford, M. D. 
" " — Almon Clark, M. D. 

Chaplain — E. M. Haynes. 

The regiment went into camp at Brattlcboro, Vt., on the 
fifteenth of August, and was mustered into the United States 
service on the first day of September, with one thousand and 
sixteen officers and men. 

During the time intervening between our going into camp 
and the date of leaving the State, the regiment was practised 
in company drill almost daily. The men wore supplied with 
old Belgium muskets, which they used while gaining some knowl- 
edge of the evolutions in infantry tactics. These they also car- 
ried to the seat of war. They were old, rusty pieces, heavy and 



11 

not fit for the most unimportant service of the soldier, never dan- 
gerous at the muzzle. Some of the men tried to scour them 
up, and others looked upon theui with too much iiidiffcreuce to 
bestow a moment's labor upon them. It is doubted wliether 
one-half of them could have been discharged under any circum- 
stances ; and yet it is well remembered that the Adjutant and 
Inspector-General took occasion to reprimand some of the men 
because their old " fusees," as they contemptuously called tliem, 
were not in good order when he ii)-st inspected the regiment. 

These days were also occupied in otherwise eqni[)ping the 
troops, and supplying them with a complete outfit for a camp 
and campaign in the field. 

Looking back through the years of experience that followed 
these brief days of preparation in the peaceful camp at Brattle- 
borOj we must be amazed at the amount of vmjpedimtnta that 
each officer and enlisted man called his own, and no doubt 
expected to take with him to the field and carry to the end. 

The quartermaster's supplies and the ordnance stores were 
such as were usually issued. Calling to mind now the loaded form 
of a soldier of that day, how enormous he seems ! Their heavy, 
square knapsacks, haversacks, cartridge-boxes, canteens and huge 
rolls of woolen and india-rubber blankets, and these all strapped 
over their forms, made to look ungainly by loose-fitting coats 
and baggy trousers, presented them rather as caricatures than 
the well-shaped men that the most of them were. 

But each man had much more in his possession than could 
be reasonably embraced in quartermaster's and ordnance stores. 
There were few who did not have a writing case of some de- 
scription, with a good supply of stationery ; many had several 
books, the works of favorite poets, a hymn book, prayer-book 
and the Testament. They had finger brushes, tooth brushes, 
hair brushes and combs, articles hardly needed in those days 
of closely-cropped hair. Each man had his fancy bag or 
''housekeeper;" many were tri- color, red, white and blue, with 
various compartments for thread, yarn, needles, pins and but- 
tons. Many of them had bottles and packages of medi- 
cines, which were industriously circulated by quacks wlio came 
into camp, or furnished by careful, prudent mothers, who lived 



12 

away among the hills, who had always treated the ailments of 
their boys with root and-herb drinks. These, however, were 
used " on the sly," against the " mild " protest of the surgeons, 
for the fatal malaria and contagion of strange climates and the 
camp. 

Other things they had also, which were neither books nor 
medicines — but the inventory is already too large. Where all 
those articles were stored, and how transported, would be diffi- 
cult for the argus-eyed Quartermaster to determine. 

There was an irrepres8il)le desire to accumulate " luggage,'* 
and it was not subdued through months and years of service 
— only afterwards the articles accumulated in the enemy's coun- 
try or elsewhere were said to be " condscated. " This penchatit 
was no less observable in the officers than in the men. They 
had more privileges, were allowed more transportation. In fact, 
an enlisted man had no transportation except his strong, willing 
back. Each captain, at the start, was entitled to a chest in which 
to transport the tools and books belonging to his company. 
Other officers also had these chests. There were fifteen or 
twenty of these large boxes, about the size of a respectable car- 
penter's tool-chest, all iron-bound and painted blue, bearing, on 
the front, the respective company's letter, under which was 
painted in black, " Tenth Vt. Vols." 

Each officer had a trunk or large valise, usually a trunk, 
weighing from forty to a hundred and fifty pounds. Many of 
then] had tables, mess kits and mess chests, camp-stools, fancy 
cots and patent water-proof mattresses. Each company had 
twenty A tents, the company officers two wall tents, and the field 
and staff* officers one wall tent each, making in all several cords 
of tent poles and unestimated bales of canvas. 

All this, we knew, or thought we knew, was destined for 
the field, and wo supposed for long campaigns and distant camps. 
How woefully we were mistaken ! What havoc and ravages 
were made by the Quartermaster ! What ever became of nine- 
tenths of this splendid outfit no mortal can tell. The regiment 
had a library of two hundred volumes, presented by Captain E. 
B. Frost, which was kept, through some difficulties, for nearly a 
year ; but it was at last reluctantly abandoned, and is probably 




^./ ^e.4^e c^. ^. 



13 

now stored with the Chaplain's camp-cot, chairs, tahle, et cetera^ 
with many pleasant momorios of tlio officers of this regiment, 
at the house of a good old Quaker in Maryland, near Pooleville. 
And so all along the marches of three years of service — some of 
them sad and dreary, if not hasty, and many of them grand and 
triumphant, those things collected at Brattleboro, and carried 
from home, bestowed by kind friends, became scattered through 
ten States of the Union, just as the energies and strength of 
many a noble man wasted away forever in the hour of his 
country's need. 

There were oth(n- scenes at the camp in Brattleboro, that all 
of us who are living will long remember — among them, perhaps, 
the preliminary steps of a regiment in the art of war, the ser- 
vice incident to this experience, guard and police duty, discipline, 
and all that might tend to a good military organization of vol- 
unteers. 

Wliile here, the men were allowed brief furloughs, and the 
officers a day or two leave of absence, to arrange matters of 
business, to revisit friends and bid them a sad or cheerful fare- 
well. We took in turn their blessings and pledges of devotion 
for years to come, if stern war would spare them the opportunity. 
Wives and children, fathers and mothers, brothers and sisters, 
(!ame to cheer the dear boy, and kiss him and bless him before 
he went away to meet the fate of the battlefield, the rebel prison, 
or tlie more universal destroyer, disease. Maidens came to meet 
lovers and renew, now less slyly, the holy vow whispered months 
ago, among the mountains, that death, in many cases, would 
soon dissolve forever. 

This is something of what pertained to our brief days of 
camp life at Brattleboro, very much, it is presumed, like the rou- 
tine and incidents of other regiments in their first camp. It is 
possible that some of them have not been recorded, but all will 
be best identified in the remembrance of the living. 

While we were uttering these farewells, the Government, 
whose laws we had just sworn to obey and defend, summoned us 
to a broader experience and to sterner duties. The regiment 
left the State on the sixth of September, filling eighteen long 
passenger cars, and nearly as many freight cars with baggage and 



u 

caiijp equipage. Wc left the railroad station about two o'clock 
p. M., going via Springfield, Mass., to New Haven, Conn., where 
we arrived about ten o'clock in the evening, thence by tlie 
steamboat Continental to New York, where we arrived at day- 
light Sunday morning, the seventh. We were met by Colonel 
Howe, of General Dix's staff ; the otticers were taken to the 
Astor House to breakfast, and the men were sumptnousl}' fed at 
the barracks at City Hall Park. Here one man deserted. We 
rceml)arked at New York about ten o'clock, and, after a beauti- 
ful sail down the harbor to Perth Atnboy, went by rail over the 
Camden & Araboy Eailroad to Philadelphia, and so on to Balti- 
more and Washington, where we arrived on tlie evening of the 
eighth. Left Washington next morning ; crossed Long Bridge • 
and arrived at Camp Chase same day. It was an old camp, near 
or upon Arlington Heights, where a hundred different regiments 
had been encamped during the preceding summer months. 

We did not like the place assigned us, nor the odor about it, 
pi culiar to such places. Colonel Jewett begged the privilege of 
selecting another, so we went on beyond, to new ground that had 
not been occupied by those who had come and gone before us. 
We cut down the small trees, uprooted stumps and cleared away 
the slash, and before night, our tents having been brought along 
in the meantime, were in comfortable quarters. 

Now we supposed that we were in the great army of pat- 
riots — perhaps the Army of the Potomac, of which we had lieard 
so much, and of which the nation was expecting so much. The 
grand river from which this army took its name, and whose waters 
had more than once been tinged with the blood of our brothers, 
rolled calmly on a few hundred yards before us. Beyond it we 
saw the Nation's Capital, and upon and along on either side 
were the Nation's Defenders, stationed in the chain of forts that 
belted it and bristled with heavy ordnance from every highland 
around it. 

New regiments, like ourselves, were constantly arriving 
and going into camp around us. By and past us rode orderlies ; 
and companies of troopers browned in the service, old soldiers 
of the infantry, grim and greasy, stalked by, looking half con- 
temptuously and half pityingly upon us " raw recruits," as they 



15 

called us ; tlic clean and gail3'-dresscd artillerymen passed down 
to the city, and horrible looking Zonaves, with their red Turk- 
ish trousers, yellow-tiiinmcd jackets and scarlet skull-capa with 
long tassels hanging down their backs — some of them wore 
enormous nubias twisted ingeniously several times around their 
heads, for a covering to tiiat part of theiir bodies. Who ever 
thought of putting men into this gear ? They looked more like 
trained monkeys than they did like Uncle Sam's brave boys, as 
they were- 

These scenes going on around us led us to picture, though 
imperfectly, as later exj^erience taught, the work thatM^as l)efore. 
Onr courage then rose to and mastered dilliculties and won vic- 
tories of which veterans had never dreamed. Men talked of 
being led to battle. Under the fresh ardor of patriotism which 
then wrought noble resolutions — and which, thank God ! never 
wholly ceased — under the inspiration of incidents new and 
strange to most of us, the letters written home to friends spoke 
of deeds of daring, and high hopes that never were and never 
could be realized. 

But it would be vain to undertake to tell of the emotions 
that struggled under the uniforms of the?e boys in blue at this 
time. Many of them were boys indeed, just from homes the}" 
had never left before — peaceful and happy homes among the 
mountains, whose sides they had climbed in chiklish glee, and 
that was the roughest experience with which they had ever met. 
The sweet remembrance of a mother's kiss yet burned on their 
lips. How could they rightly judge of what was before them ? 
It was well they could not. It is well that Infinite Mercy cur- 
tains all the future from His creatures in mysterious silence and 
yet in hopeful invisibility. 

But there are two other incidents which properly belong to 
this first chapter of our history and experience as soldiers. 
They came, indeed, before we were fairly initiated, the first at 
Philadelphia. It was in the generous welcome and hearty kind- 
ness of the citizens of that place. 

It was midnight when we reached Camden, opposite the 
city, yet the signal gun announced our arrival, and by the time 
we were ferried across the river the streets were filled with men, 



16 

women and children, hastening to welcome us and give us the 
cheer of their warm hearts and hounteons hands. The Soldiers' 
Home, or the " Old Cooper's Shop," so well known to every sol- 
dier, sick or well, who passed through the Quaker City during 
the years of the Rebellion, was liglitod up, and an acre of tables 
were groaning benoatli the weight of provisions of all whole- 
some varieties, which were jnst suited to the wants of rugged, 
healthy men, besides an abundance of tea and coffee, steaming 
hot. To all this we were freely invited, and it need not be said 
tlic hospitality was most gratefully accepted. This place, we 
learned, was furnished and supplied constantly with this kind 
of entertainment for soldiers passing to and from the arm}', by 
the ladies and citizens of Philadelphia. Their munificence was 
wonderful. Few people have any idea how much food a thou- 
sand hungry men will consume at one meal, yet we were all 
abundantly supplied, and there was enough left for as many 
more ; besides, we were told that ours was the twenty-eighth reg- 
iment that had partaken of this hospitality within one iveek. 

Their words of encouragement, also, were profuse and heart- 
felt, equalling other expressions of kindness. Too much cannot 
be said in praise of this noble charity, unceasing while there was 
one left to whom it could offer its sublime ministry. Noble 
women, it seemed to us, some of them too old and others too del- 
icate to brave the chilly air of a September night, crowded 
around to receive us and assure us of their sympathy and 
prayers. This spirit was so warm and so true and its ex])ression 
so oft repeated that the hearts of children became imbued with 
it. I saw a little girl skipping about this place, where all loved 
so well to meet, and, with her innocent face turned up to mine, 
she asked, " On doing to war ?" " Yes, my darling," I said. 
" Dod bless on," she replied. And the picture never faded 
away. Many times, in hours of danger, in camp and on drear}'' 
marches, and when the battle raged, it came in visions, the same 
innocent face and earnest utterance, and with it the Father's 
blessing. God bless the citizens of Philadelphia ! And how 
many will join in the devout benediction as the memory reverts to 
that hour of munificent welcome ! The gratitude kindled there 
in tlie hearts of half a million of men on their way to the bat- 



17 

tie-front, flamed on through tiresome march and bloody combat, 
down to death, or survives with those who saw home again, an 
uncancelled obligation to the " City of Brotherly Love." 

At Baltimore we met with the same welcome and were enter- 
tained in a manner that testified to the fidelity and patriotism of 
the Union people of that intensely rebel city. They did the 
best they could, and did well. It was dangerous, probably, at 
that time, to make too great a demonstration on the side of the 
Union ; yet the Union men, although trembling at the fearful 
odds they knew existed against them, and miglit break out at any 
time, were quietly firm, and gave every soldier of the Republic 
a deep and honest welcome, and thought that he deserved a 
tithe of all that they possessed. All honor to the Baltimore 
Unionists ! 

We halted in the railroad station on Pratt street, where, on 
the nineteenth of April preceding, the Sixth Massachusetts Heg- 
iment gave the first martyrs to the cause of Universal Freedom 
in America. The bullet-holes in the roof of the station-house 
were the fierce, fiery eyes of the secession spirit that looked 
down upon us, and that we faced steadily to the end. 



(2) 



18 



CHAPTER II. 

WHILE we lay at (>amp Chase the Army of the Potomae 
was marchinp; to resist the invasion of Maryland by the 
Rebel Army of Northern Virginia, and preparing to fight the 
battles of South Mountain and Antietam. The second battle 
of Pull Run had just been fought and lost under Major-General 
John Pope, commanding. We had already listened to many a 
thrilling incident of that strange succession of fights by some 
of the participants in one or more of its engagements. We 
therefore the more eagerly read the newspaper accounts of the 
army now under General McClellan, who liad been again placed 
in command. In the anxiety expressed concerning the campaign 
our enthusiasm rose, and we wondered if we should join the 
march and share in the impending conflict — wondered and 
wished we might. We listened to the booming of the distant 
cannon at South Mountain and at Harper's Ferry. The Ninth 
Vermont Regiment, just preceding us from the State, had been 
stationed at Harper's Ferry, and the day after we left Camp 
Chase were disgracefully surrendered, with a force of ten thou- 
sand men, to Stonewall Jackson, by Colonel Miles of the Regu- 
lar Army. These were the first guns we hoard where their thun- 
der meant actual war, and it is well remembered how ardently 
the men expressed the desire to join their fighting comrades. 

But before the fields of South Mountain and Antietam 
were won we had broken camp and were off on a long march. 
Our destination was thirty or forty miles up the Potomac River, 
to Edwards Ferry, Seneca Lock and intermediate points ; our 
duty, to guard the Maryland side of that historic stream. 
The march was a long and tedious one for us, requiring several 
days to accomplish it, and it began to be seen that marching was 
one of the serious features of a campaign. The men had never 
marched before, had no idea of the hardships, and were easily 
discouraged upon their first trial. Although they started off 




^/. ^./ Qf^^//.S ^yr^cc.., Qr. -^. (^. 



19 

briskly and joyfully, yet they soon began to bend under the 
weight of their heavy knapsacks and old Belgium muskets. 
Three miles from camp they left their knapsacks in an old barn 
by the road, and three or four miles further on bivouacked for 
the night. The next day's march was little less fatiguing on 
account of the weariness and lameness caused the day before, 
and from which one night's rest, unaccustomed to such business 
as the men were, was insufficient for them to wiiolly recover. 
Still we plodded on, not knowing what we were to meet, nor was 
it known whither we were going, except to Colonel Jewett and 
the officers next to him in command. This uncertainty and vague- 
ness among soldiers, always necessary, perhaps, was then, as ever 
afterwards, a source of great annoyance and led to the thousand 
and one rumors continually rife in camp. The commanding 
officer, of course, had his orders tolerably well defined, and some 
other officers generally knew the substance of these orders, but it 
was impossible that all the men should know. 
" Theirs but to do and die." 

On the third day from Camp Chase the left wing halted at 
Seneca Lock, on Seneca Creek, a place on the Chesapeake and 
Ohio Canal ; the right wing, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel 
Edson, went to Edwards Ferry. Company C remained at regiment- 
al headquarters, which were established at a pleasant place on the 
river, between the two wings, called Pleasant's Meadows. Each 
wing sent out companies towards the center ; the left wing, 
under the command of Major Henry, stayed at Seneca Lock, and 
sent one. Company G, still below. Thus the line of pickets ex- 
tended from Edwards Ferry to Muddy Branch. In this posi- 
tion, or rather in these positions, we remained from the seven- 
teenth of September till the middle of October. The Colonel 
and Adjutant, Surgeons, Quartermaster and Chaplain were all 
stationed at the center of this line, which was called head- 
quarters. 

On this line we began to learn something of the routine of 
camp life, while there was little to vary its monotony except now 
and then the cackling and fluttering of fowls and the squealing 
of pigs that had carelessly strayed into camp. At this early 
period of our service, the Colonel, with a marvelous attempt at 



20 

discipline wliicli aoon exhausted itself, undertook to hold the 
men responsible for the presence of tliesepigs and fowls in their 
quarters, conduct for which of course they were in no wise 
accountable; and when these same straying quadrupeds and 
bipeds began to flock to his own mess table he no doubt learned 
his mistake and began to abate the severity of discipline. 

Headquarters was the most attractive point along the 
picket line. Here the sutler — that most indispensable source of 
a soldier's comfort, who furnishes a sure if not a safe means for 
the investment of his spare funds — was stationed. Men and 
officers came here from their various posts to impart their obser- 
vations and receive instructions, and here they came to see the 
" Doctor," although Surgeons were required to visit these posts 
daily. 

While here we experienced our first scare. This was an event 
that happened to most regiments at some time or other, usually 
not long after they came into the service. Connected with our 
scare was a somewhat amusing incident. 

One Sunday morning — it was the fifth of October — we 
were all called out by a fierce beating of the long roll, and it was 
announced that the enemy was crossing the river in considerable 
force. This report went along the whole line, and the men were 
rallied at the different posts and prepared to resist his crossing 
or fight a battle. Private baggage was packed hurriedly and the 
teams put in readiness to move camp equipage and stores. Com- 
panies I and D, under the cautious command of the Lieutenant- 
Colonel, were ordered from tlieir camp and thrown towards the 
river, where, stationed in the cut of the canal, which the rebels 
had sometime before made tenable by draining it of water, they 
awaited the further orders of their gallant leader, who was with 
them, standing bravely at their head, urging them to " hold 
steady." Now follows the amusing part of the story. To the 
officers of tliese companies the position was one of great trial, 
as they were compelled to remain there several hours after the 
necessity for doing so had passed, if indeed it ever existed, and 
it was rendered still more trying by certain recollections of 
a fine fat, smoking pig, which they had procured the day 
before, and that was then roasting before the fire for their 



21 

breakfast. The excitement of meeting an armed foe having 
somewhat subsided, their thoughts instinctively turned to the 
elaborate preparation going on in camp for a right good Sunday 
feast. While in undisturbed waiting, before they were so has- 
tily summoned to arms, they had anticipated the gastronomic 
combat with considerable relish, and with this brown, smoking 
vision before them, while they lay on the cold ground in this wet 
and foggy October morning, they found that they could not 

" Cloy the hungry edge of appetite 
By bare imagination of a feast," 

and they impatiently awaited the opportunity to return to camp. 
Soon it appeared that there was no enemy within miles of them, 
and it was idle to remain there longer. Still the Lieutenant- 
Colonel was unwilling to withdraw his command, though he him- 
self returned to the camp, where he found the pig well roasted 
and awaiting the return of his subalterns. Alas for the fond 
anticipations of these gallant gentlemen ! They were soon 
relieved, but tliere has been a tradition handed down to us by the 
Captains and Lieutenants of Cos. D and I that while they 
guarded the ford and clung with sublime devotion to tlic position 
that had been assigned them on the river bank for hours after 
tlie Lieutenant-Colonel liad left them, he was banqueting alone. 
The only satisfaction they ever received was in cursing the cook ; 
but he stolidly replied to all of their liot reproaches, " Orders is 
orders." 

It was at this place that the first of that long list of men who 
fell victims to disease died in camp. He belonged to Company 
C, Charles H. Dayton, and was ill but five days. It may be 
spoken of because it created such a sensation among his com- 
rades at the time. They immediately raised money among 
themselves to defray the expenses of embalming his body and 
sending it home to be buried where loving hands might guard 
his sepulchre. Other companies did the same thing when the 
first of their number so died, but the practice of necessity soon 
ceased. I have often thought of the noble sentiment of com- 
radeship displayed on the occasion of this first ifitrusion of 
death into tbeir ranks, which never died out, but brought many 
a strong and willing hand to comrades distressed in battle, when 



22 

they needed help to reach a place of temporary shelter. Swift 
aid never was withheld although bestowed at the imminent 
hazard of death or captivity. The same spirit, born in a fellow- 
ship of suffering, unites to-day in bonds of affectionate memories 
and mutual trust, all the survivors of that heroic period of our 
history, and bestows a larger ministery ; and in that same com- 
radeship is the bright triple shield of Fraternity, Charity and 
Loyalty. 

On the eleventh of October these various detachments were 
called in, and the regiment went into camp at Seneca Creek, 
near the place formerly occupied by the left wing. The camp 
was established about five hundred yards back from the river, 
and perhaps a little more than that distance below the creek, 
upon a strip of land sloping down from a wooded bluff to a 
swamp in front, between us and the river. Tliis place was once 
a cultivated field, open at both ends. On the north it reached 
out beyond the swamp to a broad plain ; on the south also it 
extended beyond this oblong piece of swamp to an undulating 
field still beyond. 

Our tents just filled this space, the officers' and company 
quarters reaching clear across from the woods to the swamp, 
and just covered the entire length of the swamp, so that from 
any point forty yards to the front or to the rear, we were com- 
pletely shielded from observation. In the field on the right the 
troops were daily exercised in company and battalion drill. On 
the left there were some of them daily buried. 

Did this location have anything to do with the sickness that 
prevailed there, and from which large numbers died ? Every 
tenth man was sick — a hundred men were on the sick list at a 
time. Five died in a single night ; it was a cold and stormy 
night, and it blasted some of the weaker ones in an hour. For 
a month scarcely a day passed that the dead march did not lead 
us to a fresh grave. We could not procure hospital accommo- 
dations for them, and many were obliged to lie in quarters, and 
perhaps endanger the health of others. It cannot be shown that 
any one was responsible for this large sick-list. Surgeon Childe 
said there was an epidemic. If it arose from the location, other 
regiments were as unfortunate as we, although they were 



23 

deemed to be in better positions, that is, more healthy localities. 
So no serious attempt was ever made to change the camp for one 
less sheltered from the sun and for a less time during the day- 
shrouded in fog. Somehow it seemed to be a time in the period 
of our acclimation for many of the men to die. It was a sort of 
inuring period — a crisis in which the physical constitution was 
passing from that of a common man, unaccustomed to unusual 
exposure, to a tomghencd soldier. If this is a possible theory, 
the metamorphosis was too great a strain for many of them to 
bear. There was one case, and it is said there were many 
similar cases about this time, such as 1 never heard of before. 
Medical records may furnisli many such cases. One young man 
died whom the surgeons declared had not a single symptom of 
disease about him. His conduct was strange and pitiable. His 
name was Frederic D. Whipple, of Company H. He came up 
to surgeon's call, and one of the surgeons, after thoroughly 
examining him and discovering no sign of disease, asked him 
why he was there ? — what ailed him ? He said that he wanted 
to go home. His orderly-sergeant could do nothing with him in 
his company, and he was finally put into the hospital, where, 
refusing to be nursed, after a few days he died, moaning pit- 
eously all the time, " I want to go home — I want to go home." 
Poor fellow ! Just before enlisting he had married a young 
wife, and his body was sent to her after his spirit had gone to 
its long home. Surgeon Clark declared that it was a clear case 
of nostalgia, or home-sickness. 

Major-General de Trobriand tells the story of a German 
soldier in the Peninsular campaign, who was hit by a musket 
ball over the left eye and traced a furrow to tlie right, nearly 
around his head, coming out over his left ear. The surgeons 
declared that the wound was not necessarily dangerous. But 
the man insisted that the ball was in his brain, and the General 
says that he was hit in his " imagination, and in two weeks he 
died, not from the bullet, but from an idea in liis head." 
Possibly imagination had something to do with this mode of 
sickness. 

Wliile here we were brigaded with the Thirty-ninth Massa- 
chusetts, Twenty-third Maine, and Fourteenth New Hampshire 



24 

Regiments, and put under command of Brigadier-General 
Grover. These regiments were scattered about up and down 
the river, and thrown back into the country, guarding the cross- 
roads. 

On the thirteenth of November, General Grover having 
been assigned to a command destined for New Orleans, Colonel 
Davis of the Thirty-ninth Massachusetts, coming into the com- 
mand of the brigade, assembled all his regiments at Offut's 
Cross-Roads, within fifteen miles of Washington, where we 
remained until the twenty-first of December, doing little else 
except practice in company drill, take care of the sick, and bury 
the dead. 

The scourge of death which had been upon us at Seneca 
Creek followed us to this place, and twenty-five died in five 
weeks, although we were on high ground in the open field, well 
sheltered with tents, and under good police regulations. But 
many of the men were thoroughly disheartened, so many of 
their comrades had died ; many began to tliink that they were 
certainly doomed to the same fate. One-half of the officers 
were also sick, and some of them had become so completely 
discouraged that their usefulness was already at an end. 

The weather was cold and wet ; snow had fallen on the 
fifteenth of December, and was piled up in drifts twenty inches 
deep around the tents, but in three days was gone, so sudden 
were the changes. The climate was coquettish ; sometimes it 
smiled upon us and then it frowned. Little exercise could be 
taken, and the men had too much time to think of themselves ; 
perhaps they were too much disposed to magnify the evils of 
their condition, and too willing to conjure up the ghosts of 
misery. They had not yet learned to be soldiers, nor had they 
had the opportunity. 

The time soon came, however, when this cloud of despair, 
which sat visibly upon the faces of many, began to break away. 
It came about on Thanksgiving Day, which occurred that year 
in Vermont on the fourth of December, and of course at the 
same time in our camp, in Maryland. Some of the simplest and 
some of the most uncouth, or at least grotesque, amusements 
were the means of this change. All who were able to stand 




Cyf^<^/, (Dc/'i^Ut (^i/^-^a-na 



25 

engaged in some one of them, and from that hour began the 
improvement of om' sanitary condition. Every man's blood was 
stirred, and we soon learned that we had not forgotten how to 
laugh or to shout, and we did botli lustily. The day was charm- 
ingly beautiful, one of those golden Indian summer days, such 
as are frequently seen in the more southern of the Middle 
States, as late as December. 

The amusements began ])y a grand game of foot-ball, some 
participating in the game who had been off duty for a month, 
and who thought they might never again be tit for duty. One 
man in particular who had done nothing for several weeks but 
to attend surgeon's call and then return to his tent, to mope the 
days and weeks away, became conspicuous in the play. He 
came to Surgeon Rutherford's tent, having thought himself too 
weak to walk two hundred yards further on to the dispensary, 
wliere the sick in quarters were treated, and asked for a pre- 
scription. He came bent half double, leaning upon a stick, one 
of the most woc-begone looking creatures ever beheld. The sur- 
geon threw him down a foot-ball and told him to kick that. The 
fellow was amazed, and said that he could not do it. But he 
did, and before noon he was observed as a tolerably active 
soldier — alive and kicking as one might say. 

We had a foot race, and a shooting match with revolvers. 
Brevet Major H. W. Kingsley, of Rutland, won second prize in 
the foot race, and Corporal Christopher Rice, of the same place, 
the first. But the most grotesque thing of all was a hog race. 
Colonel Jewett and Lieutenant-Colonel Henry purchased a shoat 
weighing about two hundred and fifty pounds — a real razor-back 
racer, yet in very good condition. This shoat was thoroughly 
greased, and let loose for any man to catch who chose to enter the 
contest and run the risk of greasing himself. The man who should 
succeed in catching him, and should hold him, was to receive a 
bounty of one dollar, while the porker should belong to the 
company that furnished the successful pursuer. All things 
ready, away went the slushed pig and a hundred men shouting 
in pursuit, the rest looking and cheering on. At first the 
bristling quadruped was bewildered ; he appeared to think that 
they meant to drive him, and swine-like he stood at bay and 



26 

fjiced the noisy multitude. But he saw death in tlieir eyes, and 
away ho went on a race for life. Betting was brisk with odds 
on the pig. Two men led in the pursuit, and nothing daunted 
the rest pressed on, making up in shouts what they lacked 
in pace. Now one came so near as to clutch at liim ; down went 
the man sprawling on the ground, and off again went the greasy 
shoat. Soon he turned, as if to lead his pursuers in a circle. 
Alas ! it was a fatal turn, for that moment he was a dead hog. 
The foremost man struck him in the flank, and he rolled over, 
with his four pedal extremities erect in the air, all sanded 
for two men to grasp and hold firmly, which they did, both at 
the same time. 

The bounty was divided equally between the captors, and 
very soon the pig was in twain. One half went to Company F, 
and the other to Company A. But he was not eaten at onee, 
and it was currently reported that A stole F's half at night. 
Doubtless they preferred, as the vulgar expression is, to *' go the 
whole hog." 

After the racing was all over, the field and staff officers 
entertained the line officers at a Thanksgiving dinner in real 
New England style. We had roast turkey and phim pudding, 
vegetables, sauce and jellies. I doubt if the caterer can tell 
where they all came from. But it was home-like. Three ladies, 
wives of officers, then in camp, were present. The occasion was 
one to be remembered by all who participated in the sports of 
the day, or in any way observed this time-honored festival. 

Little else occurred in this camp which can be noticed here. 

On the night of the fifteenth of November, Colonel Davis, 
commanding the brigade, was warned of the approach of White's 
guerrillas, and he ordered off a company from each regiment to 
look after them. Company B was detailed from the Tenth, but 
soon returned. On the twenty-ninth Companies B, D and H, 
went to Rockville, on the same business, under command of 
Major Charles G. Chandler, who had just been promoted to the 
majority. On the twenty-first of December, the wliole brigade 
was marched to Poolcville, once a thriving village about thirty 
miles from Washington, but now somewhat depopulated, and 
showing everywhere the ravages of war. Uerc the Thirty- 



27 

ninth Massachusetts and the Fourteenth New Hampshire were 
encamped, while the Twenty-third JVIaine went below to picket 
the river, and the Tenth Vermont above to do the same duty. 

The Tenth Kegiment was divided into three divisions — the 
centre, with Companies C, E, H and I, stationed at White's 
Ford ; tlie right wing, Companies A, F and D, under command 
of Lieutenant-Colonel Henry, at the mouth of the Monocacy 
River, to guard the canal aqueduct passing over that stream ; 
and the left wing. Companies B, G and K, under the command 
of Major Chandler, at Conrad's Ferry. 

On the night of our arrival, cold, hungry and weary, it was 
reported that the rebels were crossing the river. Such a report 
disturbed us more in these days than ever afterwards, for the men 
had not yet seen a Confederate soldier. A troop of White's 
guerrillas no doubt had watched our movements and undertoolc 
to cross and surprise us ; but a heavy guard had already been 
sent down to the ford, under Captain Hunt, and the "jennies" 
discovered it in season to avoid the warm reception he was cau- 
tiously waiting to give them. 

Here we spent the remainder of the winter of 1862-3, 
guarding a line of the river five miles long, with little to vary 
the scene except such things as naturally suggest themselves to 
men in our situation. We visited from post to post, got 
acquainted with our neighbors, the inhabitants around us, and 
killed the time as best we could. The men made wooden pipes, 
of laurel and brier roots, some of which were quite ingeniously 
carved, and carried on quite a traffic in them with the smokers 
of the regiment. They also engaged in other light occupations, 
which other occupations were not altogether confined to the men. 
All who chose to do so, to the number that came within limits 
of special orders, went home on furlough. Most of the officers 
also went away for ten or twenty days at a time, on leave of 
absence. And so the time passed until the middle of April, not 
altogether unprofitably. All the books that could be found 
were thoroughly read. Shakespeare, of which a number of 
copies were in the regiment, had some improved readings. 
Homer's Iliad and Virgil's ^neid were also read by the North- 
ern soldier in his far-away camp on the Potomac. The Pay- 



28 

master — the best of all masters — came, and so long as tlie rebels 
came not, we were measurably content. Here a regimental 
church was formed. And not least, the old Belgium muskets 
were exchanged for the Springfield rifle. 

Here Colonel Jewett succeeded to the command of the 
brigade. But none of the troops were moved until the nine- 
teenth of April, when the brigade was again concentrated at 
Pooleville. Still some of the troops were scattered along the 
river in small detachments as before. Two companies of our 
regiment remained at White's Ford, under command of Captain 
Sheldon ; two at the mouth of the Monocacy, under command 
of Captain Piatt; and one. Captain John A. Salsbury'g, at Con- 
rad's Ferry. 

Soon after we came here the Thirty-ninth Massachusetts 
left the brigade and went to Wasliiugton, and was soon sent to 
Virginia. The Fourteenth New Hampshire also went to Wash- 
ington, and had what the men called a very soft time of it during 
the succeeding summer months. Only the Twenty-tliird Maine, 
the Tenth Massachusetts Battery, Captain Sleeper's, and one bat- 
talion of the Sixth Michigan Cavalry, under the command of 
Major Kenyon, remained with us. We encamped a short dis- 
tance from the village of Pooleville, and named the camp in 
honor of the general officer commanding the defenses of Wash- 
ington — Heintzelman. 

Around this camp cluster some of the pleasantest memories 
of our iTiilitary experience. It was a beautiful place. We found 
the citizens kind neighbors, and we were here during tlie most 
delightful season of the year. Few men were sick and tlieir 
duties were light, and the Paymaster came often. The hazy 
atmosphere that marks the spring and fall of that climate was 
in most agreeable contrast with our own more northern latitude, 
and though possessing less vitality, the light winds bore up the 
fragrance of green and flowering fields and budding woods, 
while now they whispered none other than messages of peace. 
We were yet strangers to war, and for four mouths life was one 
heyday of listless, almost idle, pleasure. Only once were we 
jostled out of our equanimity. 



29 

On the night of the eleventh of June, two hundred and 
fifty of the enemy's cavalry crossed the river at Muddy Branch, 
came up to Seneca Lock, and surprised a troop of the Sixth 
Michigan Cavalry, belonging to our command, drove tlieni away, 
burned their camp and pursued them to Seneca Mills, a distance 
of a mile or more, when Captain Dean, in command of the 
squad, with less than thirty men, disputed their passage of the 
bridge over the creek at that place. A part of the rebels finally 
crossed the stream below the mills, and the brave band was 
routed, after killing six of the enemy, two of their officers, and 
losing four of their own men. The rest succeeded in getting 
away, and came foaming into headquarters about four o'clock in 
the morning. The command was immediately turned out to 
meet the enemy, should he venture further. But he came no 
further, and we soon ascertained that ho had recrossed the 
river and gone the way he came. But he lurked on the oppo- 
site bank for several days, and we did not know but the days of 
our peace were numbered. Well we might think so. These 
rough riders were a part of J. E. B. Stewart's command, leading 
Lee's advance into Maryland and Bennsylvania. 

We had heard of the battle of Beverly Ford, on the Rap- 
pahannock, by General Pleasanton, on the fourth instant. We 
soon heard of Milroy's tardy and disastrous retreat from Win- 
chester, on the fifteenth, and knew, with all the world, that the 
whole Confederate army was far to the north of us, Now tlie 
advance of the Army of the Potomac from Falmouth, in pursuit, 
made its appearance at Edwards Ferry. Some of us went over 
there, and heard from the lips of the soldiers the stories of Fred- 
ericksburg and Chancellorsville. Every man of the regiment, I 
doubt not, though measurably secure in the defences of Washing- 
ton, and not called upon to endure the trials incident to operations 
in the field, longed to join the glorious army and go with his 
comrades to meet the invading foe. Willingly would they leave 
this place, dismiss this quiet, and march shoulder to shoulder with 
the army that had done so much to deserve the gratitude of the 
nation. Those who had been our neighbors at home, now in 
other regiments from the State, had distinguished themselves in 
a score of battles, while we had been almost idle on the north 



30 

bank of the Potomac, and had not as yet confronted the sterner 
realities of war. There was no disgrace in all this, for we were 
soldiers of the Union and did what the Government required of 
of us, but had the question, whether we would go with this army 
to its hardships and, we hoped, victories, been for us to decide, we 
would have decided to go. But the question was not left for us 
to decide, nor were we long kept in suspense. 

While in this camp, there occurred what might be called 
an episode, if incidents contrasted with, or such as are apart from, 
the ordinary routine of camp life may be considered episodical. 
A detachment under a corporal or a corporal's guard had been 
kept at Seneca Lock, on the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal, almost 
continuously during the stay of troops in this vicinity. Corporal 
Frank B. Swan of Company C had frequently been sent to this 
post in command of the squad and he seemed to court the oppor- 
tunity of abiding in that malarious neighborhood. Indeed he 
had oftentimes been seen at the lock-keeper's house, the usual 
headquarters of the detail, when not on duty, without an appar- 
ent motive for being there. But a few weeks disclosed the bright 
young man's preference for that particular post and also the 
object of his ostensible visits to the old lock-man's house. He 
had become acquainted with a very attractive and prepossessing 
young lady, Miss Mary Gaster, a relative of the family from the 
interior of Maryland. She has no fear of the " Northern 
vandal." She does not care if 

" The despot's heel is on thy shore, 
Maryland!" 

Nor did she want to " burst the tyrant's chains," notwitli- 
standing Mr. James R. Randal's passionate appeal in his fervid 
song, My Maryland, and " Virginia " might " call in vain." 

Thus matters moved on until she did so far yield to Mr. 
Randal's inspiration as to 

" Hark to ioand'ring soti's appeal 
For life and death ; for woe and weal." 

They were married on the 14th of June, 1863, by the 
Chaplain, in the presence of their friends, General Henry, Sur- 
geon Childe and Captain John A. Sheldon being witnesses of 
the ceremony. 




^f/. (Z/V^'^/'. ycc^-n-ft C^ '^a.-u^f-c'ty. 



31 

This alliance, giving- promise at the time, in the congenial 
temperaments of the contracting parties, of happiness for years 
to come, had more than one tragic ending. 

Corporal Swan soon left his bride in Washington and 
joined his regiment in the Virginia campaign of 1864 ; he went 
through all the battles of the Wilderness and around to Peters- 
burgh, unhurt — was transferred with the troops that joined 
General Sheridan's army in the Shenandoah Valley, was with 
the regiment in the battles of Winchester and Fisher's Hill, but 
at last vanished in the battle of Cedar Creek, Oct. 19th, 1864, 
and that terribly vague expression " missing " has hung over his 
name ever since. 

Years after, Mrs. Swan, Frank's mother, applied for a pen- 
sion on the ground that she was dependent for support upon a 
son who was killed during the civil war, meaning Corporal 
Swan, whoso marriage has just been described. Of course, the 
fact that this son was married debarred her claim for a pension, 
but when she applied for it she swore that her son had never 
been married, either not knowing it or thinking it made no dif- 
ference if he had been. It was proved, however, that she did 
know of it and kept it from her agent here in Rutland, and told 
her attorney, Mr, George E. Lemon of Washington, that the 
case was all right. 

In 1882 a pension of $8 a month was granted her and arrears 
amounting to about $1,600 — in all she drew $2,200 before the 
unlawfulness of the claim was discovered. 

She was prosecuted and confronted by General W. W. 
Henry and Captain John A. Sheldon, who were present and saw 
Chaplain Haynes perform the ceremony. Mrs. Swan declares 
that she has done nothing wrong and still believes that she is 
entitled to the pension. But if the case is not already settled 
with the Government, she will be obliged to refund the amount 
of money thus obtained or suffer imprisonment for a term of 
years. 



32 



CHAPTER III. 

WE received orders from General Hooker, on the twenty- 
second of June, directing us to report at once at Harper's 
Ferry. We immediately prepared to march, and on the even- 
ing of the twenty-fourth moved away from Camp Heintzelraan 
and this part of Maryland forever. 

The place had become endeared to us by many pleasant 
memories and some very agreeable associations. Man}' of the 
(dtizens came out to bid us farewell, and some, no doubt, to bid 
us fare-ill — glad to see the form of a Union soldier only in 
retreat, or in death. As we passed the house of one, Mr. Pleas- 
ant, a Quaker family, and of Mr. Trundel, a Roman Catholic 
family, old and young bid us tearful adieux. The doors and 
hearts of these families had ever been open to us. The Tenth 
Vermont, and members of other Union regiments, too, were ever 
made welcome, and while partaking of their hospitality and 
sharing tlieir friendship, we forgot the privations of the camp. 
At the house of the former, the wife of one of our non-commis- 
sioned officers, Frank B. Davis, was a long time sick, and she 
died there. She was a most kind-hearted and exemplary young 
woman. She came to visit her husband in the fall of 1862, but 
the exposures of camp life overcame her naturally frail consti- 
tution, and she died in the following May. During the winter 
of our stay in that vicinity, Mr. Trundel died. In his sickness 
our surgeons often attended him, and were unremitting in their 
efforts to mitigate his sufferings, and the family was very kindly 
disposed toward all members of the regiment. To leave them 
was like parting with friends. They told us we should never 
return, for no regiment going up to Harper's Ferry, and so off 
to join tlie Army of the Potomac, ever came back again. They 
told the truth. Whatever may be the c^hanges we shall all meet 
in life, and whithersoever we may be led by a mysterious and 
wise Providence, though many of our friends in Maryland were 



33 

once our enemies, we shall all remember with gratitude and 
affection the family of Jesse Trundel. 

We readied Harper's Ferry on the morning of the twenty- 
sixth, and went into camp on Maryland Heights. We were 
halted for the first day upon a narrow plateau half way up the 
mountain, but were afterwards sent up near the summit, where 
the ground was so steep that we had to cling to the bushes to 
keep from rolling down. Here we lay four days, and it rained 
all the time. 

Maryland Heights were very strongly fortified. There 
were two or three forts and several batteries of large guns ; one 
sat upon the summit, where, like a dog upon his master's door- 
step, it guarded the country for miles around. The garrison 
consisted of the Sixth New York Heavy Artillery, One Hun- 
dred and Fifty-first New York, Tenth Vermont, Sixth Michigan, 
a part of the Fourteenth New Jersey, and detachments of regi- 
ments and fragments of batteries from the unfortunate command 
of General Milroy — in all perhaps ten thousand troops. Briga- 
dier-General Tyler was in command, but was very soon super- 
seded by Major General French. While here. General Hooker 
came to Harper's Ferry, — just then from Ohancellorsville, and 
as he said, fighting the War Department eighteen hours out of 
the twenty-four, and the rebels the other six. He wanted this 
force to join his army; General Halleck refused; and just 
below, at Sandy Hook, is pointed out the place where General 
Hooker wrote to General Halleck, asking to be relieved from 
the command of tlic Army of the Potomac. His request was 
granted and Major-General George G. Meade assumed command 
the next day at Frederick. 

Maryland Heights were evarmated on the 30th of June. The 
forts were dismantled, and the ordnance stores sent to Washin<rton. 
A magazine of one of the forts was accidentally blown up, with 
a terrific explosion, scattering fragments of shell and the d^ibris 
of the works far around. A large quantity of ammunition was 
destroyed, a score of men from the Sixth Maryland were killed ; 
some of them were skinned alive ; others were thrown with 
fearful velocity over the brow of the mountain, and hurled down 

(3) 



34 

the cliffs, masses of broken bones and bruised flesh. Pieces of 
flying timbers, iron and stone, came down among us, as we stood 
in column ready to move off, near enough to be shaken by the 
shock, and enveloped in the settling smoke and cinders. An 
hour later we were off for Frederick. 

At Frederick we were brigaded with the Sixth New York 
Heavy Artillery, One Hundred and Fifty -first New York, and 
Fourteenth New Jersey Infantry, under the command of Briga- 
dier-General Morris, and attached to a division commanded by 
Major-General French. 

Next day (July 2d) we were detached temporarily and sent 
with the Tenth Massachusetts Battery and a battalion of the 
Fourteenth Massachusetts Infantry, all commanded Ity Colonel 
Jewett, to Monocacy Junction, to guard the railroad bridge, 
while the rest of the brigade went to Boonsboro' Gap, and the 
army was fighting at Gettysburg. 

On the fourth, we again joined the division at Crampton's 
Gap, near South Mountain, whither it had been moved during 
our absence. Wc lay here three or four days, and a part of the 
regiment under the command of Captain John A. Salsbury was 
detailed to guard a number of rebel prisoners and take them to 
Baltimore. There were a thousand or more, sick and wounded, 
with ambulances and baggage wagons, being an escort sent 
from Gettysburg toward Richmond, and captured by Kilpat- 
i-ick in Pennsylvania. Dirty looking men they were, the first 
Confederate prisoners we had seen. Some of them were 
badly wounded and in a dying condition. It was with a sort of 
pleasure, although mingled with pity, that our men marched 
them off", such as could move, to the depot, where they put them 
aboard the cars with the sick and wounded, and took them to 
Baltimore. 

On the eighth, Major-General French was assigned to the 
command of the Third Army Corps, late General Sickles', and 
the troops taken from Harper's Ferry were attached to that corps 
as its Third Division, commanded by Brigadier-General Elliott. 
Our brigade was the first of this division, and Brigadier-General 
Morris its commander. 



35 

Prior to this our regiment and the regiments with us in the 
brigade had acted in a somewliat independent command. Col- 
onel Jewett commanded the brigade and his staff was composed 
mostly of ofHcers from his own regiment ; and military duties 
had seemed very simple at the posts held by us, and hampered 
or controlled by few orders from Washington. We had been a 
little army by ourselves, with little to do, more serious than to 
guard against remote possibilities of attack, and against the treach- 
ery of the inhabitants. But a change had now come, and to render 
our own movements more intelligible, and this record less pre- 
tentious, our history, from this point, must partake more of a 
general character, and the movements of those parts of the army 
with which our regiment was associated and by which affected, 
as well as the causes thereof, must be partially described. 

Following, therefore, the plan thus indicated, the operations 
of the army in Virginia and Maryland immediately succeeding 
tlie 3d of July, 1863, should at least have a partial record in 
these pages. 

The Battle of Gettysburg was fought on the fii-st, second 
and third of July, 1863, while we lay at the Monocacy bridge, 
near Frederick City. We therefore took no part in that terri- 
ble conflict, though we were guarding the left flank, or at least, 
important points on the left flank and in the rear of the army 
that did fight and win the battle. On the ninth we joined the 
Army of the Potomac, and marched with it as a part of one of 
its most efficient corps, seven miles towards the enemy ; next 
day, moved three miles further, or rather ten miles to get three, 
and encamped in line of battle near Boonsboro'. Next morn- 
ing, Sunday, July 12th, the troops were ordered to prepare for 
an immediate attack upon the enemy ; the order stated that the 
General commanding the army intended an attack. Some his- 
torians of the war declare that no general attack was ordered 
by General Meade after he left Gettysburg, until after Lee was 
over the river. This is not a history of the war, and will not 
presume to settle the question ; but certain it is that Colonel 
Jewett received an order or a circular, informing him that an 
attack would be made, and the whole division advanced and 
maneuvered for more than two hours, and was then drawn back 



36 

to a wheat field near the place we had taken np the night 
before. 

Strange as it may seem, there was much opposition in onr 
ranks to commencing a battle on Sunday. Men said that no 
battle had proved successful to the attacking party when com- 
menced on that day, in the whole experience of the army. 
Some who ought to know have affirmed that this is universally 
true, and that the whole history of military records is not suf- 
licient to disprove this observation. It is doubtful, however, if 
this conclusion can be established. At any rate, rough-speaking, 
irreligious men, who were not afraid to fight at any time, did 
not want a battle begun in earnest at an hour the nation deemed 
to be holy time. We did not fight. The whole division lay in 
this field through the remainder of this day and the next. On 
the fourteenth we were put in line of battle again, three hun- 
dred yards in front of the camp, on the margin of a piece of 
woods, where we stood several hours, in plain view of tlie ene- 
my's entrenchments, and then advanced hurriedly, past the 
enemy's deserted position, to within four miles of Williamsport. 
We stayed here only one night, and without yet seeing the 
enemy. They had all gone over the river. Of the splendid 
army that left Virginia to invade Maryland and Pennsylvania 
with such high hopes and promises of victory and its spoils, 
many thousands never saw their sunny homes again, and other 
thousands returned with wounds that told the story of useless 
valor, never more to join their comrades in battle. 

General Lee, in all of his dispatches from the field to the 
so-called Confederate Government, studiously ignores his defeat 
at Gettysburg. In his letter to Jefferson Davi», dated the 4th 
of July, he speaks of the blow that sent one-half of his army 
staggering back to Seminary Ridge as follows : " On the 2d of 
July Longstreet's corps, with the exception of one division, liav- 
ing arrived, we attempted to dislodge the enemy and thougli we 
gained some ground, we were unable to get possession of his 
position. The next day, the third division of General Long- 
street having come up, a more extensive attack was made. The 
works on his extreme right and left were taken, but his num- 
bers were so great and his position so commanding that our 




C^^ J^e.,^e B. Qf-e/c/.. 



37 

troops were compelled to relinquish their advantage and retire." 
Of the enforced and humiliating abandonment of all that he had 
lioped from liis scheme of Northern invasion he says : " Finding 
the position too strong to be carried, and much hindered in col- 
lecting necessary supplies for the army by the numerous bodies 
of local and other troops which watched the passes, I determined 
to withdraw." 

In his general report of the entire campaign northward, 
dated July 31st, when the whole Confederacy was groaning 
under the fearful disaster of the 3d, he speaks of it in terms so 
moderate that one would scarcely suppose there had been a bat- 
tle at Gettysburg, or that his army had anywhere met with 
serious opposition. 

Still, in his sore defeat, never did the fortunes of war 
smile more propitiously upon the vanquished, than upon this 
occasion of General Lee's escape into Virginia. The Union 
army before him and on either flank in as great strength as 
it was when it had hurled him from Seminary Ridge forty- 
eight hours before — encumbered with his trains, short of 
animals and of ammunition for his artillery, embarrassed by tlie 
large number of his wounded — a demoralized army with pre- 
carious means of subsistence and a swollen and impassable river 
behind him, had General Meade attacked him, he would have 
been thrown into confusion and could not have escaped. Above 
all things he feared this attack ; and had made up his mind to 
hazard everything in defending his enforced position should ho 
be assailed. lie paroled 3,500 Union prisoners and all the 
wounded that had fallen into his hands in the three days battles ; 
threw up such hasty entrenchments as he could, placed his shat- 
tered divisions behind them and fearfully awaited the Federal 
advance. But it never came — at least not until the flood had 
rolled away and the enemy had safely crossed to the south side 
of the Potomac, Then began a race for the passes in the Blue 
E,idge. 

If, in view of this condition of the enemy, it were deemed 
necessary to account for the movements of General Meade, 
immediately succeeding the battle of Gettysburg, it might be 
remembered that he had just been raised from the position of 



38 

chief of one of its corps to that of command of the Army of the 
Potomac, and at a most critical period, both in its history and 
in the campaign then in progress. He was not fairly seated in 
his saddle before there had been thrust upon him one of the 
fiercest and most important contests of the war. In this he had 
njastered his antagonist and won a great victory, as all the 
world knew ; but no one could imagine how heavily the blow 
had fallen upon the enemy. General Meade did not know at 10 p. 
M. on the 4th, whether Lee had retreated or was maneuvering for 
other purposes. He was naturally very anxious to retain the 
advantages already gained and to further damage his adversary 
as much as possible. 

Not the least of his solicitude was the needs of his own 
troops. He required supplies and ammunition, and time " to rest 
the army, worn out by long marches and three days' hard fight- 
ing." Certainly he was not entirely free from embarrassments. 

On the fifth he sent out a reconnaisance to ascertain what 
the intentions of the enemy were, and it was then known that 
the whole Confederate army had retreated ; he had gone by way 
of Fairfield Gap and Cashtowu and was well out toward tlie 
Potomac. 

On the sixth General Sedgwick, with the Sixth Corps 
and a brigade of cavalry, was sent in pursuit, and went as far as 
the village of Fairfield, but he found a large force of the enemy 
in the formidable pass just beyond the town, and did not deem 
it prudent to make an assault. He therefore, with the excep- 
tion of the cavalry and Neill's brigade of infantry, joined in the 
general movement of the army to the left toward South Moun- 
tain, Middletown and Frederick. 

On the tenth it was ascertained that the enemy occupied 
entrenched positions, from the Potomac near Falling Waters, 
running through Downsville to Funkstown and to the north- 
west of Hagerstown. In this vicinity and along the Williams- 
port pike, General Meade had determined to fight another bat- 
tle, and he thought that here " one of the decisive battles of the 
war " would be fought. And he adds in a dispatch to the Gen- 
eral-in-Chief : " In view of its momentous consequences I desire 



39 

to adopt such measures as, in my judgment, will tend to insure 
success, though these may be deemed tardy." 

The following abstract of a report of General Meade to 
General Halleck, on the 14th of July, 1863, will show the result 
of all the operations of the Army of the Potomac during the 
first ten days subsequent to our incorporation into that splendid 
body of veteran troops. 

" On advancing my army this morning with a view of ascer- 
taining the exact position of the enemy and attacking him if the 
result of the examination should justify me, I found on reaching 
his lines that they were evacuated." 

We saw these not very formidable rifle-pits, more incensed 
than surprised that they were empty, for there were few men in 
the ranks who did not know that Lee was trying to get away 
and that he should not have been suffered to escape without 
another battle ; and by whomsoever the blame may at last be 
shared, this will be the final verdict of history. 

The next day we had a cruel march from Williamsport to 
Sharpsburg. The distance may not be over fifteen miles, but 
we accomplished it in three or four hours. It was a terribly 
hot day — a kind of oppressive, sickly heat — to begin with, over 
muddy and slippery roads, and finally the sun came out, scorch- 
ing, blinding hot. A large number of the men fell out by the 
way, overcome and exhausted ; many suffered from sunstroke, 
and some died in consequence. It is reported that twenty 
men thus died from the Third Corps. Our brigade came to a 
halt just beyond Sharpsburg, about two o'clock p. m., with 
scarcely a good-sized battalion. Some of the companies could 
not make a stack of muskets ; the rest were scattered by the 
way, under the shadow of fences, by the banks of some cool 
stream ; many suffering with blistered and galled feet, and 
others dying, half way back to Williamsport. The Sixth New 
York, taken from the fortifications at Harper's Ferry two weeks 
before, came into camp with only the color guard. 

But we cannot follow this army and note its steps from day 
to day. We crossed the Potomac and Shenandoah rivers on the 
night of the seventeenth, at Harper's Ferry and Berlin, and passed 
over into the Loudon Valley. The Third Corps marched by 



40 

Snickersvillc, Lovctsville, Upperville, Union and Sulem, to War- 
renton. At Piedmont Station our regiment was detailed to guard 
an ammunition train, while the rest of the corps, all of which 
had been hastened on from Ashby's Gap, were sent up into 
Manassas Gap, where a rebel force had taken up a strong posi- 
tion, and, as was supposed, threatened to come down upon us. 
The First Division, General Birney's, pushed through tlie Gap 
and attacked; but one brigade, General Spinola's, did most of 
the lighting. We were a mile away, in plain view of the fight, 
guarding the train. On this detour our men and horses suffered 
terribly for want of food and forage. Some of the men 
were out or rations, and were known to offer the lucky com- 
rade, who had not exhausted his supply, a dollar apiece for 
hard tack. There never was a more destitute and barren place. 
We were near the village of Markham, on the Manassas Gap Kail- 
road, but it was a perfect Ilorcb, with no prophet near to com- 
nuind the supplies we needed. In default of rations the men 
confiscated large quantities of honey from several apiaries in the 
neighborhood. 

Quite an amusing incident connected with honey foraging 
occurred during the one night of our stay in this place. Some 
men were bringing into camp a hive of bees, and in passing near 
Captain Piatt of Company F, who lay asleep in his blankets, 
they stumbled and spilled the entire contents of the hive over 
his head and chest. The Captain sprang up, somewhat startled 
by this unceremonious disturbance of his midnight slumbers, but 
it was soon quite evident by the expletives that fell from his lips, 
that fear was not the chief of his trouble. Perhaps his singular 
appearance might account for, if it did not excuse, tlie violence 
of his language. He made night hideous by his vigorous appeals 
for the arrest of his accidental tormentors ; but they never were 
discovered, although the Captain had plenty of honey for his 
breakfast next morning. 

The field and staff mess at one time seemed to be as much 
favored as were the children of Israel in the desert, when such 
an abundance of quails were driven into their camp. We 
obtained what appeared to be a fine fowl and some eggs, l)ut the 
purchase turned out to be an old setting hen and her nest of 



41 

eggs, quite unpalatable from age. After boiling her from tlie 
going down of the sun to the rising thereof, she was then too 
tough for eating. 

It was now the 23d of July; on the 26th we reached War- 
renton, a beautiful old town, embowered amidst great arching 
elms ; it must have been a thriving place before the war, but it 
was now somewhat dilapidated. We marched through the place 
with flags flying, and bands playing the " Star Spangled Ban- 
ner " and " Yankee Doodle." Tiie inhabitants that still 
remained, mostly a few old men, and women of all ages, looked 
sad and sorrowful, and were very poorly clad. Some young 
ladies, dressed in rusty black, no doubt for some brother or 
lover, looked the very picture of despair. Others with some 
cheap attempt at style in their dress, had an appearance of con- 
tempt and defiant scorn of Yankees that was really refreshing. 
The colored people danced to our music and sang for joy, shout- 
ing, " Massa Linkum's sojers hab cum agin. Old massa say all 
killed up to Gettumsburg. Golly ! guess 'nough left yet." 

Two miles beyond the town we halted five days, pitched 
^nr tents in a pine wood, and restecf joyfully in the shade. We 
had been marching in the hot sun, and the rains that seemed hot, 
every day since the battle of Gettysburg, pushing up into the 
mountain gaps expecting to fight the retreating rebels if they 
could possibly be overtaken. No man should say even at this 
day, that they were not pursued with the uttermost vigor and 
determination. True, along the mountain range, between the 
armies moving in parallel lines in the same direction, were many 
gaps, through which armies had passed; but because they were 
moving in the same direction, and making about the same time, 
rendered an attack from either side extremely difficult. As, for 
instance, at Manassas Gap, before referred to : a force of the 
enemy appeared there, and the Third Corps was sent to drive 
them out, while the whole army was halted two days. It turned 
out afterwards that a brigade of Ewell's men were holding the 
Gap so that we might not venture up and look through to see 
the rear guard of the Confederate army hurrying past. This 
give Lee an opportunity to pass most of his army through Ches- 
ter Gap to the south of us, and assemble near Culpeper Court 



42 

House and so maintain his communications with Richmond and 
prepare for another campaign, or make a dash for Wasliiugtou. 
The latter move he eventually made. 

If General Meade had been censured because he did not 
bring General Lee to an engagement before he got behind the 
Potomac river, no one could complain of the energy of his pur- 
suit. Still, a river between opposing armies is not so difficult 
as a range of mountains, with numerous defensible passes. The 
place, both for the commander of the Army of the Potomac and 
the Government for the display of masterful energy, was on the 
Williamsport pike near Hagerstown on the 12th of July, or, at 
the latest, the 13th. Our march now became less hurried. The 
necessity for speed had passed. The army needed rest. 

But the summer campaign was at an end, and we had only 
stopped here while those whose business it was could look out a 
suitable position for observing the movements of the enemy, and 
also to threaten his position about Culpeper Court House, while 
the army gathered up its strength for another struggle later on. 

On the 1st of August we moved away, and the Tenth took 
position at Eout's Hill, about two miles from the famous Sul- 
phur Springs, and about the same distance from Bealtou Sta- 
tion, on the Orange & Alexandria Railroad. The army stretched 
from Sulphur Springs to Kelly's Ford, on the Rappahannock. 
Our duties were light. Detatchments only were sent out to 
guard Fox's Ford, abreast of our part of the line. Here our 
men said that they fought one of the most sanguinary battles of 
the war — with mosquitos ; but they gave us no trouble in camp. 

For five weeks we lay in tliis position, apparently idle, but 
the forces that create and strengthen armies were not idle. The 
sick and exhausted by long marches, and those slightly wounded 
in battle were all recovering. The convalescents in and around 
the hospitals at Washington and throughout the Free States 
were crowded out by the wounded borne in from the field of 
Gettysburg, and sent to fill the ranks that that terrible conflict 
had decimated. Recruiting was actively going on in all the 
Northern States. 

Colonel Jowett, Captains Hunt and Sheldon, Adjutant 
Lyman, and several enlisted men, left the regiment on the 28th 



43 

of July, and were away more than two months, gathering those 
recruits in Vermont, and forwarding them to the various regi- 
ments in the field. Large numbers of officers belonging to 
other States were also away on this duty, many on sick leave, 
and some on leave of absence. Indeed, so many were away 
that Lieutenant-Colonels and Majors commanded brigades. Lieu - 
tenant-Colonel Henry, of the Tenth, commanded our brigade 
at this place for several days. The men were recovering from 
the effects of exhausting marches, exposure and short rations, 
gaining strength and increasing somewhat in numbers. 

Here the regiment was paid off. The sutler came and 
immediately returned, for his stock was exhausted in an hour. 
The men drew clothing, overcoats and blankets, many of which 
had been thrown away or lost in the toilsome marches of July ; 
a supply of shoes was issued, and such ordnance stores as were 
needed. 

The 6th of August was special Thanksgiving Day, appointed 
by the President on account of the recent victories at Gettys- 
burg, Vicksburg and Port Huron. 

On the 7th of September, the Third Corps was reviewed 
by General Meade. All reviews are mere scenic displays. 
This was a splendid corps, and as such the exhibition was good. 
Our division made a striking appearance in contrast with some 
of the older ones. It was large, and most of the men had seen 
little service except marching and reviews. In their now blue 
uniforms and shining muskets, with full ranks and splendid drilL 
it was not strange that General French should have felt proud of 
U6, or that some of the older soldiers, who had seen harder and 
much longer service, should have called us "French's pets." 
None of the regiments of our brigade had yet fought a battle, 
although all of them had been a year in the field ; they had often 
been put in line of battle, with skirmishers thrown out — had as 
good as looked death in the face a score of times — but the order, 
stern as fate, Advance^ had never yet in those thrillingly ex- 
pectant moments been given. Hence our ranks were full. The 
Tenth had nearly nine hundred men, the One Hundred and Fif- 
ty-first New York as many more, the Fourteenth New Jersey 
eight hundred, and the Sixth New York had eleven hundred. A 



44: 

brigade in the field at that period of the war was considered 
hirge if it numbered two thousand men. Ours had near four 
thousand. Other corps were also reviewed about this time. It 
all meant another onward movement, and it soon comii»enced. 
At this time the enemy held what was called the " line of the 
Rapidan," with his cavalry thrown forward at the fords and over 
the river. The Union army was on the north bank of the Rap- 
pahannock. 

Our cavalry crossed the latter stream on the thirteenth, and 
were immediately engaged by J. E. 13. Stuart in strong force, 
whom they drove back and pushed over the llapidan, capturing 
three guns and many prisoners, but found it impossible to force 
the passflge of that river. On the fifteenth the rest of the army 
moved, and next night all were between the two rivers, while the 
enemy lay just across the Rapidan. Our brigade, after march- 
ing three or four miles in the wrong direction, and wandering 
about half of the night, crossed at Freeman's Ford. Next day, 
after marching a short distance in column, we formed in line of 
battle, and so advanced three miles, when we halted, still pre- 
serving this formation, on the Springville and Culpeper pike, 
two miles southwest of Culpeper. We supposed that we were 
to stay here only till our position could be reconnoitered in 
front, and then move on or prepare for defense, as the case might 
be. It finally turned out to have been the purpose of General 
Meade to move over the Rapidan at once, and there offer battle, 
or follow the enemy should he decline. But while preparing to 
do so, the War Department ordered him to detach the Eleventh 
and Twelfth Corps, in order that they might be sent to Chatta- 
nooga, to aid General Rosecrans, who had just fought with par- 
tial ill success the battle of Chickamauga. This no doubt sus- 
pended the proposed advance, and we stayed here twenty-three 
days, were paid for the months of July and August, and put our- 
selves into comfortable shape, building shanties of boards and 
fire-places of stones and sods, thinking possibly that we might 
spend the winter here. It was with remarkable facility that the 
men would build themselves comfortable al)ode8. There was a 
large barn near by, almost in the midst of our camp, and several 
smaller ones not far away, and they were all speedily torn down 



45 

and constructed into walls, floors and bunks for the soldiers' 
cabins. Marvelonsly sudden would these barns, and even houses, 
disappear, when the men thought they had a right to them. 
Rail fences tnet with the same fate ; each man would take a rail 
and the fence was gone. Many a time have we seen fifty rods 
vanish as quickly as one man could pick up a rail, or as quickly 
as five or six men could remove one length of fence. Let 
an army corps halt in a forty-acre lot, enclosed with a 
wooden fence, and twenty minutes later the rails would be in 
afthes and in embers, and twenty thousand men drinking coffee 
that had been cooked by the fire they had made. 

On the 10th of October the troops were suddenly called to 
arms by the beating of the long roll, ordered out of their quar- 
ters and advanced in line of battle a mile in front of the camp. 
They were soon summoned back, however, and ordered to " pack 
up." We then moved about three miles to the south and left, 
marching very slowly and cautiously, and at dark halted in the 
edge of a piece of woods, three miles to the left of our camp. 
At nine o'clock same evening we were ordered out again, witii 
instructions to move behind the line we had occupied for three 
weeks, but the order was soon suspended till four o'clock next 
morning. It turned out to be a retreat of the whole army, and 
we retraced our steps to Freeman's Ford, acting as rear guard. 
Out division skirmished with the enemy while going doggedly 
back, and once or twice the whole corps was formed into line of 
battle, so close did the enemy follow. Crossing the river, we 
passed near Warrenton, through Greenwich, down past Bristow 
Station, across the plains of Manassas up nearly to the heights 
of Centreville. This retreat evidently was a race between the 
two armies for the position we gained first. It was taken for 
the most part deliberately. Only for one day did there seem to 
be a forced march ; then we made a march of forty miles, mov- 
ing at four o'clock in the morning and finally halting at twelve 
o'clock, midnight. This day's march proved conclusively the 
vastly superior endurance of men over animals. Of course, most 
of the men were excessively weary, but the draft animals and 
horses ridden by the officers were utterly exhausted. 



46 

This day came very near being a serious one in another respect. 
About noon, while General French was riding along the pike, 
near Warrenton, at the head of his corps, accompanied by his 
staff and some of his division and brigade commanders with a 
number of mounted orderlies, a detachment of the enemy's cav- 
alry daslied up and discharged several volleys directly into 
their faces, killing several orderlies and wounding others. 
Sleeper's Battery, Tenth Massachusetts, close at hand, and the 
Tenth Vermont, were ordered up at once, and a few rounds 
from the battery soon dispersed them. The old General did not 
budge an inch, but sat on his horse when we passed him, brush- 
ing away the bullets with his hand as he would have brushed 
away flies, saying to us, " Shoot 'em, damn 'em, shoot 'em !" 

Not yet quite sure, it seems, that the rebel army was all in 
pursuit, the Second, Fifth and Sixth Corps were sent back across 
the Rappahannock that very day, as far as Brandy Station, and 
Buford's Cavalry as far as Culpeper, to watch its movements. 
On tlie same day, Lee crossed in heavy force at Sulphur Springs 
and Waterloo, and headed his columns towards Warrenton and 
Manassas. Both retreat and pursuit became a little more earn- 
est. On the fourteenth, the Third Corps, after marching from 
Greenwich to within four or five miles of Centreville, just across 
Broad Eun, which the men waded waste deep, about four o'clock, 
as we supposed we were going into camp for the night, we were 
startled by heavy firing in the rear. It was from A. P. Hill's 
corps, as we afterwards learned, that had that morning marched 
from Warrenton, and had fallen into the rear of our corps, and 
thus summoned us to about face. But General Warren, com- 
manding the Second Corps, covering the retreat that day, and 
being considerably behind upon a road leading obliquely into 
the one we were pursuing, at that moment came upon Hill's 
rear near Catlett's Station. Hill had got between the Second 
and Third Corps, but as soon as he discovered General Warren 
behind iiim immediately turned about to pay his compliments to 
General Warren. Of course everybody was surprised, and there 
was a spirited engagement for two hours. We were at once 
about faced and moved back at a double quick towards the scene 
of action. But the gallant Warren did not need our help. Hill 



47 

was badly worsted, and tlie battle of Bristow Station was fought 
and won before we reached the iield. General Warren captured 
in this engagement five pieces of artillery and four hundred and 
lifty prisoners. 

The pursuit was at an end. 

On the 15th of October the army remained in position 
at and around Centreville ; the enemy was at Broad Kun. 
Between these lines there was considerable skirmishing between 
the enemy's cavalry and artillery and the Second Corps at 
Blackburn's Ford, and the Third Corps at Liberty Mills. 

Lee retreated on the nineteenth and it became our turn to 
pursue. He took the line of the Orange & Alexandria Rail- 
road, and destroyed every foot of it from Bristow to the Rappa- 
hannock. Stonewall Jackson had taught him and us how to 
make this work of destruction complete. A regiment or bri- 
gade, sometimes, perhaps, a division, would take their stand along 
one side of the track, hand to hand, and then, with one strong pull 
altogether, they would turn a mile of the track upside down at once. 
They would then knock off the sleepers, pile them up cob-house 
fashion, balance the rails across them and set fire to the wood. 
The rails thus becoming heated in the middle, would bend of their 
own weight, and thus become useless. The rebels amused 
themselves by twisting some of the iron around trees, fairly 
hooping some of them with it, where we found it when the 
advance was made. 

This road was immediately put in repair. Heavy details 
were made from the Tenth, as from other regiments, to cut 
sleepers, put thera down, and re-lay the track. Officers without 
much experience in railroad building superintended the work. 
While doing this the army was moved frequently, and short 
distances at a time. The weather was cold, and no quarters 
could be made comfortable before we were obliged to leave 
them. It was doubtless all necessary, and, as the men used to 
say, " all in the three years." 

In nineteen days we had built thirty miles of railroad, 
extending from Bristow Station to Warrenton Junction. 

After the unsuccessful result of the enemy's flank move- 
ment to attain the rear of our army and his consequent failure 



48 

to reacli Centreville and Fairfax Court House, from whence he 
intended to tlireaten Washington, lie withdrew across tlie Rap- 
pahannock, and established his lines midway between Brandj^ 
Station and Culpeper Court House, on both sides of the 
Orange & Alexandria Railroad, about two miles north of Cul- 
peper, his line running from Mount Pony on the east to Chest- 
nut Forest Church on tlie west. At the same time he main- 
tained a largo force in fortified positions at Kelly's Ford, and 
just above the railroad bridge near Rappahannock Station on 
the Rappahannock river. At the last named place a heavy 
force was stationed on the north bank of the river, in a strong 
redoubt with rifle trenches extending up and down the stream. 
These two positions on the north and south sides of the river 
were connected by a pontoon bridge, the earthwork on tiie 
northern shore having been converted into a tete du pont and 
protected by artillery from the opposite side. 

This was a very strong position, covered by hills above and 
below, and thus adding materially to its artificial defenses. At 
Kelly's Ford, on the south side of the river, three miles below, 
strong earthworks, heavily manned and with artillery in position, 
designed to dispute our passage of the river at that point, had 
also been established. With what success these positions were 
held will soon appear. 

On the 7th of November, the Union army was put in 
motion, starting from Warrenton Junction, to force the passage 
of the Rappahannock at the above mentioned points at the same 
time. The Third Corps with the Second in support, all under 
the command of General French, moved upon Kelly's Ford and 
came in sight of the enemy about 3 o'clock p. m., strongly posted 
on the south side of the river. The Engineer Corps immediately 
began to lay down a pontoon bridge under the fire of our own 
guns. But while this work was in progress General de Trobri- 
and's l)rigade of the first division, preceded by Lieutenant-Colo- 
nel Homer R. Stoughton's sharpshooters, dashed into the stream 
and rushing across, charged over the rifle-pits and into the strong-^ 
er works of the enemy, capturing an entire regiment. At the 
same time a much larger force of the enemy hastening to their 
assistance were dispersed by the concentrated fire of our artil- 




Q. M. CHAS. W. WHEELER. 



49 

]ery, shelling them over the heads of our advancing column. 
Our brigade supported these batteries on the north bank of the 
river, the Tenth Vermont lying behind a battery of Rodman 
guns belonging to the Second Connecticut Heavy Artillery. 
The whole corps crossed over on the pontoon bridge after dark 
and occupied the field recently held by the enemy and stayed 
there all night. With the enemy's works we captured over four 
hundred prisoners and killed and wounded about one hundred 
more. These were all from the Second and Thirtieth North 
Carolina Regiments. 

General Meade complimented the Third Corps for thus 
" gallantly forcing the passage of the river." The place was 
defended by Rhodes' and Johnson's divisions of Ewell's corps, 
and were posted here especially, as General Lee reported, to 
" contest the passage of the river," yet they were surprised and 
driven away with a feeble show of resistance and without harm 
to US. This was our first encounter with the troops of Ewell's 
corps ^ but we were destined to meet them in every battle in 
which we participated from that time until the Army of North- 
ern Virginia surrendered to the Army of the Potomac. We 
fought them in the last battle waged on Virginia soil ; and an ofli- 
cer on General Ewell's staff communicated the purpose of his 
chief to surrender to an ofiicer of the Tenth Vermont, Major 
Wyllys Lyman, in the last hours of the Rebellion. 

Meantime the Sixth Corps, supported by the Fifth, under 
the command of General Sedgwick, had won a most important 
victory at a vastly superior sacrifice, three miles up the river, 
near the railroad bridge. Early's division held positions on 
both sides of the Rappahannock, as hitherto described, and 
fought with desperation for nearly two hours. But the force on 
the north bank was finally driven over to the south side, losing 
five pieces of artillery, two thousand stand of arms, four battle- 
flags, their pontoon bridge and seventeen hundred in killed and 
captured, many of them being drowned in their attempt to swim* 
the stream. 

Here the principal assault was made after dark and was 
one of the most brilliant successes of the Sixth Corps — a corps 

(4) 



50 

tliat was uniformly aeciistomed to brilliant achiev^ements. But 
owing to the depth of water in the river, and on account of the 
enemy setting fire to the end of the bridge still held by them, it 
was impossible to cross and complete the victory that night. 
There was no need of it ; for, learning of the success of the 
Third Corps at Kelly's Ford, the enemy saw that he was hand- 
somely flanked, and he retired hastily from his remaining position 
opposite to the scene of his disaster early in the evening and 
joined Lee's main force, which began its retreat during the night 
beyond the Rapidan. 

It is evident that General Lee did not expect that these 
positions could be forced so easily, and that he would be able to 
maintain his lines on the Rappahannock during the winter. He 
calls these successful assaults of our army an " unfortunate 
affair," and he does not attempt to conceal his disappointment, 
while he labors with seemingly unsatisfactory results to explain 
the " affair " to the Confederate authorities at Richmond. 

It is well remembered with what heroic daring the Sixth 
Maine Regiment led the assault upon this position. Twenty- 
three veteran officers and three hundred and fifty men went to 
the attack, led by Lieutenant-Colonel Harris, who was killed, 
and all but seven of these officers fell, with one hundred and 
twenty-three of their men. The Fifth Maine behaved with 
equal gallantry and paid a sacrifice as costly. The same may 
be said also of the Fifth Wisconsin and of the One Hundred 
and Twenty-first New York. The same night that we crossed 
over we heard Lee's locomotives whistling and puffing out of 
Brandy Station and Culpeper all night, whither we pursued 
next day, meeting with little opposition. So close was the pur- 
suit that we saw his rear guard going out of sight in a manner 
that the soldiers called " dusting." A stubborn battery would 
now and then wheel and throw a shell at us as we pushed up too 
close. Some of them burst with ringing vengeance over our 
ranks or settled down with an angry thud at our feet ; but all 
was not enough to interrupt the shots and shouts we sent after 
them. 

As a result of forcing the Confederates to retire. General 
Meade took up a position running from Kelly's Ford through 



51 

Brandy Station to Welford Ford. Here we remained with slight 
changes in position until the twenty-sixth, during which time the 
reconstruction of the Orange & Alexandria Railroad was com- 
pleted from Warrenton Junction to Brandy Station and a depot 
of supplies established at this terminus. 

While here, our brigade had wliat we called a mud cam- 
paign. It was a movement out four miles towards Culpeper, 
or about half way across John Minor Botts' farm. We started 
on a dark, rainy night and marched twelve miles to get four, 
over almost impassable corduroy roads that had been half torn 
up. The night was intensely dark, and seemed darker by occa- 
sional blinding, almost bewildering, flashes of lightnhig. Men 
fell down and were in danger of being trampled out of sight in 
the mud ; horses floundered and threw their riders. With such 
sliding and tumbling, while bending over the slippery earth to 
brace against the vigor of the storm, there was danger of being 
smothered by rain and mud. Arriving at our destination we 
lay down upon the wet leaves of the woods, supperless and 
drenched to the skin. We came here on the fourteenth, and 
stayed a week in the vicinity, changing camp tliree times in the 
meantime. 

THE MINE KUN CAMPAIGN 

AND THE BATTLE OF LOCUST GROVE, OR PAYN'S FARM. 

On the twenty-sixth, the whole army advanced once more. 
Our brigade started at seven o'clock in the morning and crossed 
the Rapidan on a pontoon bridge at sundown, near Jacob's Mills. 
We should have started an hour earlier and were expected to 
reach the ford at noon. All this resulted in great confusion. 
But we halted on the south bank of the river, after marching 
out three miles and then marching back two, and slept soundly 
till morning. But many a soldier would rest lower, and colder 
be his bed and deeper be his slumbers when the next night 
sliould fall. Now wrapped in his blanket, the stars looked down 
through the cold night upon him, and he might think of wife 
and child, and see them as they came to him in dreams, but 
sightless all when the stars come again, and he is wrapped in 
the gory mantle that the battle furnishes the fallen brave. The 



52 

twenty-sixth was Thanksgiving Day at the North, and the loyal 
people feasted and prayed while the army marched and fought, 
that they might have a country to inspire both gratitude and 
devotion in the hearts of all succeeding generations. 

Orders had been issued from Army Headquarters in accord- 
ance with previously well devised plans, for the army to cross 
the Rapidan at the lower fords in three columns and by a 
prompt movement seize the Orange plank road and turnpike, 
and advance rapidly toward Orange Court House, thus turning 
the enemy's works, which stretch along the Upper Rapidan, cov- 
ering the fords, and compel him to give battle on ground not 
previously chosen and fortified. Accordingly on the twenty- 
sixth the Second Corps crossed at Germanna Ford and advanced 
to Robertson's Tavern ; the Fifth at Culpeper Ford and ad- 
vanced as far as Parker's Store on the plank road and to the 
crossing of the Robertson Tavern road, south of Parker's Store. 
The Third Corps crossed the river at Jacob's Mills and was to 
join the Second Corps on the right on the evening of the same 
day. The Sixth Corps followed the Third. Two divisions of 
the First Corps, the other divisions being left to guard the 
Orange & Alexandria Railroad, followed the Fifth. All the 
troops reached their designated positions at the appointed time, 
except the Third Corps and the Sixth, which necessarily shared 
its accidents by simply obeying its instructions to follow its lead. 
The Third Corps was delayed nearly twenty-four hours in reach- 
ing its original destination. 

Perhaps, the serious effect of this detention upon the 
campaign, in its very beginning, requires all the explanation 
that can be given. It may, therefore, be stated that General 
Prince, commanding the leading division, the Second, was 
detained at Mountain Run on the north side of the Rapidan, a 
small stream running nearly parallel with the river where it 
crosses the road leading from Brandy Station to the ford at 
Jacob's Mills. The road was all bad — narrow and very rough — 
between the run and the river. The ford was difficult, and 
scattering forces of the enemy appeared on the opposite bank, 
thus necessitating the sending over of a reconnoitering party suf- 
ficient to drive them away. After he had passed over the river, 




SURG. WILLARD A. CHILD. 



53 

he moved out three miles on the wrong road, retraced his steps 
two miles and bivouacked for the night. 

The next morning, the twenty-seventh, in advancing to his 
destination he soon came to a fork in the road, and not knowing 
which to pursue he halted in order to obtain information. He 
ascertained that the right fork led to Robertson's Tavern, also 
that it led into the Raccoon Ford road, then occupied by the 
enemy ; but the left fork also led to Robertson's Tavern, and 
he was satisfied that he ought to take it, and so reported to 
General French and awaited orders. After waiting two hours 
he was directed to take the other, which he undertook to do. 
His skirmishers at once encountered the enemy. He was tlien 
embarrassed by a medley of orders from Corps Headquarters, 
being commanded to cease operations as he was on the wrong 
road, and after another delay, ordered to advance, as he was on 
the right road. All this delayed everything behind him, as oar 
Third Division immediately following observed, and gave advan- 
tages to the enemy, of which he at once availed himself. 

General Meade declared that the " delays and failures of 
the Third Corps on the 26th and 27th ultimo " lost him the 
" opportunity of attacking the enemy before he had concen- 
trated," and he requests a " full explanation of all the facts and 
circumstances " in the case. General French's explanations 
were substantially that Jacob's Ford was difficult of passage, and 
so much so that he was obliged to send his artillery around by 
Germanna Ford ; that being without a guide the head of the 
infantry column lost its road, and had to " retrograde " and re- 
connoiter the country ; that on the morning of the twenty- 
seventh, when the right road was supposed to have been found, 
the enemy was discovered in great strength in line of battle oppos- 
ing his march, and that he had to choose whether to retreat or 
give battle and he chose the latter with entire success. All this 
was unsatisfactory to General Meade, and possibly no explana- 
tion could have been made which would satisfy one who 
expected and deserved so much from this campaign, really the 
first of his own planning against the Army of Northern Virginia. 
He was sorely disappointed. The Army of the Fotomac had 
spent the previous winter at Fredericksburg, and with a success- 



54 

ful summer campaign, he must be content to hold the line of 
the Kappahannock still farther to tlie north of Richmond. His 
antagonist miglit exult in the fact of being much nearer to Wash- 
ington than he was one year before. But as matter of fact, 
these locations did not affect the condition of the tw.^ armies. 
The Confederates were weaker than they had been in January, 
1863 ; resources had been exhausted which never could bo re- 
placed, while the reserved strength of the North was awaking 
to a more determined activity. 

Recurring to the operations of the Third Corps beyond tlie 
Rapidan : referring to the sketch on the opposite page, the point 
noted as " Widow Morris " is the place where the road forks, 
the left fork being the one that General Prince should have 
taken ; the point marked as " Tom Morris " indicates the place 
where the battle occurred. This is according to the sketch 
accompanying General Meade's report and is about two miles 
west of Locust Grove. Here the Second Division encountered 
Rhodes' and Johnson's brigades, to which a third brigade. Doles', 
was soon added. He was attacked in front and on his left flank, 
and meeting the assault for a time, he placed a number of bat- 
teries in his rear and then slowly drew back until his guns 
were uncovered, where he easily held his line and advanced, driv- 
ing the enemy back. Meantime the Third Divisioa, General 
Joseph B. Carr, moved up and went into lino of battle on the 
left. General William H. Morris' brigade, consisting of the 
One Hundred and Fifty-first New York, tho Tenth Vermont 
and the Fourteenth New Jersey Regiments, prolonged the loft 
of the Second Division ; Colonel Warren Keifer of the One Hun- 
dred and Tenth Ohio commanding the Second Brigade, and Col- 
onel B. F. Smith of the One Hundred and Twenty-sixth Ohio, 
commanding the Third Brigade, still extending the line to the 
left in the order named. The Tenth Vermont occupied the 
center of Morris' brigade. As these three regiments moved into 
line they found the enemy directly in front, posted behind a 
Virginia fence upon the spine of a ridge quite elevated, rising 
nearly to the dignity of a hill, the slope being covered with small 
trees and thick underbrush. The brigade was ordered to charge 
and drive the enemy away, which it did in splendid style, fore- 



55 

ing him back through the more open fields beyond. Still lie 
was not far enough away to be harmless ; both sides continued 
firing for nearly three hours, and each sustained heavy losses. 
The enemy made several attempts to advance in front of General 
Morris and Colonel Keifer, but were repulsed with heavy loss, 
and the brigades remained in position until their ammunition 
was exhausted, when they were relieved by troops from the First 
Division, General Birney's. 

This battle has not made a large figure in history, but it was 
a very sharp engagement and especially important to the Tenth 
Vermont, as it was our first pitched battle. It was truly a bap- 
tism of fire, while it was a deluge of lead and iron, that swept 
over us. The musketry was not in the least of a jerky or iuter^ 
mittent sort, but one continuous roll. Every tree in the thick 
forest was scarred with bullets and the undergrowth half cut 
away. How any man could come out of that tremendous 
storm alive seemed a wonder. Nor is this the exaggeration of 
first inipressions born of sensations which actual experience in 
battle alone can give. In all the great battles in the Wilder- 
ness and at Spottsylvania, the musketry did not surpass in un- 
broken detonation the simultaneous explosion on this occasion. 
There were longer periods when these rolling volleys were 
noticeable, but not sharper or more fused, as one might say, 
while it lasted. 

Colonel Jewett thus speaks of the action in his report to the 
Adjutant and Inspector-General of Vermont : " I was ordered 
into position at two o'clock in the afternoon, at the foot of a hill 
in a dense forest, and threw out Co. D, Captain Darrah, as 
skirmishers, in my immediate front, who soon became actively 
engaged with the enemy, repelling his advances with much vigor 
for about an hour, when I ordered a charge which drove the 
enemy in much confusion and with great loss from the crest of 
the hill, which I held till sundown under a heavy fire from the 
enemy's artillery and infantry, posted behind his works at short 
range." 

General Morris, who was conspicuous for his bravery on 
this occasion, published complimentary orders to his brigade. 
The following extract speaks of the Tenth Vermont : 



56 

" The enemy was holding a fence on the crest of a hill in 
our front. I ordered the Tenth Vermont to charge and take it, 
and the regiment advanced in gallant style and took the crest. 
The left wing in its enthusiasm having advanced too far beyond 
the fence, it was necessary to recall it. * * I cannot speak 
of the conduct of the officers and men with too much praise. 
It was necessary to form the line of battle in a thick woods, at 
the base of a hill, whose summit the enemy held, fortified with 
a breastwork. Though the regiment had never before been 
under sharp fire, they behaved with the determined bravery and 
steadiness of veterans!" 

At the close he says: " I take pleasure in mentioning the 
following officers whose courage and efficiency I personally ob- 
served : Colonel A. B. Jewett, Major Charles G. Chandler and 
Captain Samuel Darrah, Tenth Vermont volunteers. 

The following officers of this regiment on the Brigade Staff 
are also mentioned in complimentary terms : Lieutenants 
Hicks, Hill and Gale. Other officers of tlie Tenth Regiment 
were certainly as conspicuous for "courage and efficiency " as 
those mentioned by General Morris ; and the adverse current of 
conversation in the command regarding the omission of their 
names is distinctly remembered. 

General Carr refers to the action as follows : " I was much 
gratified with the conduct of my division ; both officers and 
men performed their duty manfully, and the States they repre- 
sent may justly feel proud of their bearing on this occasion." 

The regimental losses were thirteen killed. Fifty-seven 
men and one officer were wounded, several of them mortally. 

KILLED. 

Marcus Atwood, Freeman B. Norris, 

John S. Ford, Smith J. Peacock, 

Gardner Fay, Gilman D. Storrs, 

Charles V. Haynes, Romeo Smitli, 

Levi A. Fullam, Elmore It. Whitney, 

Michael Kehoe, George Butler. 
Daniel F. Marston, 



67 



WOUNDED, 



Lieut. H. W. Kingsley, 
Geo. M. D. Douse, 
Alvin T. Martin, 
Hiram M. Pierce, 
Quincy A. Green, 
Jolin Blanchard, 
Peter Baver, 
Ezra W. Conant, 
Henry W. Crossett, 
James M. Mather, 
Walter H. Nelson, 
Lafayette G. Ripley, 
James Burns, 
John Carroll, 
Columbus C. Churchill, 
Albert Falk, 
Isaac E. Sawyer, 
John L. Shannon, 
Geo. R. Streeter, 
Edward Yarton, 
Willaby Z. Burdick, 
George Burnett, 
Selden H. Colburn, 
Alfred Sears, 
Andrew V. Turner, 
John L. Waters, 
Henry C. Young, 



Alexander M. Aseltync, 
Michael Green, 
Joseph A. Bullard, 
Jason Densmore, 
Daniel B. Freeman, 
John A. Griswold, 
Jonathan N. Hosford, 
Loren C. Kidder, 
Justin J. Phelps, 
Albert H. Porter, 
Thomas Hogle, 
William Bates, 
John Cross 1st, 
Albert Davis, 
Edson B. Larabee, 
Adison Wheel ock, 
Geo. H. Lawrence, 
Ivora S. Goodwin, 
Alden O. Dane, 
Calvin Drown, 
Mozart Foss, 
Johnson B. Hart, 
John A. McCoy, 
Thomas Reid, 
William N. Cobb, 
Oscar Gassett, 
Christopher Rice. 



Captain Edwin Dillingham, afterwards Major Dillingham 
of the Tenth Regiment, acting on General Morris' staff, had his 
horse shot under him and was taken prisoner, and was seven 
months in Libby prison. Lieutenant H. W. Kingsley, after- 
ward Captain and Brevet-Major, was severely wounded and expe- 
rienced quite an adventure while being taken from the field. 
As two men were bearing him away on a stretcher, a solid shot 
killed one of the stretcher-bearers and the other ran away. The 
Captain, of course, fell helpless to the ground, but others soon 
came and removed him to a place of safety. 



58 

The brilliant author of Three, Years in the Sixth Corps, 
George T. Stevens, Surgeon of the Seventy-seventh New York 
volunteers, relates the following incident, as having occurred 
at this place. "While the fight was in progress. General Sedg- 
wick and his staff dismounted and were reclining about a large 
tree, when the attention of all was directed to two soldiers who 
were approaching, bearing between them a stretcher on which 
lay a wounded man. As the men approached within a few rods 
of the place where the General and his staff were, a solid can- 
non shot came shrieking along, striking both of the stretcher- 
bearers. Both fell to the ground — the one behind fatally 
wounded, the other dead. But the man upon the stretcher 
leaped up and ran away as fast as his legs could carry him, 
never stopping to look behind at his unfortunate companions." 

This story might have grown out of Captain Kingsley's 
accident, but it is quite certain that the wounded officer did not 
leap to his feet and run away, for he had but one leg — in use — 
and he was faint from loss of blood. 

After dark, and the enemy had been driven away, we went 
over the field searching for our dead and wounded comrades. 
It was a sad search, but in due time we found them and buried 
the dead, their names pinned upon their breasts, wrapped in 
their bloody blankets, which served at once for shroud and 
casket, and tenderly marked their graves. The wounded, such 
as had not already been removed, were taken to the operating 
table of the Surgeons, whose knife it often required more courage 
to encounter than it did to face the enemy's bullets. 

Most of the four or five hundred wounded were gathered 
into an old farm house and barn, and the space between, out of 
doors, upon the frozen ground. I never shall forget the horrid 
spectacle of that cold November night, filled with pain and the 
half-suppressed groans of these brave fellows, shivering in the 
dark wintry atmosphere, without shelter, and too numerous to 
receive attention all at once ; and if medical or surgical attend- 
ance could have been speedily bestowed, it would have aflforded 
little relief for hours to come. 

Of course, the sufferings of the severely wounded in battle, 
after a few hours duration, are indescribable. 




SUIIG. J. C. RUTHEEFOED. 



59 

In the hottest weather, they are attended with a degree of 
chilliness that amounts almost to a rigor, especially if their 
wounds cause great loss of blood ; but in cold weather, my 
unprofessional observation has been, they suffer infinitely more, 
the same loss of blood rendering natural resistance to the lower 
temperature less effective. 

This night was intensely cold for the latitude of Virginia. 
Rain had fallen and frozen upon our garments, and many a poor 
fellow breathed out the little remaining life and was wrapped in 
a winding sheet of ice before morning. One scene in tliis med- 
ley of war was sadly thrilling. In the early dawn, I saw a lit- 
tle drummer boy of one of the Union regiments — should tliink 
he was twelve years old or younger, and as fair as Innocence to 
look upon. He was sitting on the ground among dead and 
dying men, a slight living fragment of a human wreck, which 
the smoky billows of war had stranded there. He was clinging 
to his drum ; the shoulder-belt was regularly in place, and he 
had a fierce wound in his little brave breast, which, but for its 
fatal significance, might have reminded one of a red rose carved 
in alabaster. His lips were moving mechanically, possibly try- 
ing to express the names of home and mother and occasionally 
piteous] y begging for water. I cannot help thinking, as the 
lapse of years deepens my impression of that scene, that the 
courage of that beautiful boy deserves as much commendation 
as that of a Major-General, and his gift to his country was not 
surpassed by any one who laid down his life in its defense. 

I remember anotlier incident connected with this battle, but 
having forgotten its details wrote to Surgeon Clarke about it. 
He sent me the following : 

" In reply to your questions about my escape from ' Libby.' 
As the army was leaving the vicinity of Locust Grove, Dr. 
Jameison, the Surgeon-in-Chief of our division, came to me and 
said there were eight very seriously wounded men in a little log 
house in the middle of a 20-acre clearing, for whom no trans- 
portation could possibly be found, so they must be left, and I 
must be left with them. The thought of spending the winter 
in a rebel prison in my scorbutic condition, with a diarrhoea that 
had already run three months, made the cold shivers run over 



60 

me, but what was I there for, and certainly I was no better than 
my wounded companions, except that my physical condition was 
better, so I quietly accepted my fate, saying good-bye to you 
and the rest of my friends, and then watched the rear of 
the army until it disappeared in the woods surrounding tlie 
little clearing. I told the men with whom I was left that the 
army was gone, and we must soon expect to be captured. They 
accepted the bad news as they did their wounds, without com- 
plaint. After doing what I could for their comfort, I began to 
take a little note of our situation. The old house was not so 
good as most pig-pens are at the North. It had only one room, 
which was occupied by a very old and extremely ignorant man 
and woman, and so far as I could discover, there was nothing in 
the house for them to live on. 

The men had a few days' food in their haversacks, some of 
which they gave to the old couple, who ate it with a pleasure 
that showed that they were very hungry. I was restless, and 
every few minutes I went outside the hut to scan the edge of 
the woods, where every minute I expected to see the rebel cav- 
alry coming to make us prisoners. I had retained my horse and 
my watch and 1 killed quite a little time petting the former and 
nervously noting the slow movements of the hands on the face 
of the latter, glancing often at the surrounding woods at the 
same time. I wondered how and where we would spend the 
night, and had many other anxious thoughts, as men do in 
unpleasant situations. At last, after we had been there, per- 
haps, two hours, I caught a glimpse of a horseman in the thicket, 
south of the house, and with a heavy heart I wont in to tell ray 
companions that the enemy were at hand. 

In a moment I found courage to go out and receive my vis- 
itors, when, imagine my joy ! instead of rebel troopers with 
revolvers in hand ready for use, there stood Lieutenant Tabor 
and four empty ambulances that had been found somehow and, 
at great risk of capture, sent back to save us. 

Those men were hustled aboard about as quickly as such a 
thing could be done by two men, and we made great haste to 
catch up with the troops, which we succeeded in doing without 



61 

accident, just at dark. I suppose Tabor was only obeying orders, 
but it was a risky job, and I have always felt a sense of pro- 
found gratitude toward him ever since. 

Such is the little story of my escape from prison." 

ALMON CLARKE. 

On the twenty-eighth, at two o'clock in the morning, the 
corps advanced by way of Kobertson's Tavern to Mine Hun, 
behind which Lee had retired, and was then fortifying. 11 is 
position was a commanding crest j ust beyond the Run, Gen- 
eral Meade at once formed to attack. His lines stretched from 
Antioch Court House on the left to Baitley's Mill on the right, 
facing west, six miles long, Our corps was in the center of this 
long line. The Tenth Regiment was sent to support Captain 
Robinson's Fourth Maine Battery, where in plain sight of tlie 
"jennies," we saw them digging like beavers, throwing up epaule- 
ments and strengthening their works against our anticipated 
attack. Skirmishers were thrown out and we were put in readi- 
ness, and ordered to charge at precisely four o'clock in the 
afternoon, but we did not, and were finally withdrawn, with the 
whole division, much to the relief of those who had inspected 
the ground over which the troops were to pass. 

The outlook toward the enemy was certainly most forbid- 
ding. Our advance would have been down an incline, one hun- 
dred yards or more, across a level plain, two thousand yards, 
and up to the crest of a high ridge, where the enemy lay in field 
works ; there was not a bush between us, and the whole distance 
was swept by artillery. It was curious to see their sharpshooters ; 
a man would come out with a spade and a rifle, dig a hole about 
four feet by two, and a foot in depth, throwing up the dirt in 
front ; he then had a rifle-pit, in which he was completely pro- 
tected. Sometimes, on both sides, these armed gophers would 
lay their caps upon these miniature lunettes, or raise them on 
the handles of their spades, in order to draw the fire and so dis- 
cover their antagonist. 

It appears that General Meade had not given up attacking 
the enemy in consequence of the miscarriage of his original 
plan. He therefore determined upon making three assaults, one 



on the right flank with two divisions of the Sixtli Corps and the 
whole of the Fifth ; one in the center with tlie Third and Fifth 
Corps, and one on the extreme left with the Second and one 
division of the Sixth Corps. 

General Warren was to begin the assault, which would be 
the signal for the troops to advance all along the line from left 
to right. But the ground in the center, as hitherto described, 
being so unfavorable for assault, the plan, so far as it related to 
the Third Corps was modified, and two divisions, the second and 
' third, were withdrawn at 12 o'clock, midnight, and sent over to 
General Warren, ostensibly to support his intended assault on the 
left. But instead of going into a supporting position, we were 
placed in a front line, in most uncomfortable proximity to the 
enemy. Morris' Brigade was thrust forward directly under the 
brow 01 a conical shaped hill, heavily fortified, bristling with 
artillery and swarming with the enemy ; the foot of the hill was 
fringed with abatis, and above thickly fraised. Our men were 
expected to carry the flag over these obstructions or perish in the 
attempt. Other troops were similarly situated. 

A brigade commander in Birney's division relates that 
" while his soldiers were awaiting the order to advance upon 
these frowning works, many of them cut squares of paper from 
old letters, wrote their names upon them with the designation of 
their regiments and pinned them to their breasts." It was a 
most touching and significant tribute to the discipline of the 
army. 

Tlie batteries of the right and center were to open at 8 o'clock, 
at which hour the left was to make the main attack, and if this 
should meet with success, then at 9 o'clock the columns already 
formed on the riglit and center were to assault. Accordingly 
the artillery all along to the right of us opened heavily, and in 
some instances skirmishers advanced and drove the enemy's 
skirmishers across Mine Run. Yet the order for us to assault 
never came. The enemy, it was found by the early sunlight, 
had so strengtliened his defenses during the night that General 
Warren concluded the attack would prove unsuccessful if under- 
taken. 



63 

As everything else was subordinate to the movement on 
the left, the attack along the whole line was suspended. No 
further advance was attempted, and we were returned to our 
position of the day before. The Mine Run campaign, so well 
planned and from which General Meade expected to accomplish 
80 much, disappointed everybody. The commanding general 
called it a failure. But it is evident, if his orders had been 
obeyed, Lee must have fought a battle at a disadvantage, mnch 
nearer Richmond, for Meade would have flanked this position 
before Lee could have gotten into it. But onr losses were not 
severe — 1,600 officers and men, and of this number the Third 
Army Corps lost 943. 

1 have not found a full report of the enemy's loss. General 
Lee reports 54.5, but the official report of losses in Ewell's corps 
is 601, and this corps did not embrace one-third of the Confed- 
erate troops employed in that campaign. 

On the night of the 1st of December, the head of the army 
was turned toward the fords of the Rapidan, although General 
Meade wished to take up a position in front of Fredericksl)urg, 
but General Halleck would not consent. 

Onr regiment formed a part of the picket line that was 
maintained while the main body of the army moved back. We 
were in front of one of the long angles that broke back in the 
enemy's lines and were so near them that we could distinctly 
hear the orders of commanders and their loud conversation. 

We lay here until two o'clock on the morning of Dec. 2d, 
and then silently crept out — so cautiously that our steps seemed 
muffled, so softly we trod the dangerous ground. Orders were 
whispered to the men or given in pantomime. The usual rattle 
of canteens and tin cups was mysteriously hushed. We were a 
ghost of silence. Our horses caught the spirit, and trod lightly 
along the wooded road. We passed the spot where we had sup- 
ported Robinson's Battery two days before, which had now given 
place to Quaker guns, that looked very like the " dogs of war " 
in the pale light of the declining moon. On we moved to Ger- 
manna Ford, the last detachment of the army to cross the river. 

The same day we reached Brandy Station, having marched \ 
twenty-three miles. The campaign was at an end. It had 



64 

already been prolonged into the edge of winter, and the cold 
weatlier required that it should stop. We went into winter 
quarters near the house of John Minor Botts, our reginoent occu- 
pying a site which a few weeks before had been selected by the 
Confederates for tlieir winter quarters, and some of the men 
went into cantonments built by them before we crossed the 
Rappahannock. 



CHAPTER IV. 

VISIONS of a few months' rest now dawned upon us, and 
the prospect of winter quarters — pleasing change to the 
tired soldier — was thought to be close at hand. But the vision 
and the hope soon vanished, as similar prospects had so often 
done before. 

At eight o'clock on the evening of the third, the ringing 
notes of the bugle sounded from every camp. Corps, divisions 
and brigades sprang to arras. We, with the rest of the troops, 
hastily turned out, struck tents, packed up, and within twenty 
minutes were ready to move whithersoever the emergency 
demanded. We stood on our arms for hours, waiting for fur- 
ther orders, not knowing what they might develop, although we 
sullenly conjectured a retreat still farther away. It was rumored 
that the enemy had closely followed our retreating column, and 
were eagerly pressing forward to chastise us. But the report 
turned out to l)e false, and at midnight the marching orders were 
countermanded and the troops turned in, many sleeping upon the 
ground beneath the clear, cold sky, rather than again pitch their 
tents in the darkness. 

On the fourtli we began to fit up our quarters in the camp 
referred to at the close of the last chapter. Tiie position on the 
left of our brigade, assigned to the Tenth, was pleasantly chosen. 




SURG. ALMON CLARKE. 



65 

It was a comparatively smooth piece of ground, sloping to the 
south, and backed up by a grove of heavy oaks, which, however, 
the men were not allowed to cut down, both on account of the 
protection they afforded from the north wind, and the sturdy 
loyalty of their owner. Along our front was the railroad upon 
which the cars were constantly plying between Brandy Station 
and Culpeper, only a few miles apart. Still nearer the camp, 
jnst below the company quarters, was a brook, more properly a 
ditch, which supplied the camp with water. This stream was 
not so clear and pure as we had seen, yet the mixture was not 
more than two parts mud to three of water, and when it was 
further diluted with coffee it became a very decent beverage. 
This fact will appear, no doubt, when it is further stated that 
the whole vast plain, which was in part drained by this stream, 
had been the theatre of thirteen battles and skirmishes, most of 
them cavalry engagements, after which the combatants had not 
always taken the trouble to drag off the carcasses of their dead 
horses, though it may be they had slightly buried the bodies of 
their fallen comrades. In order to drink this water with a relish 
we were obliged to wait until quite thirsty ; then by closing our 
eyes, shutting onr teeth firmly together, we could strain a little 
of it down. There were just a few in our regiment who were 
too fastidious in their tastes to use it at all, for drinking pur- 
poses, only as they mixed small quantities with a certain qui 
purgat^ the English of which is commissary whiskey. 

We stayed at this place from December till March. It 
was commonly reported that the army encamped at Brandy Sta- 
tion, but it was scattered over the ground in this vicinity for six 
miles or more around. The line nominally extended from the 
Rappahannock to the Rapidan, occupying Culpeper, and stretch- 
ing back to the Hazel and Hedgman rivers. The Confederate 
army was in the vicinity of Madison Court House and Lee's 
headquarters could be distinctly seen from our signal station on 
Bear Mountain. The army here, probably, was as pleasantly 
located as during any winter of the war. There were few 
things that the soldier needed which he could not purchase. 
There were sutlers for each regiment, and purveyors, so-called, 

(5) 



66 

for corps, divisions and brigade headquarters. Some of them 
opened clothing stores, and nearly all tried to keep on sale what- 
ever there was a demand for, and through them anything that was 
kept in the markets of Washington and New York could be pro- 
cured upon short notice at small (?) profits — in fact they were 
the express messengers between us and the merchants and manu- 
facturers of the world. 

The occupations of the men during these winter months 
were various — they were Yankees. Their quarters were all 
comfortably arranged ; some of them were ingeniously fitted up 
and fancifully adorned. Harper's and Leslie's Illustrated Week- 
lies furnished many a soldier's hut with tasty decorations, after 
he had profitably read them. The battle cuts, views of camps 
and landscapes, were often carefully preserved and pinned or 
pasted to their cabin walls ; added to them were the brilliant 
pictures and daubs of novel covers, and all these often interspersed 
with their own rude pencilings. Some of their tents were turned 
into cobblers' shops and tailoring establishments, where the 
occupant, with true Yankee enterprise, would repair the clothes 
and shoes of his neighbor; some of them, besides all the otlier 
purposes they served, were converted into jewelers' shops, and 
watches were actually well cleaned and repaired in the camp. 
All kinds of craftsmen were found among the volunteers of our 
army, and details were easily made for the telegraph otfiee, the 
forges, and all the workshops of the Quartermaster-General, for 
printing establishments when found abandoned, who were capa- 
l)le of managing the editorial and meclianical departments ; these 
men were good for all work, from the tinkering of a tin cup and 
the digging of a ditch to the building and running of a railroad. 
All professions were also represented in the ranks. U'here were 
men of the rank and file in the Tenth Regiment who had served 
honorably in the legislature of Vermont, lawyers who had won 
some local distinction, ministers of the gospel who carried knap- 
sacks and bore hardships uncomplainingly, fought bravely and 
died nobly. Our military duties at this time were light, details, 
only, once in two or three days being required for picket duty. 

About the middle of December, orders were received allow- 
ing furloughs to enlisted men, and leaves of absence to ofiicers ; 



67 

a great many availed themselves of the opportunity thus afforded, 
to revisit home and friends. Many ladies, also, wives of officers, 
came to the regiment and spent the winter with their husbands. 
At one time there were a dozen whom we used to say in homely 
and friendly phrase belonged to the Tenth. They ranked as 
follows : Mrs. Colonel Jewett, Mrs. Lieutenant-Colonel Henry, 
Mrs. Major Chandler, Mrs. Surgeon Childe, Mrs. Captain Piatt, 
Mrs. Captain Hunt, Mrs. Captain Salsbnry, Mrs. Captain 
Damon, Mrs. Quartermaster Valentine, Mrs. Lieutenant Davis, 
Mrs. Lieutenant Stetson. There were also others visiting with 
the above, who did not belong to the regiment. Certainly a 
military camp, likely to be deserted, even in the winter, for two 
or three days at a time, and liable at any moment to be dis- 
turbed, if not assailed by the enemy, is not the most delightful 
place for ladies to sojourn for any length of time, yet those who 
visited us, though they did not become enamored with the cus- 
toms of tlie soldiers, adapted themselves very readily to the exi- 
gencies of their situations, and while they did not, it will be 
remembered, contemplate our hard-tack and hash without grim- 
aces, probably they did not experience any of those horrid visions 
with which imagination, while they waited at home enjoying its 
peace and security, had filled the distant camp, where their hus- 
bands and sons made their precarious abode. 

On the whole, they manifested great pleasure in observing 
and conforming to customs so unlike anything in all of their 
previous domestic experience. There was one woman, however, 
who came to our camp, whose experience was far from joyful. 
Mrs. A. G. Lawrence left her home in Charleston, Vt., a happy 
young wife, to visit her husband, with the army in Virginia, 
anticipating a pleasant, affectionate welcome and an agreeable 
visit. But twelve hours before she reached Brandy Station, all 
unknown to her, she was a widow, her husband having died the 
night before her arrival. It is hardly necessary to state that 
when she learned of her bereavement, she was overwhelmed 
with ffrief, and that her condition aroused in the hearts of all 
those around her the deepest interest and the most tender com- 
passion. Death in our ranks, at that time, was not so unusual 
as to cause us surprise, or to awaken deep emotion ; but this 



68 

picture of sudden and barren grief appealed to our profoundest 
sympathies, and told ns how certain was every shaft of death, to 
which we were more or less indifferent, to pierce some loving 
heart and to blend with impenetrable shadows, paths that could 
not be traced within the lines of our encampment. 

Christmas and New Year's were very pleasantly remem- 
bered in this winter camp, though observed somewhat differently 
than they had been on former occasions and in other places. Still 
the American will ever remember his holidays, and, if possible, 
celebrate them with such ceremonies as his ingenuity may suggest 
or his means and condition enable him to improve. We had 
select dinner parties, with rare entertainment ; music by our 
excellent band, speeches, and minor festivities of a more general 
character. One of the incidents of Christmas day was a proces- 
sion formed by all who were permitted to be festive, headed by 
a donkey, the gravest ass of the company, mounted by an imper- 
sonation of Old Nicholas. This procession moved about the 
camp to the music of fife and drum, much to the amusement of 
the participants and the lookers-on. Lieutenant-Colonel Chand- 
ler nominally commanded this merry expedition, but the donkey, 
being a little obstinate and difficult to ride in a straight line, 
really became the solemn chief of the occasion. There were 
other far more brilliant exhibitions with and around us, but 
probably none where the participants became more innocently 

On the night of the 25th of January, 1864, the officers of 
the old Third Corps had a general reunion and ball at General 
Carr's headquarters. Tlie affair has been thus described : 

" A spacious hall, ninety-six by thirty-six feet, covered with 
tarpaulins and tent flies, had been erected by details of men from 
Carr's division, and profusely decorated with evergreens and 
flass. Three bands were in attendance and the whole scene was 
brilliantly illuminated. Tickets of admission were ten dollars 
each ; the entertainment cost more than two tliousand dollars ; 
and there was the strange spectacle of sentinels guarding the 
entrance and standing at different posts around the room, with 
fixed bayonets, at a Imll.'' 



69 

Here we built a chapel sufficiently spacious to accommodate 
five hundred men. It was built of logs — the side walls being 
seven or eight feet high, and at each end carried up fifteen feet, 
and covered with a single canvas furnished by the Christian 
Commission. It was floored with split logs, the flat sides adzed 
to a smooth surface after being laid down. Religious services 
were held every Sabbath and prayer meetings on intervening 
week day evenings. The room was furnished with a stove, a 
large table and seats, and supplied with tracts, and newspapers, 
both secular and religious. 

There was considerable religious feeling developed in the 
regiment, and also in the army, during this winter, and many 
renewed the devout experience of their early training. 

This chapel was also used as a place of amusement. Mock 
courts, debates, serious and comic, and sometimes festivities 
and banquets that partook of the social qualities of the old home 
life, were repeated in the soldier's winter camp, with few of the 
accessories, but with all of the propriety of a peaceful civil 
community. 

February 6th, our brigade received marching orders, with 
three days' rations. It moved out, leaving only a camp guard, at 
five o'clock p. M,, as a part of a reconnoitering force, via Cul- 
peper, towards the Rapidan, halting about seven miles from camp, 
at ten o'clock at night. N'ext morning they moved down towards 
Raccoon Ford ; remained in line of battle till night, and returned 
without seeing the enemy or firing a gun. The First Corps, how- 
ever, had a sharp skirmish at the ford, losing a hundred men in 
killed and wounded and capturing some prisoners. 

This movement of infantry was to cover a reconnoisance of 
the cavalry toward Madison Court House, preparatory to the great 
raid upon Richmond which occurred ten days later. 

On the twenty-seventh, the Governor of Vermont, John 
Gregory Smith, with his staff, visited the regiment and dined 
with the Colonel's mess. His Excellency spent several days at 
the front, paying a visit to all the State troops. Other distin- 
guished gentlemen, also from Vermont, were our guests for a 
few days at a time, among them Rev. Dr. Parker of Waterbury 
(the Doctor preached in our regimental chapel once or twice 



70 

daring his visit), the Hon. Henry Hall and wife of Bennington, 
Yt., and others from other parts of the State. 

During the month of March the army was undergoing a 
reorganization. The old First and Third Corps were broken up 
as organizations, and tlie troops of these commands absorbed in 
the Sixth, Fifth and Second Corps. 

About the middle of March, General Grant visited the 
Army of the Potomac for the first time. He had just been 
created Lieutenant-General, and placed in command of all the 
land forces of the United States. He hastily reviewed the 
various corps, and then followed the consolidation. 

Some complaint attended the breaking up of the Third 
Army Corps. It was the first organized at the beginning of the 
Rebellion, and such distinguished Generals as Hooker, Kearney, 
Heintzelman, Sickles, Howard, Barry and Birney, and several 
others, had been identified with it, and had helped to render its 
name immortal. But as the Tenth was to join the Sixth Corps, 
and become associated, although in another division, with the 
glorious old Vermont Brigade, there were no heart-burnings 
with us. Two of the old regiments from other States were 
added to our brigade, the Eighty-seventh Pennsylvania and the 
One Hundred and Sixth New York. Tlie old division, consist- 
ing of three brigades, was now formed into two, and attached to 
the Sixth Corps as its Third Division, and was the smallest 
division in the corps. 

The following named regiments composed the First Bri- 
gade : the One Hundred and Fifty-first and One Hundred and 
Sixth New York, the Eighty-seventh Pennsylvania, the Four- 
teenth New Jersey and the Tenth Vermont. The Second Bri- 
gade was constituted by the One Hundred and Tenth, One 
Hundred and Twenty-second and One Hundred and Twenty- 
sixth Ohio Regiments, and the Sixth Maryland. At the organi- 
zation our general commanders were Brevet Major-General 
James B. Ricketts of the Third Division; Brigadier-General W. 
H. Morris, of the First Brigade ; and Brigadier- General Tru- 
man Seymour, of the Second Brigade. The First Division, 
General Birney's, of the old Third Corps, became the Third 




CHAPLAIN E. M. HAYNES. 



71 

Division of the Second Corps ; and the Second Division, Gen- 
eral Prince's, joined the Fifth Corps. 

Major General John Sedgwick continued to command the 
Sixth Corps. 

We were encamped on the left of the old organization, and 
near the right of the Second Corps, and were, therefore, obliged 
to exchange camps with Birney's division. It seemed hard, at 
this season of the year, when we needed something more than 
canvas protection, to leave our neat, pleasant quarters for the 
less attractive ones into which we moved, and the strange and 
much-used cabins which contrasted so dismally with our clean 
and airy ones. We did not occupy them, however, only while 
we were laying out and building decent quarters three hundred 
yards away, which we were permitted to enjoy barely a month. 

On the 25th of April, Colonel Jewett resigned, and on the 
evening previous to his departure most of the field, staff and line 
officers assembled in his quarters to take leave of their commander. 
In reflecting upon the incidents of that occasion, it is impossible 
to recall, with accuracy, those features which at this distance of 
time would afford the pleasantest recollections. The Colonel 
briefly expressed his regrets at leaving the gallant regiment, 
and hoped that all would prove themselves worthy of the good 
name Vermont troops had already won on a score of battle-fields, 
and bear bravely their own glorious standard to the end. Earnest 
responsive speeches were made by Major Chandler, Surgeon 
Childe, and Captains Sheldon and Blodgett. 

COLONEL JEWETT. 

Albert Burton Jewett, son of Eleazer and Dorothy (Abells) 
Jewett, was born in the town of St. Albans, March 20, 1829, 
He received a common school education and at first fitted 
himself for the profession of civil engineer. Though he did 
not make this a life work, the knowledge gained was of great 
value to him in the pursuits of his after life. Before he reached 
his majority he went to seek his fortune in the West, where he 
found employment part of the time as engineer and the remain- 
der in a store. At the end of two years he returned, and in 1850 
commenced the mercantile business in the town of Swanton. 



72 

When Frcsideut Lincoln's call for 75,000 troops reached 
Vermont on the 14th of April, 1861, Colonel Jewett was quietly 
pursuing the business which had engaged his attention for ten 
years. He was thirty- three years old; his success had been 
fair, and the prospect for still larger success was bright before 
him. But he immediately began preparation to leave it, and 
resolved, like thousands of his fellow citizens all over the Free 
States, similarly situated, to respond at once to his country's 
call to arms. 

At this time he was First Lieutenant of the Swanton com- 
pany of the State Militia. This organization becoming Co. A 
of the First Regiment Vermont Volunteer Infantry, he retained 
the same rank in his company under the larger organization. He 
was mustered into the United States service with the regiment 
on the 8th of May, 1861, and went south with these first Ver- 
mont troops to the seat of war, arriving at Fortress Monroe on 
the 13th of May. He remained with this command during its 
brief term of service at Fortress Monroe, Hampton and New- 
port News, and was at tlie battle of Big Bethel on the 10th of 
June, where he bore liis part manfully in achieving the distinc- 
tion awarded to the officers and men of this regiment in that 
important action. 

Lieutenant Jewett's terra of military service in 1861 was 
co-equal with that of the First Kegiment. Returning to the 
State, he resumed his mercantile business in Swanton. But 
earnestly participating in the military spirit then prevailing 
everywhere in the North, he divided his time between his private 
business and that, of recruiting for the three years regiments 
which began to be organized before the term of the three months 
men expired, but giving the larger part to the recruiting service. 
Sometime in August, 1862, he was appointed Lieutenant-Colonel 
of the Tenth Vermont Regiment, William Y. W. Ripley, Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel of the First Regiment U. S. Sharpshooters, hav- 
ing received the appointment of Colonel. Colonel Ripley, then 
suffering from a wound received in battle, and being unable to 
accompany his regiment to the field where its services were 
immediately required, relinquished the command, and Lieuten- 



73 

ant Colonel Jewett was commissioned Colonel Aug. 26tb, in his 
place. 

With this regiment Colonel Jewett went to the front, and 
remained with it a year and seven months and nearly all this time 
was in immediate command. He was away twice on leave of 
absence for twenty days at a time, and once for a longer period 
on recruiting service. He was a good disciplinarian, possessing 
decided executive ability ; an active and ambitious nature, persis- 
tent in purpose, he usually accomplished what his judgment led 
him to undertake. He was careful of his men, faithful to his 
friends and was a popular regimental commander. Under favor- 
able circumstances, he might have attained a high military 
reputation, had he remained in the service. The regiment 
under his command rose to high favor with the brigade and 
division commanders with whom he served, eliciting their hearty 
commendations in orders. 

During the most of the time that he was in command the 
regiment was in the outer defences of Washington — at White's 
Ford; mouth of the Monocacy, Edwards' Ferry, Foolesville and 
scattered along the Fotomac in small detachments. Of course, 
there was little or no opportunity for drill or instruction in camp 
duties, except when occasionally by a change of position and the 
arrival of new troops in the vicinity and the threatened appear- 
ance of the enemy, the companies on these scattered outposts 
were called together. These occasions he promptly improved 
in battalion drill. 

At Ojffutt's Cross Roads, Md., Colonel Jewett commanded 
a brigade, consisting of the Thirty-ninth Massachusetts, the 
Fourteenth New Hampshire, the Twenty-third Maine and his 
own, the Tenth Vermont, with credit to himself and to the 
entire satisfaction of the department commander. General Heint- 
zelman. But this kind of service, which lasted nearly ten 
months, was alike distasteful to him and unsuited to his ener- 
getic and stirring nature, and he hailed with great satisfaction the 
order that relieved him and his command from the hard beaten 
picket posts at the fords of the Potomac and the desolate cross 
roads leading to them. 



74 

In the campaign that succeeded, however, he had but a 
single opportunity to lead his regiment in battle. That occurred 
on the 27th of November, in the action of Locust Grove, or of 
Payn's Farm, as it is called by the Confederates ; it was a severe 
engagement and the first time the regiment was brought under 
heavy fire or had been at close quarters with the enemy. The 
battle lasted three or four hours, the regiment suffering a loss 
of seventy-five men in killed and wounded, and one oflicer 
wounded. Colonel Jewett received special commendations of 
both the brigade and the division commanders for his personal giil- 
lantry and the courage and steadiness of the ofiicers and men 
under his command. Three days later, when at Mine Run, two 
divisions of the Third Corps were sent to General Warren, to 
assist in a contemplated attack upon the Confederate right. 
The position of Morris' brigade being on the right of the Fifth 
Corps, Colonel Jewett asked permission to lead the assault, which 
was then supposed to be near at hand, with his regiment. The 
enemy's position on his front was very strong, a hill rising 
abruptly out of a swale, difiicult of ascent, even if unobstructed 
by artificial barriers, but with earthworks at the summit and 
heavy fraise at tlie base, and slashings extending beyond, the 
prospect was simply appalling. Fortunately, instead of assault- 
ing, he was ordered to withdraw his troops, as it had been 
decided to abandon the attack and the campaign. 

A few months later, on the 25th of April, 1864, Colonel 
Jewett resigned, and his departure was an occasion of much 
regret. While with us he exhibited high soldierly qualities, and 
his military career was distinctly marked by an earnest spirit of 
patriotism, and by faithful and able service. 

Returning to his former home and business in Vermont, 
he continued to reside there until his death and carry on the 
mercantile trade until the pressure of other business compelled 
him to relinquish it. Soon after the close of the war Colonel 
Jewett began to plan on a broader scale than he had ever done 
before. He was one of the first to conceive the project of a 
railway from Lake Champlain to Portland, Maine. Few who 
were not within the confidential circle at that time can imagine 
the labor involved in pushing this enterprise to a successful 



75 

issue. Few will ever know how large a part was taken by Col- 
onel Jewett. In the work of surveying, in persuading towns 
along the route to give financial aid, in floating securities and in 
combating open and secret hostility, he was first and foremost. 
To many it looked hopeless ; to others foolish, but Colonel Jew- 
ett moved on as if controlled by a supreme faith. And in the 
end faith changed to sight. The road having become a reality 
he was made superintendent, an ofiice which he held to nearly 
the time of his death. And as if this was not enough for his 
tireless energy (for the road being new and almost an experi- 
ment, it was necessary for him to fill, practically, several oflices 
at once), he engaged privately in developing a large lumber busi- 
ness in Essex county, which also became a success. Carrying 
this double burden upon his shoulders did not prevent him from 
taking an active interest in local and general politics. Not an 
ofiice seeker himself, he had much to do in tilling these oflices of 
trust. Finding that his health was breaking down under the 
tremendous strain to which it had been subjected for years, Col- 
onel Jewett visited Florida in the winter of 188t>-7. The climate 
did not do what was hoped for. His thoughts and desires turned 
toward his old friends. Like the traveler in the poem, he car- 
ried an untraveled heart. In the midst of preparation for return 
death came suddenly at Jacksonville, March 6, 1887. As one 
lays aside his garment after the labors of the day and prepares 
for rest, so Colonel Jewett laid aside mortality. It was only a 
sigh and he was gone. His funeral was attended at Swanton 
and drew a large concourse of people from all parts of the State. 
Rev. Mr. Burgess, rector of the Episcopal church in St. Albans, 
officiated. He was buried with Masonic honors, an order in 
which he stood high and in which he always took an active inter- 
est. Though not a member of any church, Colonel Jewett was 
by preference an Episcopalian and he was one of the foremost 
in the formation of Holy Trinity church in Swanton. Yet his 
sympathies were too broad to be confined within the walls or 
peculiarities of any church. Colonel Jewett was married March 
20, 1851, to Achsa Giffin of Swanton, who survives him. Two 
children, Frances Emily (Grould) and George A. lived to matu- 
rity and then died. This double loss cast a deep shadow over 



76 

Colonel Jewett's after life. In the most engrossing business 
cares or in times of recreation, whatever he did or wherever he 
went the shadow was always present. 

Several characteristics may be referred to as entering large- 
ly into Colonel Jewett's make up as a man. 

1. li'xecutive ability. Few persons know how to approach 
men and gain a given end better than did he. Having undertaken 
a task he knew how to find and get the necessary ones to help 
him push it through. It is not, perhaps, too much to say that 
had it not been for him tiie Portland & Ogdensburg Rail- 
road would not be in existence to-day. It certainly would not 
have been built till long after it was in successful operation. 

2. Persistency. He was indefatigable in following the trail 
to the end which he had placed before him. When others lost 
heart he predicted success, and fortune generally favors the bold 
oven if the world calls them rash. 

3. A wide and varied knowledge of men and things. He 
had definite and well formed opinions upon a multitude of sub- 
jects, and could take up a great many branches of business and 
carry them on with success. He could be merchant, engineer, 
farmer, manager of railway, financier, and not fail in any one 
of them. He was not a man of one idea. 

4. Fidelity to his friends. This may seem scant praise. 
But in this age when too often liberality is interpreted as abuse 
of friends and reward for opponents, a man true to his friends 
through all report is worthy of mention. Colonel Jewett was as 
ready to defend his friends or help them obtain coveted places 
as he was to do for himself. 

5. Stability. He could not turn corners as easily as 
many. He came of old New England stock. His father was 
an old time Abolitionist and his children grew up with well de- 
fined opinions as to the rights of man. It was not strange, there- 
fore, that when the great war burst upon the nation three of the 
children should have enlisted. One, Jesse A., came home to 
die, and the G. A. R. Post at Swanton is named in his memory. 



77 

While in this camp, and during the latter part of 1863 and 
the early months of 1864, a large number of our most intelli- 
gent and best non commissioned officers, and perhaps some others, 
were transferred to other regiments, or rather they were on cer- 
tain conditions discharged for appointments as officers in the 
regiments of colored troops, then being rapidly organized by the 
Government. These opportunities to secure commissions more 
speedily than they would be likely to acquire them by remain- 
ing with the regiment and awaiting the ordinary methods of 
advancement, certainlj'- appealed to a reasonable ambition. Un- 
questionably, too, they were induced to do this from ardent patri- 
otic motives. 

Congress had passed a law in July, 1862, one provision of 
which was : 

•' That the President of the United States is authorized to 
employ as many persons of African descent as he may deem 
necessary and proper for the suppression of this rebellion, and 
for this purpose he may organize and use them in such manner 
as he may judge best for the public service." 

The President quickly began preparations for carrying into 
effect the well-known intention of this act of Congress and the 
enlistment of colored men soon began and their organization 
into companies and regiments was rapidly advanced. But it 
soon appeared, if it was not foreseen, that white soldiers of expe- 
rience would be required for purposes of drill, discipline and com- 
mand, in nearly all of the regiments and detachments of these 
troops that the Government contemplated arming and putting 
into the field. Therefore, in the summer of 1863, the War 
Department organized a board of officers for the examination of 
applicants for commissions in regiments of colored troops, invit- 
ing such as were deemed available or thought desirable, then in 
the service, to appear before this board for examination. Hav- 
ing passed the prescribed ordeal, they were recommended for 
positions of rank in the colored regiments, according to the mer- 
its of their examination. 

A very large number of men from all the regiments in the 
field were attracted by this novel service, and a score or more 
from the Tenth received appointments as staff, line and field 



78 

officers of the colored troops, most of them leaving ns and join- 
ing their new commands dm'ing the winter of 1863-4. 

It would afford great pleasure to be able to give a full 
description — at least, an apparently impartial account — of the 
valuable military services rendered by these officers to the Gov- 
ernment and to the colored race ; but lack of information in the 
majority of instances necessarily limits the attempt to give equal 
space to all. The following records, therefore, however meagre 
some of them certainly are, contain all obtainable information 
of those whose patriotic deeds deserve a much more extended 
notice. 

LIEUTENANT- COLONEL POWELL. 

E. Henry Powell, son of Herraon Powell and Julia S. 
White, was born at Richford, Vt., Sept. 3d, 1839. From boy- 
hood up to the time of his enlistment, he lived on his father's 
farm and lie was occupied in farming during all tliis period with 
the exception of such intervals of time as were spent in attending 
and in teaching school. He was fitted for college at Potsdam 
Academy, N. Y., and at the Fairfax Literary Institute, Fairfax, 
Vt., and entered the freshman class of the University of Ver- 
mont in 1861 and would have graduated in due course with his 
class. But swayed with patriotic fervor and a desire to enter 
the military service and assist what he could in the suppression 
of the rebellion, he enlisted as a private soldier July 17th, 1862. 
He did not, therefore, finish his college course, although the 
University some years later conferred upon him the lionorary 
degree of Master of Arts. 

Upon the organization of Co. F, at Swanton, Aug. 6th, 
1862, young Powell was appointed First Sergeant. This posi- 
tion he continued to hold, fulfilling its important duties with 
great credit to himself and corresponding benefit to Iiis company 
through the varying experience of the regiment for more than 
a year. Sometime in December, 1863, although he had been 
discharged by special order from the War Department, bearing 
date Nov. 27th preceding, he was appointed Lieutenant-Colonel 
of the U. S. Colored Infantry. 




LT. COL. E. HENRY POWELL. 



80 

regiment, and oftentimes of a brigade. His command frequently 
extended over large sections of country, and was stationed at 
important posts, where the utmost vigilance and a sound military 
judgment were required. 

He left the army with an honorable record for faithful and 
distinguished service and the reputation of an able officer and a 
gallant soldier. 

Returning to his native town in Vermont, he very soon 
began the practice of law. He was Inspector of Customs from 
October, 1866, to January, 1869 ; State's Attorney for Franklin 
county from 1872 to 1874; member of tlie State Legislature, two 
years in the House and the same length of time in the Senate. 
He was the State Auditor of Accounts from 1878 to 1892. He is 
now, 1893, Treasurer of the University of Yerraont and the 
State Agricultural College. Lieutenant-Colonel Powell contin- 
ued his residence in Kichford until 1891, when he moved to 
Burlington, where he now resides. 

LIEUTENANT COLONEL JANES. 

Albert P. Janes enlisted as a private from Swanton, Yt., 
August 6th, 1862, and was appointed a Corporal in Co. F, upon 
the organization of the company. He served with the regiment 
until Dec. 28th, 1863, and was in the battle of Locust Grove, 
Nov. 27th, preceding. He was then discharged for promotion 
in the U. S. colored troops, appointed Captain in the Twenty- 
second U. S. Colored Infantry, Dec. 1st, 1864, promoted Major 
and transferred to the One Hundred and Sixteenth Infantrj', 
April 12th, 1865, promoted Lieutenant-Colonel and again trans- 
ferred to the Thirty-first Infantry. Mustered out with the 
regiment. 

BREVET LIEUTENANT-COLONEL EIOE. 

Charles L, Rice was born in Brookficld, Yt., Dec. 31st, 
1841. After finishing the course usually pursued by a New 
England boy in the district school, he continued his education at 
the Barre Academy, Barre, Yt. He attended this institution a 
part of each year, for four years, aiding himself by teaching in 




LT. COL. CHAS. L. RICE. 



81 

the surrounding towns, Middlesex, Berlin, and in Brookfield, 
during the winter months. 

He was barely twenty years old when the civil war broke 
out, and still attending and teaching school, but in the follow- 
ing snmmcr, August, 1862, he enlisted as a private soldier and 
became a member of Co. G. Upon the organization of the 
company, he was appointed a Corporal, and soon after the regi- 
ment was mustered into the U. S. service he was detailed as 
one of the Color Guards. In July, 1863, a number of commis- 
sioned officers, under a general order, being sent to Vermont on 
recruiting service. Corporal Rice accompanied them to assist in 
this service, which was going on in all the Northern States. He 
remained in Yermont, recruiting and drilling recruits, nearly 
three months, when he was ordered to report to the Examining 
Board, at Washington, D. C, in order to be examined for a 
commission in the colored troops. On Oct. 27th, 1863, he was 
appointed a Captain in the Seventh U. S, Colored Infantry. 
Reporting for duty, he was immediately sent to Camp Stanton, 
Md., where he remained until the 4th of March, 1864, instruct- 
ing the black recruits in camp duties and the manual of arms, 
preparatory to those soldierly tests of efficiency awaiting them 
in garrisons and in the field. 

He was then ordered to Hilton Head, South Carolina, 
thence to Jacksonville, Florida, which latter place was reached 
near the last of March, 1864. And here Captain Rice was soon 
prostrated by an attack of rheumatic fever, from which he did 
not recover until October. In the meantime his regiment had 
been transferred to Virginia, and was stationed near Forts Burn- 
ham and Harrison, works in the system of fortifications around 
Richmond, where he joined it after an enforced absence of seven 
months. Soon after his return the regiment was moved into 
Fort Harrison and he with his company was detailed on the Fro- 
vost Guard at Major-General Weitzel's headquarters. A few 
months later Captain Rice was appointed Acting Afsistant 
Inspector-General First Brigade, Second Division, Twenty-fifth 
Army Corps, on the staff of General James Shaw. As a staff 
officer in this position he shared in all the operations partici- 

(6) 



82 

pated in by this brigade in the attacks upon the works of Peters- 
burg and Richmond, just prior to their evacuation by the enemy ; 
also in the pursuit of the Confederate army and its surrender 
at Appomattox. 

On the 14th of April he was appointed temporarily Acting 
Assistant Inspector-General of the Second Division, Twenty- 
fifth Army Corps, on the staff of General Jackson. 

May 24th he returned to the First Brigade and joined 
tlie large force that was about this time ordered to Texas ; 
and in the following June he was detailed A. A. I. G. of the 
sub-district of Victoria, with headquarters at Indianola. Feb. 
21st, 1866, he was assigned with the same rank, to the Central 
District, with headquarters at San Antonio. 

Captain Kice served on the staff of General James Shaw 
thirteen months, with the exception of ten days, when he was on 
the staff of General Jackson, commander of the division of which 
Shaw's brigade formed a part. 

May 4th he was returned to his regiment, which had been 
ordered to be mustered out, but was again assigned to staff duty 
at General Heintzelman's headquarters. On the 13th of Octo- 
ber the command was moved east to Baltimore, Md., and mus- 
tered out of the U. S. service, and about this time Captain Rice 
was breveted Major and Lieutenant-Colonel of Volunteers, for 
meritorious service. 

He was present with his company and regiment in all of 
tlieir engagements, the most important of which were Darby- 
town Road, Va., Oct. 13th, 1864, Fort Burnham, 27th and 28th ; 
Armstrong's Mills, March 30th, and Petersburgh, April 2d, and 
at Appomattox. 

Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel Rice was a most energetic and 
faithful officer, prompt and careful in the execution of orders, 
taking matters for granted in his sphere of duty only when he 
saw them accomplished. He was devoted to the service of his 
country to that degree of intensity that characterized thousands 
of his class, and it absorbed his best energies. Like many others, 
too, in the same branch of the service, he was adapted to the 
work he had to do. General officers are quick to observe and 
avail themselves of those qualifications necessary to aid them in 




BYT. MAJ. IRA H. EVANS. 



83 

the wide range of their responsibilities, many of which must be 
entrusted to the care and judgment of staff officers ; and they 
found thoroughly competent aids in the young officers of the col- 
ored regiments. 

Returning to civil life, Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel Rice en- 
gaged in mercantile business in Rockland, Mass. He is now 
prosperously engaged in the same business at Rockland, where 
he resides, and at South Weymouth, Mass. 

MAJOR CHENEY. 

Alpheus H. Cheney enlisted from Brookfield, Vt., Aug. 1st, 
1862. He was appointed a Sergeant in Co. G, upon the organi- 
zation of the company, and promoted First Sergeant in Septem- 
ber, 1863. On the 26th of the same month he was discharged 
to accept an appointment in the colored troops, and was com- 
missioned First Lieutenant of Co. C of the Seventh U. S. Col- 
ored Infantry. Within a year he was promoted Captain. March 
Ist, 1865, he was promoted Major and transferred to the Forty- 
first Colored Infantry and mustered in September following. 

MAJOR EVANS. 

Ira Hobart Evans, the third son of Dr. Ira and Emeline Ho- 
bart Evans, was born in Piermont, Grafton county, N. H., April 
11th, 1844. His father died when he was eight years of age, 
and soon thereafter his mother removed with her family to Barre, 
Vt. He was educated in the public schools and at Barre Acad- 
emy ; enlisted July 28, 1862, as a private in Co. B, Tenth Vermont 
Volunteers. In August, 1863, he was detailed for duty at Adju- 
tant-General's office, Third Army Corps ; joined his company 
and regiment and participated in the battle of Locust Grove, 
Va., Nov. 27th, 1863 ; examined for a commission in U. S. col- 
ored troops, by the board of which Major-General Silas Casey 
was president, and commissioned First Lieutenant in the Ninth 
U. S. colored troops, Dec. 18th, 1863 ; Acting Adjutant, 
Ninth U. S. colored troops, July 4th to Oct. 6th, 1864 ; partici- 
pated in Ashepoo river expedition and in operations against 
Charleston, S. C, July, 1864, and also in the engagement fought 
on John's Island, S. C, July 4th, 1864 ; went with his regiment 



84 

to Virginia in August, 1864, and took part in the operations 
against Richmond on the north side of the James river, Aug. 
14-18, 1864, inchiding tlie engagements fought at Deep Bottom 
and Fussell's Mills ; afterward did duty at the siege of Peters- 
burg ; was with his regiment in the assault on Fort Gilmer, Vir- 
ginia, Sept. 29th, 1864, and in the repulse of Lee at Fort Harri- 
son the next day. The commanding officer of the Ninth U. 
S. colored troops, in reporting its action in the assault on 
Fort Gilmer said : " All the officers under my command be- 
haved well, but I feel bound to distinguish by name First Lieu- 
tenant Ira H. Evans." He was appointed A. A. A. G. Second 
Brigade, Third Division, Tenth Army Corps, Oct. 6th, 1864; 
took part in the engagement on Darby town Road, Oct. 13th, 
1864 ; Acting Commissary of Subsistence Second Brigade, Third 
Division, Tenth Army Corps, Dec. 20th, 1864, to Jan. 17th, 1865 ; 
A. A. A. G. Second Brigade, First Division, Twenty-fifth Army 
Corps, Jan. 17th to Jan. Slst, 1865 ; twice specially recom- 
mended for promotion as Captain by General William Birney, 
commanding Second Division, Twenty-fifth Army Corps ; com- 
missioned Captain One Hundred and Sixteenth U. S. colored 
troops, Jan. 27th, 1865 ; A. A. A. G. Second Division, Twenty- 
fifth Army Corps, on the staff' of General William Birney, Feb. 
3d to April 8th, 1865, when the division was temporarily dis- 
organized and its brigades assigned to the Twenty-fourth Army 
Corps ; in the siege of Ritihmond, in the winter of 1864-5 ; 
went with his division to the left of the Army of the Potomac, 
near Hatcher's Run, in the latter part of March, 1865, and took 
part in the final operations which resulted in the capture of 
Petersburg; A. A. D. C. on the staff" of General R. S. Foster, 

commanding Division, Twenty-fourth Army Corps, April 

8-11, 1865, and on April 9th, took part in the fight south of 
Appomattox Court House, which stopped the retreat of Lee's 
army southward and compelled its immediate surrender. The 
Second Division, Twenty-fifth Army Corps was reorganized 
April 11th, 1865, with General R. H. Jackson in command, and 
Major Evans was appointed A. A. A. G. on his staff, and con- 
tinued as such until April 25th, 1865. The Twenty-fifth Army 
Corps being under orders for Texas, regimental officers on staff 



85 

duty were relieved as far as possible by officers of the different 
Staff Corps, and Major Evans was relieved in this way as A. A. 
A. G,, and was appointed A. A. I. G. Second Brigade, Second 
Division, Twenty-fifth Army Corps, April 25th, and sailed for 
Texas with his brigade in May, 1865 ; A. A. I. G. Second Divi- 
sion, Twenty-fifth Army Corps, November 18th, 1865, to Feb. 
11th, 1866 ; A. A. I. G. Second Separate Brigade, District of the 
Kio Grande, Texas, Feb. 11th to March 10th, 1865 ; Provost 
Marshal of the District of the Kio Grande, Texas, on the staff 
of General Geo. W. Getty, March 10th to July 2d, 1866 ; on 
leave of absence July 2d until September, 1866 ; served with 
his regiment in New Orleans, La., November, 1866, until mus- 
tered out of service, Jan. 17th, 1867. The regiment was dis- 
banded at Louisville, Ky., Feb. 11th, 1867. 

Breveted Major of U. S. volunteers March 13th, 1865, " for 
gallant conduct on the 13th of October, 1864, and on the 9th of 
April, 1865, and for meritorious services." 

Keceived from Congress the medal of honor " for distin- 
guished bravery at Hatcher's Run, Va., April 2d, 1865." 

After his discharge from the U. S. service he returned to 
Western Texas and engaged in stock raising for a time ; ap- 
pointed sub-assistant Commissioner of the bureau of R. F. and 
A. L. for Wharton county, Texas, in June, 1867, by Major Gen- 
eral Griffin, commanding Department of Texas. Matagorda 
county was subsequently added to his district. He resigned in 
February, 1868, to accept the position of Assistant Assessor of U. 
S. internal revenue at Eagle Pass, Texas ; resigned this place in 
the spring of 1869 to accept the position of Deputy Collector 
U. S. internal revenue at Corpus Christi ; elected a member of 
the House of Representatives of Texas in November, 1869 ; 
Speaker of the House of Representatives of Texas in 1870 and 
] 871 ; General Manager of the Texas Land Company from 1872 
to 1880 ; Secretary of the International & Great Northern Kail- 
road Company from 1874 to 1880; Director of the International 
& Great Northern Railroad Company from 1874 to 1880, and 
from 1882 to date. On April 13, 1880, he was elected Presi- 
dent of the New York & Texas Land Company (Limited), a 
corporation owning five millions of acres of land and fifty town 



86 

sites in Texas, and still holds the same position ; Director of the 
Austin National Bank from the date of its organization ; Vice- 
President and Director of the Austin Rapid Transit Railway Com- 
pany, which owns the street railway lines of Austin ; First As- 
sistant Moderator of the National Congregational Council, held 
at Worcester, Mass., in 1888 ; member of the military order of the 
Loyal Legion, Commandery of the State of New York, and a 
member of the Vermont Society of the Sons of the American 
Revolution, also a member of the United Service Club of the 
City of New York. 

To say that Major Evans served with great efficiency and 
fidelity in all the important positions to which he was assigned 
during his remarkable military career, and with approved gal- 
lantry in every action in which he participated, is hardly neces- 
sary, yet amply justified by the numerous responsible positions 
that came to him unsought, and without political influence ; by 
the frequent commendations of superior officers, and the uni- 
form expressions of confidence and esteem of his comrades in 
arms. 

In business, since the war. Major Evans has been no less 
successful than as a soldier. As a large shareholder and Pres- 
ident of the New York and Texas Land Company, as in other 
business enterprises, he has displayed rare business and executive 
abilities which have yielded him both distinction and fortune, 
and also given political advantages and high social position. His 
present residence is Austin, Travis county, Texas. 

BREVET MAJOR REED. 

Ogden B. Reed, a younger son of Hon. David Reed, was 
born in Colchester, Vt., Sept. 16th, 1843. At the time of the 
breaking out of the civil war he was a student in the University 
of Vermont, a member of the class of 1864. 

When the President's call for troops in July, 1862, was 
issued, he abandoned his college course and enlisted as a private 
soldier, with his older brother, James M. Reed, with a company 
then being organized by Giles F. Appleton. This organization 
became Co. D, Tenth Regiment Vermont Volunteers, and 
Appleton its Captain. 



87 

Reed was mustered into the U. S. service with the regi- 
ment, continuing in the ranks until Dec. 26th, when he was 
promoted a Corporal and retained this position, sharing in all the 
experiences of the regiment until the 28th of March, 1864. He 
was then discharged for appointment in the colored troops and 
commissioned a Captain in the Thirty- ninth U. S. Colored 
Infantry. In a few days less than a year, he was appointed 
Brevet Major of V^olunteerfj, and mustered out with the regi- 
ment in the following December. 

Brevet Major Reed had now become attached to the military 
service and decided to take up the profession of a soldier as an 
occupation for the remainder of his life. He was appointed a 
Second Lieutenant in the Eleventh U. S. Infantry on the 23d of 
February, 1866. April 25th he was made a First Lieutenant 
and transferred to the Twelfth U. S. Infantry. In September 
following, he was returned to the Eleventh Infantry and pro- 
moted a Captain Jan. 23d, 1873. 

He was engaged while in the Third Corps, Army of the 
Potomac, at Bristow Station, Kelly's Ford, Brandy Station, 
Locust Grove and Mine Run ; in the Ninth Corps, Army of the 
Potomac, in the Wilderness campaign, 1864 ; siege of Peters- 
burg ; Petersburg mine, July 30, 1864, severely wounded. He 
was on general recruiting service from Sept. 18th 1874, to Oct. 
1st, 1876, and in action with the hostile Sioux near Poplar 
river, Montana, Jan. 2d, 1881. 

Further than this, of the character and extent of Captain 
Reed's services, either in the Volunteer or the Regular Army, 
there are no means of knowing. Judging, however, fro:ii the 
length of time he served and the frequency of his promotions, it 
may be inferred that his record was creditable to himself and 
satisfactory to his superior officers and to the Government. He 
died a tragic death at the U. S. Barracks, Plattsburgh, N. Y., 
April 13, 1889. 

BREVET MAJOR DODGE. 

Albert F. Dodge was born at Barre, Washington county, 
Vt., Sept. 23d, 1838. His father dying while Albert was a 
mere boy he was thrown upon his own resources for support. 



88 

He worked on a farm from four to eight months in a year and 
attended the district school during the otherwise unemployed 
portions of his time until lie was fourteen years old. He was 
then able to attend the Barre Academy for one or two terms a 
year, by working the balance of the year in order to pay his 
expenses while at school. When he was eighteen years of age 
he began an apprenticeship at the trade of a carpenter and join- 
er, but his period of indenture was not completed at the time of 
the breaking out of the war of the rebellion ; and considering 
that the country in this crisis required all the aid and sacrifices 
its strong young men could offer, he enlisted as a private soldier 
on July 28th, 1862. He became a member of Co. B, which 
was organized at Waterbury, Vt., Aug. 4:th, 1862, with tlie late 
Major Edwin Dillingham, who met a gallant death at Winches- 
ter, Va., Sept. 19th, 1864, as Captain. Private Dodge was 
appointed Corporal at the organization of the company. In 
February, 1863, he was promoted a Sergeant, and continued in 
this position until April 5th, 1864, when he was discharged in 
order to accept an appointment in the colored troops. 

During the time he was with the regiment, Sergeant Dodge 
bore liimself manfully and faithfully discharged all his duties, 
both in its campaigns and battles, as a true soldier of the 
Ilepublic. 

He was appointed a Captain in the Thirty-ninth U. S. Col- 
ored Infantry, and was stationed at Baltimore, Md., until No- 
vember, 1864, when his regiment joined the Ninth Army Corps 
and became a part of the Fourth Division. In December fol- 
lowing, tliese troops were transferred to the Twenty-fiftli corps. 
Captain Dodge with his regiment was in the first and unsuc- 
cessful Fort Fisher expedition under Major-General Benjamin 
F. Butler, and also with Brigadier-General Terry in the later 
expedition which resulted, with the cooperation of the Navy, in 
the capture of that noted stronghold of the enemy in North 
Carolina. 

Nov. 15th, 1865, Captain Dodge was breveted Major of 
Volunteers for meritorious service. 

Major Dodge continued in the military service of the United 
States with the Thirty-ninth regiment until Dec. 4th, 1865, when 




CAPT. GEOKGE W. BUllNELL. 



89 

lie was mustered out at Wiliiiiugton, N. C. Keturning to 
Barre, Vt., where be now resides, Major Dodge resumed his old 
occupation, which he still successfully pursues. 



CAPTAIN BUENELL. 

George W. Burnell enlisted from Richford, Vt., July 15th, 
1862, and was appointed Second Sergeant in Co. F, when the 
company was organized. Retaining this position and attending to 
his duties with fidelity and zeal for a little more than a year, ho 
was promoted Second Lieutenant of Co. 0, Jan. 19th, 1863. 
He continued in this position less than one year, although long 
enough to gain some experience in all the phases of a soldier's 
life — camping, marching, the care and drill of men and the 
responsibilities of command in battle, having been in the action 
of Nov. 27th, 1863, with the regiment. 

He was discharged Jan. 1st, 1864, and appointed Captain of 
Co. C in the Nineteenth U. S. Colored Infantry. He immediately 
joined his regiment in the field, which was attached to Brigadier- 
General Ferrero's division of Major-General A. E. Burnside's 
corps and served with it during the campaign of 1864. He was 
in all the engagements of this division and belonged to one of 
its fighting regiments. In the gallant charge and subsequent 
hopeless fight made by these troops in the ragged crater caused 
by the springing of the mine in front of Petersburg, July 30th, 
1864, he was severely wounded. Indeed, very few of his com- 
pany or of the division escaped being wounded, or a worse fate, 
in tliis ill-starred adventure where they were hurled without 
direction and then left to struggle like drift-wood in the tide, 
until nearly all of them had perished. In the winter of 1864-5, 
he was with the Army of the James on the north side 
of the James river, and shared with the troops in that vicin- 
ity in the besieging operation conducted against the defenses of 
Richmond, until the 24th of February, 1865, when he resigned. 
Captain Burnell retired from the service with a good and clean 
record as a soldier and an ofiicer in both regiments in which he 
served and to-day bears the scars of honorable wounds as tokens 
of patriotic devotion to his country. 



90 

At the close of his miHtarj cjireer, he took up his residence 
in Oshkoshj Wisconsin, where his home now is. He began the 
practice of law in that city during the month following his resig- 
nation and very soon attained high rank in his profession. He 
has been several times chosen District Attorney of Winnebago 
county ; and on Oct. Ist, 1884, a vacancy occurring in the office 
of judge in the third circuit of the Circuit Court of Wisconsin, 
he was appointed by Governor Rust to fill out the unexpired 
term ; and he filled the ofiice with so much ability and accept- 
ance to tlie public that he has since been twice elected to the 
same position. His present term expires Jan. 1st, 1897. 

He is a member of the Grand Army of the Republic and 
of the Military Order of the Loyal Legion, having been Vice- 
Commander of the commandery of Wisconsin in 1887, and Com- 
mander in 1888. 

While bearing meekly and with dignity the honors that 
have come to him. Judge Burnell is a genial public ofiicer and a 
popular, high-minded citizen, and is universally respected by the 
people of his adopted State. 

CAPTAIN FARNSWORTH. 

Robert W. C. Farnsworth was private and Corporal in Co. 
A, and enlisted from Lyndon, Vt., 10th of June, 1862. ELc wag 
appointed a Captain in the Thirty-second U. S. Colored Infantry. 
Died of wounds received in action, or in consequence of such 
wounds, after more than three years of acute suffering. 

CAPTAIN QUIMBY. 

Benjamin F. Quimby, also of Co. A, and of Lyndon, Vt., 
enlisted June 30th, 1862. He was appointed Third Sergeant upon 
the organization of his company and was discharged Feb. 24rth, 
1864, for appointment as Captain in the Thirtieth U. S. Colored 
Infantry. He was captured by the enemy and died a prisoner 
of war at Danville, Va., Sept. 11th, 1864. 

CAPTAIN WHITNEY. 

Alonzo B. Whitney enlisted from Brookfield, Vt., Aug. 
1st, 1862. He was a private in Co. G, and was discharged 




1st LT. FRANK B. DAYIS. 



91 

from the regiment Feb. 4th, 1864, and appointed Captain in the 
Twenty-sixth U. S. Colored Infantry. All that is known of 
him is that he died of wounds received in action the same day 
at Gregory Farm, S. C, Dec. 5th, 1864. 

ADJUTANT DEAN. 

Ezra S. Dean was a private in Co, H, and enlisted from 
Chester, Vt. He was appointed First Lieutenant and Adjutant 
in the Forty-third U. S. Colored Infantry some time in 1864, 
and continued in this position a little more than one year, when 
he was mustered out with his regiment. 

QUAETERMASTER DAGGETT. 

Joseph N. Daggett enlisted from Coventry, Vt., and was ap- 
pointed Corporal in C(». K, upon the organization of the company. 
He was discharged from the regiment March 9th, 1864, and 
appointed First Lieutenant and Regimental Quartermaster in 
the Forty-third U. S. Colored Infantry, and served in that capac- 
ity during the regiment's term of service. 

LIEUTENANT DAVIS, 

Frank B. Davis, Springfield, Vt., was Second Sergeant of 
Co. H, receiving his appointment at the time of the organiza- 
tion of the company. He served with liis company and regi- 
ment until Jan. 8th, 1864, when he was appointed Second Lieu- 
tenant in the Twenty-fifth U, S. Colored Infantry. May 5th, 
1865, he was promoted First Lieutenant in the same regiment 
and company, and continued in the service until the regiment 
was mustered out in December following. Lieutenant Davis 
participated in but one battle while he was with the Tenth Reg- 
iment, but there he displayed the courage and coolness of a vet- 
eran. He saw much more fighting during his nearly two years 
experience with the colored troops, frequently commanding his 
company in action. He proved himself on several occasions to 
be a capable company officer and a brave soldier. Some time 
after the close of the war, he engaged in business in Chicago, and 
is at the present time a member of the Mason & Davis Com- 



92 

pany, manufacturers of stoves, ranges and furnaces, and vice- 
president of the company. 

LIEUTENANT EDGERTON. 

Charles M. Edgerton enlisted from Wallingford, Vt., July 
IGth, 1862. He was appointed Sergeant upon the organization 
of Co. C, and served with his company and the regiment until 
June, 1863. He was then appointed Second Lieutenant in the 
Twenty-Hfth U. S. Colored Infantry. He died of disease con- 
tracted in the service, in the following March, 186^:, at Phila- 
delphia. 

LIEUTENANT LEAVENS. 

Leander C. Leavens, Co. I, enlisted from Berkshire, Vt. 
He was promoted Corporal Feb. 13, 1863. A year later he 
was discharged for promotion and was appointed First Lieuten- 
ant in the Thirty-second U. S. Colored Lifantry. Mustered out 
with the regiment Aug. 22d, 1865. 

LIEUTENANT POWELL. 

Charles A. Powell enlisted from Fairfield, Vt., July ITtli, 
1862. He was a private in Co. F, and served faithfully with 
the Tenth Kegiment in all of its battles and campaigns until 
Aug. 16tli, 1864, when he was discharged for promotion in a 
regiment of colored troops. Ho was appointed First Lieutenant 
in a company of the Tenth U. S. Colored Infantry, May 28th, 
1865. This regiment was ordered to Texas some time toward 
the last of June, 1865, and constituted a part of a brigade com- 
manded by Lieutenant-Colonel E. H. Powell, where he served 
continuously with the regiment until it was mustered out. May 
17th, 1866. 

Since the war Lieutenant Powell has been for most of the 
time in the mercantile business and is at the present time senior 
partner in the firm of Powell & Comings, dealers in general 
merchandise, Richford, Vt,, where he now resides. 

LIEUTENANT ROBINSON. 

Levi H. Robinson enlisted from Swanton, Vt., July 16tli, 
1862. When Co. F was organized he was appointed a Ser- 



93 

geant. He was promoted a Second Lieutenant in the One Hun- 
dred and Nineteenth U. S. Colored Infantry. He was after- 
wards appointed a Second Lieutenant in the Fourteenth U. S. 
Infantry, and promoted First Lieutenant in the same regiment. 
He continued in thin position in the Regular Army until 1874, 
when he was killed in battle with the Indians in Wyoming. 

LIEUTENANT SAWYER. 

Moses W. Sawyer enlisted from Walden, Vt., June 6th, 
1862, and was appointed a Sergeant in Co. A. He was dis- 
charged by special order No. 137, War Department, and 
appointed First Lieutenant in the Forty-third U. S. Colored 
Infantry, April 4tli, 1864, and served with the regiment until 
discharged, March 10th, 1865. 

While Sergeant of Co. A, Sawyer had a most remarkable 
faculty for obtaining horses. He always had and owned from one 
to three, that he was ready to sell, to let, or to swap ; and it is 
not remembered that he ever obtained one dishonestly or that 
the business ever brought him any trouble. 

LIEUTENANT WINTER. 

Robert D. Winter enlisted from Randolph, Vt., Aug. 8th, 
1862. He was appointed First Lieutenant of Co. A, in the 
Thirty-second U, S. Colored Infantry. He died of wounds 
received in action at Honey Hill, South Carolina, Nov. 30th, 
1864. 

Among those who were transfei-red from our ranks to still 
another branch of the Government service should be mentioned 
Hugh Henry Mclntyre of Co. G, and William A. Townsend of 
Co. C. Both were appointed to positions in the Signal Corps 
and assigned to duty in the Regular Army at the same time, 
although it is not known that they served together. They were 
the only recruits supplied by this regiment to that branch of the 
service. 

They were with the regiment barely one year, but remained 
continuously with the Army of the Potomac, faithfully discharg- 
ing their responsible and hazardous duties with the Signal Corps, 
from Sept. 1st, 1863, to the close of the war. 



94 

There is hardly room even to mention this important branch 
of the Government service and which was so necessary to our 
armies in the field, and was also in constant demand tlie year 
round, but it has been frequently noted that detachments of the 
corps almost invariably occupied exposed positions and were in 
danger of easy capture by guerilla bands, and other small bodies 
of the enemy. 

Its objects, of course, were the discovery and observation 
of the movements of the enemy, and as a source of information 
to our generals it was almost if not quite indispensable. The 
service also required cool, brave and intelligent men. Mr. Town- 
send moved to Minneapolis, Minn., after the close of the war, 
where he now resides, and has been in business there ever since. 

Dr. Mclntyre has had a more varied experience. Enlist- 
ing as a private soldier when he was but nineteen years of age, 
he served as a volunteer in the Tenth Vermont Infantry one 
year, and two years in the Signal Corps of the Army of the 
Potomac. He was then in the office of the Secretary of tlie 
Treasury, and Special Treasury Agent from 1866 to 1880, In 
the meantime he studied medicine and was graduated from 
the Georgetown Medical College, Georgetown, D. C, in 1868. 
Subsequently he studied law at the Boston University. He was 
appointed Government Superintendent of Seal Fisheries of 
Alaska in 1871, and held the position for nineteen years. 

Dr. Mclntyre is a man of vast business capacity and un- 
bounded activities ; conducting extensive commercial enterprises, 
both in Alaska and in the Southern States, and is now engaged 
in real estate transactions in these widely separated sections of 
the country. He is also a dealer in real estate and securities in 
West Randolph, where he now resides. 

In 1891 he was appointed one of the Commissioners from 
Vermont to the World's Columbian Exposition, which position he 
now holds. 

THE WILDERNESS. 

Nearly five months had passed away since the Mine Run 
campaign, and the prospect of taking the field again was nearing 
every hour. The first intimation we had of this change was that 




MAJ. GEN. JAIVIES B. RICKETTS. 



95 

the sick and surplus baggage be sent to the rear. Sutlers, vis- 
itors and citizens were ordered off on the 29th of March, 
and now, the last days of April, active preparations for an 
advance upon the enemy were everywhere going on. The mo- 
notony of camp life was sternly broken ; orderlies were hastily 
riding about from corps to division headquarters, and brigades 
and regiments received detailed instructions for the march in the 
proposed campaign through their respective commanders- Corps 
and divisions were hastily reviewed and carefully inspected ; the 
music of bands ceased, drum corps and bugles became silent, and 
orders were issued forbidding their use in the approaching cam- 
paign except by special permission. Yet it was not known, 
except by those high in rank, whither the campaign would lead. 
Strangely reticent was the one new and great head of the army. 

Early on the morning of May 4:th, the movement silently 
and earnestly commenced ; and when the sun rose it shone, 
never brighter, upon the deserted camps of the Union army, 
and revealed to the Confederate commander, no doubt, from 
his signal station on Clark's Moimtain, a scene that plainly said, 
" We are coming — coming to finisli up the tragedy." Long 
before night the cavalry and three corps were over tlie river 
without opposition, the Fifth and the Sixth crossing at Ger- 
manna Ford, and the Second at Ely's Ford. 

Somehow it seemed to every man, all of whom had crossed 
that stream several times before to fight the enemy and then 
retreat, that we had now come to stay. The whole army, witli 
its immense supply and ammunition trains, its baggage wagons, 
long lines of ambulances and parks of artillery, all plainly said 
we had come to stay. Here is a note made on tlie evening of 
the fourth, in the diary from which this book is compiled : 

" Over the river ! We are all here, and General Lee, though 
he did not formally invite us, has not yet objected to our stay - 
ing. Cheerily have the men pushed on to-day — fifteen miles 
and not a sore foot, not a straggler — the column came in solid ! 

" What next we do not know ; but we shall sleep soundly 
to-night, right under the shadow of Grant's battle-fiag, charmed 
by the music of the Rapidan. Sleep, soldier ! May God bless 
thy numbered slumbers ! " 



96 

(ienerals Grant and Meade both made their headquarters 
with the Sixtli Corps. Next morning two divisions of the corps 
moved at sunrise. Our division remained at and near the ford, 
where we had crossed, until General Burnside, with the Ninth 
Corps, arriving from Warren ton, appeared on the opj^osite l)ank 
of the river. The division was then ordered to move by the 
plank road, to the Old Wilderness Tavern, whither the other two 
divisions liad gone, and where, on that afternoon, a little to the 
left, at the junction of the Orange Court House turnpike and 
what was known as the Brock Koad, the Vermont Brigade, with 
two other brigades of the Second Division, had a terrific 
encounter with the enemy. These troops were sent to tlie assist- 
ance of the Second Corps, but became engaged with the enemy 
and fought a most sanguinary battle before General Hancock 
came into position. Here they held their ground against vastly 
superior numbers from noon until near night-fall. Probably in 
no engagement of the war, where Vermont troops participated, 
did the Green Mountain State lose so many of her gallant sons. 
Our division did not go to the Old Wilderness Tavern, but filed 
off to the right of the plank road just before we reached the Old 
Wilderness Run, and marched through and around burning 
woods towards a position on the Orange County turnpike. On 
reaching the pike and moving west, in which direction we heard 
heavy firing, and expecting every moment to be engaged, it was 
found that the enemy's artillery perfectly commanded the road. 
A tornado of solid shot and shell passed over and fell among the 
troops while marcliing up the pike. A Whitworth shell fell near 
General Ricketts and in the midst of his staff, who were all 
mounted, killing three horses, one of which was Captain George 
B. Daiuon's, an officer of the Tenth Vermont, at that time on the 
General's staff. It seemed to sweep the animal directly out 
from under him and left the Captain, for the shadow of a 
moment, in the air. 

While moving along upon this pike, a singular thing occur- 
red. In the height of the iron storm, the brigade, without 
orders, or a sign from any one, seemed to spring as one man, at 
the same instant of time and at a single bound — preserving an 
almost perfect formation in the act — from the middle to the left 



hand side of the road, thus avoiding the shower of missiles 
which must have proved fearfully destructive in a sliort space of 
time. It was the result of a common impulse — the instinct of 
trained soldiers. They did not go any farther, their ranks were 
not disarranged ; they simply avoided a useless sacrifice. 

The brigade moved no farther, but remained near this posi- 
tion, lying on their arms in line of battle during the night of 
the fifth. At daylight the next morning we were moved over to 
the right, oi- north side of the pike, the enemy having with- 
drawn their artillery, and obliquing to the right, went into posi- 
tion a half mile or more away from the pike, on the edge of a 
ravine sloping awaj^ behind us, in plain sight of the enemy's 
earthworks and within musket range. Here we were fairly well 
protected. The enemy's position in our front was on compara- 
tively level ground, and ours being just where it began to slope 
away, forming a slight ravine behind us, he coald not depress 
his guns sufiiciently to harm us, nor did he seem particularly 
desirous of doing anything except to attract our attention and 
keep us where we were. This was the 6th of May. On the 
fifth, while our brigade was making the movements above par- 
tially described, the Second Brigade was subjected to a very dif- 
ferent and more trying experience. They were on the extreme 
right of the line of battle of the Sixth Corps as then formed, and 
about 5 o'clock in the afternoon, according to General Seymour's 
report, the brigade advanced and the enemy's skirmishers were 
driven back some distance, and about 6 o'clock an attack was 
made by him, " under the impression that he overlapped the 
enemy's left and that he was weak in his front." In swinging 
around so as to strike him in flank, he says " a vigorous advance 
was made and the enemy soon found, but sheltered by log breast- 
works and extending so far beyond me that his fire came upon 
the prolongation of our line with the greatest severity." 

The brigade suffered severely, losing three hundred oflicers 
and men in killed and wounded. Still the troops took ground 
in advance of their original position and held it. But this move- 
ment gave notice to the enemy what he might expect from that 
quarter, and before many hours. He therefore fell to work 



98 

with great earnestness, and was heard during the night cutting 
and felling trees in order to strengthen his position, and the 
moving of guns to his left was distinctly heard. On the morn- 
ing of the sixth, General Shaler's brigade of the First Division 
joined the right of our Second Brigade, and these troops became 
the extreme right of the infantry line of battle. About 7 
o'clock another attack was ordered, and tlie two brigades moved 
swiftly forward, but when within a short distance of the enemy's 
works encountered such a destructive lire both of artillery and 
musketry " as entirely to deprive the attack of impulsion." 

Here again the casualties were heavy ; and, withdrawing, 
slight works were thrown up along the line, excepting that purt 
occupied by General Shaler on the right. There, it was said, 
the contact was so close and exposure so great, as to effectually 
prevent anything of the kind, by daylight. 

Toward night, affairs here assumed a different and much 
more serious aspect. Between 6 and 7 o'clock the enemy fell 
with great violence upon General Shaler, throwing an entire 
brigade around his right and directly upon the rear of his 
line, at the same time attacking with a heavy force in front of 
the two brigades. There could be but one result to this sudden 
eruption — " the line was rolled up with great rapidity," although 
some of the troops changed front and tried to hold on ; but it 
was of no use, all were compelled to retire with little regard to 
an orderly formation, and the successful foe began to push tlie 
advantage thus gained, coming on quickly, firing rapidly and 
fairly shrieking in their exultation. A disaster to the right of 
the army was imminent. The shock is thus described by a 
Union officer who was in it : 

" About sunset the rebels attacked the extreme left of the 
Sixth Corps, composed of Shaler's brigade of the First Division, 
and Seymour's brigade of the Third Division. Shaler's brigade 
broke in confusion, and the Second Brigade being flanked, also 
broke, and the men crossed a ravine, and some of them in great 
disorder retreated to a breastwork just behind the ravine, in 
front of which they were posted, and many even went 
back to the plank road, where they caused a momentary panic 
among the teamsters and in the Hospital Department stationed 
there." 




LT. COL. MERllITT BAREEE. U. S. A. Jd 



90 

Now a notably strategic movement of Morris' brigade was 
executed, which, it will be remembered, had been lying practi- 
cally idle all day, some distance to the left and front. About 
6 o'clock. General Morris received instructions from General 
Sedgwick to move at once and reinforce his right, which was 
then beginning to give way before the flank and rear attack 
above referred to. General Morris says that he " moved out at 
a double quick, the Tenth Vermont, Fourteenth New Jersey 
and One Hundred and Sixth New York." These regiments 
actually ran a long distance in columns of fours with ranks well 
closed, considering the woods and tangled underbrush through 
which they passed, until they came near to the scene of the 
temporary disaster when, quickly facing to the right, in order to 
intercept the enemy, now rapidly advancing, firing as they came 
and at the same time yelling like demons, they threw themselves on 
their knees upon the ground with bayonets fixed as if to resist a 
charge of cavalry. When they came to a front and were in this 
position. Colonel Henry shouted to Lieutenant-Colonel Town- 
send of tlie One Hundred and Sixth New York to join him in 
giving three cheers ; and it need not be stated that " three cheers" 
and many more were given as only soldiers in such circumstances 
can give them, each, if possible, louder than the other, until 
their voices mingled with the din of battle, and the staccato 
of the rebel yell, but exceeded all other sounds. We fairly 
howled them down. The enemy appeared perplexed, ceased 
firing and soon retired. He had been stopped by this unex- 
pected and unknown force, where he had anticipated nothing, 
and which had been placed there not one instant too soon. 

Perhaps it is not too much to claim that it was through the 
admirable exertions of these three regiments in responding to 
orders and their opportune arrival that checked the enemy's 
flank attack, prevented it becoming a success and enabled Gen- 
eral Sedgwick to restore his line of battle. 

It is just a little annoying to see it stated by an almost 
ideal annalist of the Sixth Corps, that it was the " hasty flight of 
the Third Division on the right that opened our flank and rear 
to the charge of the enemy." 



100 

As a matter of fact, it was an old and gallant brigade of 
the First Division — the men who had helped to make the " his- 
toric fame of that glorious corps" — that were on the extreme 
right of the line and who first gave way. It was the Second 
Brigade only of the Third Division that was in the succession of 
battles of the fifth and sixth, on that part of the field, and that 
also gave way under the impetuous charge and rapid firing of 
the enemy simultaneously on three sides of them, on the evening 
of the sixth. Neither can be blamed for doing as tliey did, all 
things considered. It was the other brigade of the Third 
Division, hastening from a distance, that first came to the rescue 
of the distressed and retiring troops there and saved, possibly, 
the right wing of the army from serious disaster. 

General Sedgwick, whom General Morris says was present 
and witnessed the movement, highly complimented his brigade 
upon the prompt and inestimable service it had rendered in tliat 
one crucial moment. It may be stated, however, that there 
existed something of what might be called corps pride in each 
of the larger organizations of the Army of the Potomac ; and 
the Third Division had not hitherto been received by tlie old 
Sixth Corps with effusive cordiality, nor was the heroic action of 
the First Brigade on this occasion deemed a sufficient ceremony 
of initiation by these exacting veterans of a score of battles. It 
was on another and a similar occasion, at Cold Harbor, where 
wc enacted the entire bloody ritual to their complete satisfaction, 
when we were taken into a full, if not an equal, fellowship of 
their fame and glory. 

In this action, both Generals Seymour and Shaler were 
captured, while otherwise the loss of the troops liere engaged, 
in prisoners, was very slight. The lines were soon re-established 
and other troops replaced those who had done the fighting, 
upon which the enemy made two desperate assaults during 
the night, but were severely repulsed. This ended tlie fightinj:; 
on the right, and so far as the Tenth Regiment was concerned 
only slight changes were made in its relative position during the 
balance of the time we remained in this vicinity. On the niglit 
of the sixth we bivouacked in some breastworks previously con- 
structed by otlicr troops, and on the morning of the seventh 



101 

moved to a new line and built new works, which we occupied 
with little molestation all day. There was some artillery fii-ing 
and slight skirmishing on different parts of the line we held, but 
the enemy had entirely ceased offensive operations and with- 
drawn behind their strong intrenchments. 

The fighting had been exceedingly severe and the casualties 
correspondingly large on both sides. It is doubtful whether the 
Confederates ever fought more desperately or more frequently 
charged our fortified lines, unless at Spottsylvania, on the 12tli 
of May, than they did in this battle of the Wilderness. Hero 
they did not, as hitherto, and almost universally afterward, await 
our attack, but at nearly every point availed themselves of the 
advantages that usually fall to assailants. Mr. Greeley in the 
American Conflict states that "General Grant intended to go 
through this miserable chaparral as quickly as possible, and it 
was Lee's business not to let him." 

Doubtless the Confederate commander determined to deliver 
the Army of the Potomac a blow with a force sufficient to pre- 
vent its gaining momentum and overwhelm his adversary, in 
detail, here in tlie intricacies of this stunted forest, with a net- 
work of roads known only to his own guides. And successively 
he attempted to strike the head or flank of each of the Union 
columns and force the fighting where he could at a disadvantage, 
as each came into position. But the impact finally recoiled upon 
himself, and he was forced into a wholly defensive position. 

Our losses, from each corps, division and brigade were very 
great. Regiments with comparatively full ranks became mere 
skeletons in a few hours. It was impossible to take care of all 
the disabled, or to bury all of the dead. 

Major-General Andrew A. Humphreys in " The Virginia 
Campaign of 1864-5 " gives the casualties of the Army of the 
Potomac and the Ninth Corps, in the battle of the Wilderness, 
at 2,265 killed, 10,220 wounded and 2,902 missing. Total, 
15,387. These losses of the Union army are much less than 
has been popularly supposed, and are undoubtedly correct. The 
Confederate losses, although no authority is furnished, are esti- 
mated at 2,000 killed, 6,000 wounded and 3,400 missing. 
Total, 11,400. 



102 

But the returns of the killed and wounded convey no com- 
plete idea of the horrors of a battlefield. Shattered limbs, muti- 
lated bodies and broken heads ; wounds of every conceivable 
character and the smell of blood everywhere. The sights inci- 
dent to a great battle are indescribable and the feelings of the 
beholder unimaginable to those who have not seen them. There 
are remembered numerous examples of heroic fortitude and of 
unshrinking sacrifices of noble lives — battle episodes, they may 
be called — which belong to these three fighting days in the Wil- 
derness. One is a thrilliug incident of which General J. War- 
ren Keifer_ was the central figure. He was at that time the val- 
iant commander of the One Hundred and Tenth Ohio Regiment, 
and since, for one term, Speaker of the National House of Rep- 
resentatives. He was severely wounded at the head of his men 
while leading a charge upon the enemy's works, on the evening 
of the 5th of May, and his regiment was badly cut up. He 
made his appearance at the Third Division hospital with his 
clothing nearly torn from his body and what he had left satu- 
rated with blood. Hat and coat were gone, his right arm ter- 
ribly shattered and bandaged to his side, while in his left hand he 
held his good sword ; all this, with heavy beard and long hair —for, 
like a Nazarite of old, he had, it was said, sworn that he would 
not shave his beard or cut his hair until Richmond had fallen — 
gave him a startling and almost weird appearance. When lie 
came, or how, no one knew, and when asked by one of the Sur- 
geons if he would have his wounds dressed, he replied abstract- 
edly, as if mentally going through the horrible experience again, 
" I do not care for myself, but the rascals have cut my poor men 
to pieces." 

He had lost one hundred and thirteen officers and men in 
this single charge. 

While the Second Corps was resisting a swift advance of 
the enemy, led, it was reported, by General Lee in person, the 
assailants were stopped by a discharge of musketry and by a fire 
which caught in the dry surface leaves, and blazed up into the 
stunted trees, enveloping them in shrouds of flame. But the 
wind soon carried the smoke and flame into the faces and eyes of 
General Hancock's men, completely enfolding their lines and 




I8t LIEUT. EDWARD J. STICKNEY. 



103 

shutting the enemy from view. The Confederates attempted to 
take advantage of this misfortune and again advanced, this time 
up to the burning breastworks, where the contestants literally 
fought in the fire that blistered their hands and faces. But our 
men did not yield their position, and when the battle and the 
fire died away, many who had fallen while fighting in this cloud 
of flame were found roasted upon the ground. 

It is remarkable that the Tenth, although constantly under 
fire, moving to the support of other troops and into threatened 
positions during the successive engagements of these three days, 
lost only three men killed and nine wounded, although but two 
wounded are reported. Captain Abbott was slightly disabled 
from the concussion of a shell, but did not leave his command. 

The following is an observation taken from a diary of 
twenty -nine years ago, from which this book is in part compiled, 
and there is little occasion to change it now: 

Some have undertaken to condemn, and others have labored 
to approve, the course of the Union commander in this affair of the 
Wilderness. Its justification is easy. There was but one thing 
to do at this stage of the war. The loyal American people 
liad no choice but to fight the disloyal and rebellious, of the 
South. There could be no more " backing and filling," but the 
work must now go straight on to the end. And it is exceedingly 
questionable whether or not they had the power to choose the 
advantages of any battlefield that might have been selected for 
the first encounter. The strength and discipline of the rebel 
army would have secured them this at any point between Wash- 
ington and Kichmond. Why, then, was it not well for General 
Grant to pursue the tactics embodied in instructions to General 
Hunter and turned over to General Sheridan when he went up 
the Shenandoah Yalley, and which all the world applauded : 
" Pursue the enemy and attack them wherever found.'''' 

It gives me great pleasure to call attention to the following 
interesting account of these three days operations of the regi- 
ment by Captain L. A. Abbott of the U. S. Armj'', which he 
has kindly furnished upon my solicitation : 



104 



Washington, D. C, 
Dec. 18th, 1892. 



1 



My Dear Comrade : — The first engagement of importance 
after that of Payu's Farm, or Mine Run, Va., that our regiment 
participated in, was that of the Wilderness, in May, 1864, which 
was the first battle fought by the Army of the Potomac 
after General U. S. Grant took command. The army had been 
reorganized by him after taking command, and our regiment 
and division had been transferred to the Sixth Corps, and we 
formed the Third Division of that corps. The corps was com- 
manded by General John Sedgwick, the division by General 
James B. Ricketts, and the brigade by General W. H. Morris. 
Colonel Jewett having resigned in the meantime, Lieutenant- 
Colonel W. W. Henry, the most popular field ofiicer the regi- 
ment ever had, succeeded him as Colonel of the regiment, umch 
to the satisfaction of all concerned. I had been assigned 
to duty with Co. K, Captain Steel, commanding. This was a 
splendid fighting company as a whole, and did some fine work 
during the great historic campaign of the Army of tlie Potomac, 
from the Rapidan to Richmond and Petersburg, Va. I com- 
manded it during a part of the campaign, and for a while at 
Spottsylvania. 

A conspicuous part taken by our regiment in the battle of 
the Wilderness, was that of frequent mysterious changes, form- 
ing and anxiously waiting in line of battle for reasons unknown 
to me officially, frequently under fire, and at times when in line 
in uncomfortably close proximity to the enemy. We were al- 
most wholly near the Orange turnpike, either on one side or the 
other, and literally in the woods and thick jungle or underbrush, 
too dense at times to be seen through any great distance, ex- 
cept while marching on the pike, and then we could only see 
in the direction in which the road ran, for any considerable dis- 
tance. Sometimes we were used as a reserve, seemingly, and 
again hastened away in double time, or on the run, to strengthen 
some weak point, or else to mystify and mislead the enemy. 
Not infrequently were we subjected while so changing position 
to a most trying and aggravating artillery fire, made doubly so 



105 

as we were unable to see or tell exactly where it came from or 
when to expect it, so dense was the forest and underbrush. At 
times our line of battle was so near that of the enemy, any 
movement through the brush would enable it to locate our com- 
mand near enough for the efiective use of artillery at uncom- 
fortably close range. The enemy generally had the advantage 
in such and many other respects. It evidently knew the 
ground on which the battle was fought as a whole, much better 
than our forces, it being in its own territory, among friends 
familiar with the battlefield and its environments, both willing 
and anxious to give any information possible to aid their army 
and the Confederacy. Its line of battle, too, in consequence, as 
a whole, had more generally been formed across or on the oppo- 
site edge to us of a chain of slight openings occurring at irregu- 
lar intervals than ours had been. In other words, it had 
decidedly the advantage, and in my opinion it was a great deal 
better to the enemy than an equal number of men with our army 
would have been in a square stand up tight, all things being 
equal. 

My experience in the Indian country from the Mississippi 
valley to the Pacific coast, where the enemy knew the whole 
broad prairie for hundreds of miles around, its every living pool 
of water, its streams and their brakes, mesas and arroyos, as 
well as every mountain range and fastness, valley, forest open- 
ing and canyon, has impressed me forcibly with this fact, and 
my greatest wonder is, all things considered, that our army came 
out of this fight as well as it did. 

The authorized War Department map of the Wilderness 
battlefield shows a line of battle, or spur, about a half a mile 
long, running parallel to the old Orange turnpike in a westerly 
direction towards the enemy's lines and abutting on the main 
line of battle of our army, perpendicular to and at right angles 
with it. About the first position occupied by our regiment 
which was uncomfortable, was at the extreme western end of 
this spur, but in regimental line of battle, and at right angles 
with it, and facing the enemy. The rebels at that time had a 
battery stationed in our front. Just through the bushes and so 
close I could plainly hear them from where I was in line, not- 



106 

withstanding I could perceive they were trying to be as quiet 
in everything they did as possible, for fear of being located by 
us. Tiie east edge of the clearing in our front, and across which 
was their main line of battle, was only a few yards away, but 
the underbrush were so dense we were unable to see, and much 
less acquaint ourselves at once with exactly what was in our 
front. 

While we were on the Orange turnpike, marching in col- 
unni of fours to this position, the enemy seeing our movement 
from its position on the same road, fired a solid shot which went 
spinning threateningly over our heads, and plunged into and 
about midway of the column, and then ricochetted from the hard 
surface of the road a long distance, viciously over the heads of the 
men in the long column, and again landed too far to the rear 
for us to see what damage, if any, it had done. It was not a 
pleasant thing to expect that at any moment a lower and better 
directed ball from among the shower of shot and shell then fill- 
ing the air from the enemy might plow its way lengthwise 
through our entire column and do indescribable damage. When 
near the point on the turnpike we desired to form our line, we 
gladly turned to our left into the woods a few yards away, and 
formed a line of battle at the point before indicated. Just as 
Co. K had taken its place in line, a shell fired from the battery 
in our front before mentioned exploded literally in the ranks 
near the left of the company, and immediately in front of where 
I was standing in the line of file closers. It had exploded, seem- 
ingly, when it had arrived in its course actually inside of one of 
the men in the ranks who stood in its line of direction, as it was 
afterwards found that he was completely disemboweled, as not a 
vestige of his entrails, heart, liver or kidneys could be found in- 
side the trunk of his remains. The men in the immediate vicin- 
ity had been thrown down by the explosion, and bespattered 
with the blood and entrails of the man killed, the body of whom 
had been thrown in a rapidly whirling motion with arms and 
limbs extended high in the air above our heads and came down 
with a dull thud after the shell exploded. Altogether it was a 
sickening and terrible sight, but, singular to say, no one was 
seriously hurt save the man killed, at least those injured returned 



107 

from tbe hospital after a day or so. The concussion threw me 
suddenly to the ground, landing me on my hands and knees, and 
facing in an opposite direction to that in which I was originally 
standing, and momentarily stunned, or rendered me partially 
unconscious. After I had recovered my presence of mind, and 
partially got over my dazed condition and astonishment, I dis- 
covered that my mouth, eyes and ears were full of gravel and 
dirt, that my face was besmeared and smarting from slight 
bruises, where the flying gravel or something else had broken the 
skin. Although I felt sick and bad from my shaking up, and 
very much subdued, I did not go to the rear for fear of being 
accused, by those unacquainted with the circumstances, of trying 
to get out of the fight. It was the worst shaking up I ever got. 
A little later on another shell exploded a few yards in our rear, 
at a point where the division commander and his staff were sta- 
tioned, right in their midst, killing several horses, I was told, but 
what other damage it did I have forgotten. The shot had 
passed over us, as we were then lying on the ground in line of 
battle, on our stomachs as flat as flounders. The following day 
we crossed the north side of the Orange turnpike a sliort dis- 
tance, and took up a still more advanced position immediately 
on the east edge of the same opening I have before mentioned 
as being a little in front of the position through the bushes we had 
just left where the shell burst in the ranks of Co. K. Here wo had 
a narrow, flat, grassy field before us, across which, about fifty yards 
away, and in uncomfortably close proximity, we could see the 
enemy's quite formidable earthworks thrown up a little in ad- 
vance of its main line on the north side and near the Orange 
turnpike. It was an important point in the enemy's line as well 
as ours, and this advanced work had been thrown up by it, 
doubtless, in order to prevent us from surprising its main line 
of battle at that point. Our line at this point was a n aturally 
fortified one in the edge of the forest, at least where we were. 
While this position foreboded danger, anxiety and discomfort 
at first, it proved otherwise. This was the day of the disas- 
trous fight on the right of our army — May 6th, I believe — 
when Shaler's brigade of the First Division and Seymour's 
brigade of the Third Division of the Sixth Corps were 



108 

surprised and broke in confusion, and created a temporary 
panic among our teamsters and Hospital Department sta- 
tioned in that vicinity. The enemy in our front was very 
quiet, probably on account of having weakened its lines to 
take part in the flank movement, or for other reasons, but 
which, of course, were unknown to us. This fact, probably, 
saved us from being shelled, as well as from sharpshooters, and 
a lively musketry duel. Probably the greatest bloodless strate- 
gic movement in which our regiment took part during the war 
was made from this position in line, when the disastrous fight 
WHS going on on the right flank of our army. 

Up to this time we had taken no part in that fight, as it had 
not extended to our front. Presently, however, we were sud- 
denly called to attention by Colonel Henry, faced to the right, 
and filed at once in column to the northeast and directly in the 
opposite direction from the enemy's works we had been con- 
fronting, and ordered to take double time. Colonel Henry's 
unusually earnest manner and anxious haste, the death-like still- 
ness behind the enemy's earthworks so near us in our front, and 
the ominous roar of battle to our distant right and rear, told 
plainer than words that our forces there had at least been 
defeated if not outwitted, and possibly that we were in danger 
of being cut off b}^ the enemy from our main line in our rear, if 
not worse, and every man was keyed up to the highest pitch of 
dread and anxiety, and responded with alacrity to Colonel 
Henry's commands. There was no double time about this 
movement, however, but every man doubtless feeling intuitively, 
as at least I did, that something dreadful had happened, ran as 
if for dear life, for a long distance in column, as though every- 
thing depended upon us to avert a great calamity. I cannot 
pretend to say how far exactly, as the ravines, trees, logs and 
underbrush made us stumble and fall so often, and it was all so 
exciting, it would be exceedingly difficult to estimate the time it 
took, or distance we traveled, before we were again faced in line 
by the left flank facing northwest across the track of our defeated, 
demoralized and straggling forces, all out of breath, with bruised 
bodies, and scratched and smarting faces, and ordered to give 
the charging battle cry as loud as we could repeatedly, and we 



109 

did. Nearly every man in the whole command had kept np in the 
flying column in their excitement and fear, doubtless, of being left 
alone in the woods over night, as it was then growing darker 
therein, and for other reasons before given, so that when the 
line was formed, the commands that participated in the move- 
ment to my astonishment had nearly full ranks. The novelty 
of our situation, and uncertainty of our surroundings, cut en- 
tirely aloof from all other troops except a few excited, demoral- 
ized stragglers from the scene of battle, and not knowing exactly 
where the enemy was, or our relative position to our own troops, 
and not knowing but what we might be pounced upon by the 
enemy in overwhelming numbers, any moment, from any direc- 
tion. All this, and the exceeding nervous state we had been 
wrought up to, tended to make us give the usual charging bat- 
tle cry as we never had before and never did afterwards. Given 
under such circumstances among the trees, and in places, 
blazing undergrowth of the great, dense wilderness, filled with 
the unavoidably uncared for, mortally and other helplessly 
wounded, the dying and the partly unburicd dead of the two mon- 
ster armies after three days of fierce and deadly strife, tragedy 
and carnage, at that usually quiet twilight hour of the day, when 
all nature was at rest, and in consequence reverberating all the 
more ominously through the woods and doubtless filling all 
within hearing, as it always did at any hour of the day when 
given, with feelings of dread and awe — its effect on the enemy 
was astonishing. The battle cry thus repeatedly given by about 
two thousand trained men at that hour, was grand — sublime. 
Each shout in its turn ominously reverberated until its repeated 
walling echo, each time more softened than before, died away in 
the great dismal wilderness of death as if an opportune funeral 
knell, it being the last evening battle cry ever given there, and 
as gentl}', let us hope, as the last expiring moments of every 
hero within its sound either of the blue or the gray. No sooner 
had it been repeatedly given, than the firing greatly ceased in 
our then somewhat distant and near front, and everything be- 
came in that direction comparatively as hushed as is usual amid 
such surroundings at that quiet hour of the evening, at least to 
us where we were. The enemy, it was generally conceded at 



110 

the time, presuming it was to be attacked from our direction, 
ceased its aggressive operations, and doubtless prepared to meet 
our supposed attack. As night came on, however, we fell back 
under the cover of darkness to a new position, and held it all 
through the following day and next evening imtil we silently 
stole away under the grateful cover of night to take our part in 
the great flank movement which finally landed us at Spottsyl- 
vania. This last position hold by us was in support of several 
batteries of artillery composed of many brass pieces as a whole, 
and very thickly stationed on the crest of a slight open space 
gradually sloping to the edge of the forest and den^e jungle 
about fifty yards or more away to our front, a short distance to 
the north, at the Orange turnpike, and doubtless was to help 
protect our army from attack during its first of a series of flank 
movements to the left, which finally landed us at Appom.attox 
the following April, a little less than a year hence. And what 
a year of struggle, dread, anxiety, sorrow, fatigue and sufl'ering 
it was to the brave men of both armies. Ours was bad enough, 
but that of the enemy must have been infinitely worse. Par- 
tisans have little sympathy in such cases, I know ; it is probably 
because they do not fairly think of it in all its bearings. 1 can 
not help having pity and compassion for all suflfering, however 
misguided one may be, and especially for a conquered enemy if 
a valiant one. 

Probably no one will ever know the exact effect of, or good 
accomplished by our strategic movement, made just at that criti- 
cal time in the tide of battle at a point confronting the victori- 
ous enemy somewhat in advance of the main line of battle of 
our army in that direction. It is a historic fact now, however, 
that General Early's division, commanded by himself, composed 
of three brigades, one of which, Gordon's, we had confronted at 
Payn's Farm, Nov. 27th, 1863, and defeated, had surprised and 
driven Shaler's and Seymour's brigades in confusion from their 
works, capturing both of those generals and about six hundred 
prisoners. After having done this and then finding himself con- 
fronted by our formidable command under General Morris, and 
being unable, probably, owing to the dense forest and lateness 
of the hour to tell its exact streng-th, he doubtless deemed it 



Ill 

prudent to draw back his men a little, to a good position and 
form a new line somewhat in front of that occupied by him 
before the light. At any rate, history proves that such was the 
case. Inasmuch as the following facts in the premises are par- 
tially known to me, it is only fair and just to all concerned, and 
especially to Seymour's brigade of the Third Division of the 
Sixth Corps, to say that it was, to my knowledge, composed of 
inexperienced men under fire. They had been in one sharp 
tight before only, and that at Payn's Farm, Nov. 27th, 1863. It 
is supposed that tlie other divisions of the Sixth Corps as a whole 
were veterans under fire. Shaler's brigade of the First Division 
of that corps had, previous to the fight, been guarding trains, 
and had just taken its position in line of battle on the right fiank 
of our army, and was in the act of throwing up breastworks to 
protect itself in case of attack, when Early's command struck its 
right flank with great spirit, completely surprising and doubling 
it up with the result already given. It is not surprising, there- 
fore, that Seymour's brigade of inexperienced men, when they 
saw Shaler's veterans in confusion, and the enemy in conse- 
quence on their flank and rear, should have been panic stricken, 
or that they should have broken in confusion. 1 think it will be 
admitted by all students of war, at least, that our strategic move- 
ment was timely. It reflects great credit on the one who con- 
ceived it, as well as those who carried it out so well, far more, I 
fear, than the historian unacquainted with tlie strategy of war 
will ever accord, or any one else not with our command to note its 
effect on the enemy. According to ray recollection it was executed 
by the Tenth Vermont, Fourteenth New Jersey and the One Hun- 
dred and Sixth New York Volunteer Infantry, which were 
very strong in numbers at that time, and as plucky as any 
other regiments in the whole army. The One Hundred and Sixth 
New York was a magnificent regiment, and we were as loyal to 
e?ch other as possibly could be, and fought side by side all 
through the war. The regiment was raised in the northern part 
of New York State, just across Lake Champlain from Vermont, 
and was composed of a similar class of men to those in our 
regiment, which was made up of hardy, intelligent farmers, stu- 
dents, skilled mechanics, and good hardy, honest countrymen 



112 

generally. As a whole, they were men of principle and charac- 
ter and needed no officer to lead them in battle any more than 
ours did, after they once got used to it, but they would go in 
themselves and fight like tigers as long as there was any use of 
it. Tliey were ideal soldiers, both for marching and fighting, 
well disciplined, and their esprit de corps hard to surpass. 

The same can be said, so far as their fighting qualifications 
were concerned, and I don't know but in all other respects, of 
the Fourteenth New Jersey Volunteer Infantry, the Eighty- 
seventh Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry, and the One Hun- 
dred and Fifty-first New York Volunteer Infantry, all of which 
regiments were brigaded with us, I believe, during our entire 
connection with the Army of the Potomac. 

During most of the time after the battle of Spottsylvania, 
Colonel W. S. Truax of the Fourteenth New Jersey Volunteer 
Infantry commanded the l)rigade, and a better, kinder, more 
considerate, braver or more efficient man, it would be hard to 
find. Many men wore the stars on their shoulders who were 
not half as much entitled to them as he. In General James B. 
Ricketts, our division commander, there was the same excellent 
traits, and he was beloved by his entire command, as well as 
Colonel Truax. I am proud to have been associated with such 
men, and such commands. I am, sir. 

Very respectfully, 

L. A. ABBOTT, 

Captain U. S. Army. 
Dr. E. M. Haynes, 

Late Chaplain Tenth Vermont Volunteer Infantry. 

On the night of the seventh, about half-past eleven o'clock, 
the whole army was on the move toward the right of the enemy's 
position. Our division moved by the Chancellorsvillo pike 
toward Spottsylvania Court House, as far as Piney Branch 
Church — a march of fifteen consecutive hours, and were there 
massed on the left of the pike. In (grossing the battlefield of 
Chancellorsville we saw many signs of the desperate conflict 
that raged there just a year before. The place where Stonewall 




CAPT. LEMUEL A. ABBOTT, U. S. A. 



113 

Jackson was wounded, and the house in which he died, were 
pointed out to us. The field was a sepulchre, silent, and full of 
dead men's bones. It seemed worse even than the one which we 
had just left freshly stained with the best blood of fifteen thousand 
men. Here were all the debris of battle, white and mouldy ; 
splintered gun-carriages, torn saddles, broken muskets, battered 
canteens, shriveled cartridge boxes and knapsacks, blankets strip- 
ped into shreds and hanging upon the bushes, skeletons of horses 
and men scattered about the field and mingling in a common 
dust. Around them were cannon balls and fragments of shell. 
Every tree and rock bore the marks of the terrible fray. Here 
were stout frames of men, with the blue uniforms of the patriot 
soldier still clinging to the unsightly masses, just where they 
were hurled down in the awful rage of battle. Scores of human 
skulls were kicked over and went rolling away from the path 
we wei'e treading to other scenes of carnage. How could men 
march away from these ghastly realities of war, with its bony 
relics all before them, and immediately become unflinching act- 
ors in other parts of the awful, bloody drama, with possible 
results precisely the same ? Simply because they were deemed 
only possible and not certain. 

SPOTTSYLVANIA. 

The battle of Spottsylvania, as the operations in that vicin- 
ity are frequently referred to, embraced eight or ten different 
contests, between the 8th and 21st of May — two or three of 
which being cavalry engagements. They are officially desig- 
nated as Alsop's Farm, Corbin's Bridge, Laurel Hill and Todd's 
Tavern, occurring on the 8th ; Ny river and Po river on the 
10th ; the Salient, which men called the " Bloody Angle " 
on the 12th ; Harris' Farm on the 19th ; and Guiney's Sta- 
tion and Stannard's Mills on the 21st. Of course, military 
operations did not cease on other dates, between the 8th 
and 21st ; there were skirmishes, artillery duels, changing of 
the positions of troops and strengthening of fortifications all 
the time ; men were killed and wounded each day and night 
and ceaseless vigilance was maintained. The Tenth Vermont 

(8) 



114 

was so continuously engaged in one or the other of these com- 
bats, with the brigade, division or corps of which it was an 
integral part, that it will be impossible to separate its move- 
ments from these larger organizations. I trust that comrades 
will be content with descriptions of marches and records of bat- 
tles which embrace regimental participation, except as special 
occasions furnish the opportunity for a more direct reference. 

"We left the Chancellorsville pike at Aldrich's house, and 
after a few hours' march in a southeasterly direction on the old 
Todd's Tavern road, went into position a mile or so east of Al- 
sop's farm, about 2 o'clock p. m. The Third Division occupied 
the crest of a hill on the right of the corps, their line extending 
down into a wooded ravine. The enemy were in position both 
in front and on the right, where their infantry had opposed Gen- 
eral Warren's advance for several hours. It was supposed that 
he had driven them back, so that our position might be tenable 
and be made an easy point from which to advance. The order 
to attack, therefore, was given. But at this time it was discov- 
ered that a rebel battery, posted just across a little stream called 
the river Ny, on rising ground, about two and one-half miles 
north of Spottsylvania, would completely enfilade the line the 
moment it should advance; troops, also, were moving rapidly in 
that direction, evidently preparing for a stubborn resistance, 
with many advantages in their favor. Consequently the order 
of attack delivered to the Third Division was suspended, and 
the troops were drawn back toward the left, nearly to an angle 
with the line first taken up. During all this time Robinson's 
division, Warren's corps, was fighting desperately on our right, 
and when nearly exhausted and falling back, Griflin's division 
of the Fifth Corps also was sent to his assistance. Both divis- 
ions immediately charged, capturing two thousand prisoners, 
losing probably one thousand. Our division only lost sixteen 
men in the inferior part it had taken in the operations of the 
day. After dark the division was moved half-a-mile to the left, 
down the hill, and three hundred yards to the front, up to the 
edge of an open field, beyond which the enemy were intrenched, 
but deemed it too hazardous to remain here after daylight, and 
we again fell back, returning to the right of the corps undis- 





'B foody //no/e . '''' 

' < Kebel forces. 

■■^ Union, /orces. 



116 

tarbed and threw up eutrenchments in our front. The position 
of the Union army on the ninth was General Hancock's Corps 
on the ri^ht and extended to the left by General Warren, Gen- 
eral Sedgwick, and General Barnside, perhaps, to a distance of 
five or six miles, running from northwest to southeast. 

Here strong works were built. Batteries were placed in 
position, and the Sixth Corps, at least, got a terrific shelling in 
reply to their own batteries, besides being constantly annoyed 
by tlie enemy's sharpshooters. Those who had the opportunity 
sought the best covert they could from this close and deadly 
fire ; both officers and men hugged the ground witli an affection 
that was truly touching, and that could have been inspired only 
by the childish instinct of security in a mother's embrace. At 
such times each man feels that he weighs a ton, so far down does 
he imbed himself in the earth. It was with the utmost risk that 
the cooks prepared coffee, for the moment that a column of 
smoke arose above the woods, the rebel artillerists would train 
their guns and blaze away at the spot they supposed to be some- 
where near its base. By this practice they spoiled several 
batches of coffee, designed for the men, destroying the kettles 
and scattering the firebrands around. Some were half buried 
beneath the furrows ploughed by the bursting shells, and many 
were wounded. 

This was not regarded as very serious business, yet our 
brigade commander. General W. H. Morris, was severely wound- 
ed, and Major-General Sedgwick, our corps commander, was 
killed, just in front of our regimental line. He was superin- 
tending the placing of a battery at an angle in our works which 
he wished to strengthen and was hit in the face, just under the 
left eye, by a sharpshooter and almost instantly killed. This 
occurred about 9 o'clock in the morning. Five minutes before 
he was chafiing the men, who while at work placing the guns, 
were ducking their heads as the enemy's bullets buzzed around 
them. " Fob, poh, men," he said pleasantly, " they could not 
hit an elephant at this distance." 

In his death the army and the country lost a brave and 
efficient officer, and a sterling patriot. Vigilant, prompt and 
reliable on all occasions, and in every emergency a hero ; he 



116 

enjoyed the entire confidence of all of his own and of superior 
rank, as well as that of every officer in his command. His care 
for his men, his invariable presence to share with them their 
hardships and dangers in every crisis, enshrined him in their 
affections. To his soldiers he was not only the great commander, 
but he was " Uncle John." His name and the glory of the 
Sixth Corps are forever identical. 

Brigadier-General Morris was wounded wliile, for some 
reason unexplained, he was transposing the Fourteentli New 
Jersey and the Eiglity-seventh Pennsylvania regiments in his 
line of battle without in the least changing its position. He 
was an exceedingly brave and painstaking officer and much 
beloved by his brigade, to which he was also greatly attached. 

In closing his report of the part taken by himself in the cam- 
paign we find the following language: "During the incessant 
labors of five days' marching and fighting, I have every reason 
to be proud of the regiments composing my brigade, the Eighty- 
seventh Pennsylvania Volunteers, the Fourteenth New Jersey, 
the One Hundred and Sixth New York, the Tenth Vermont 
and the One Hundred and Fifty-first New York ; and of the 
coolness and judgment of their commanding officers. Colonel 
Schall, Lieutenant-Colonel Hall, Lieutenant-Colonel Townsend, 
Lieutenant-Colonel Henry and Lieutenant-Colonel Fay. The 
field and line officers also distinguished themselves. The small 
amount of straggling from the command shows good discipline. 

On the death of General Sedgwick, General H. G. Wright 
succeeded to the command of the Sixth Corps. He was a bril- 
liant soldier, oftentimes distinguishing himself in this command 
and also in directing the movements of a larger force. 

There occurred one day, I think it was the third day of the 
fighting in this vicinity, a most interesting incident, at our Third 
Division Hospital. There was brought to the amputating table 
a severely wounded Confederate who had fallen into our hands. 
Just as they were about to administer chloroform, preparatory to 
tlie operation which had been decided upon as necessary, he 
l>egged them to desist a moment, as he wished to make a state- 
ment. The busy and overworked Surgeons, did not take kindly 
to the proposition at first, but tlie man entreated so earnestly 



117 

tliey finally yielded to his request. He then held up his one 
uninjured arm and affirmed that he was a Union man fro)n 
North Carolina, and had been forced into the rebel army. 
" Turn me over " he said, " and you will find deep scars on my 
back that were inflicted in consequence of my resistance to the 
enrolling ofHcer." And sure enough, there they were, still ugly and 
sore. He then told briefly of the privation that he and all Union 
men were obliged to endure, and how that nearly all of them 
were finally dragged off into the Southern army. He said that 
although he had been in several battles with his regiment, he 
was sure that he never injured a Union soldier, and was pro- 
foundly thankful to be once more among friends and under his 
country's flag. He did not believe that he would survive the 
operation upon his mangled arm. He said he " would like to 
see the dear old flag again before he died " and " would the 
chaplain pray for him, while he was yet in a state of conscious- 
ness?'' So the flag was brought and the prayer was offered 
while this wronged patriot lay stretched out and stripped for the 
Surgeon's knife. But when the reverent and brief petition was 
ended this Southern Union man was dead. The last object that 
played upon his fading vision was the United States flag. 

Our position remained unchanged during the ninth and 
tenth, but not unmolested. Still other divisions were not so 
fortunate as ours. 

Both armies seemed to be glaring at each other while they 
were making preparations for another gigantic grapple. Indeed, 
the struggle begun in the Wilderness a few days before was 
about to be renewed upon a scale of grandeur hitherto unsur- 
passed on this continent. And there began a series of move- 
ments which apparently contemplated by each antagonist the 
destruction of the other. 

On the morning of the tenth, as if by common impulse, the 
skirmishing commenced with the light, and joined by the artil- 
lery rolled from one wing of the army to the other, increasing 
in volume as the day advanced. Meantime new dispositions 
were ordered, columns were formed for assault and about 4 o'clock 
troops began to move. The fighting began far to the right of 
the Sixth Corps, where it was thought by the Confederates that 



118 

General Hancock was endeavoring to get around their left and 
80 endanger their trains, which were moving on the Louisa Court 
House road to Spottsylvania, and on the other hand, it was sup- 
posed by General Meade that Ewell was designing a similar 
movement on tlae right of the Union army in order to intercept 
our communication with Fredericksburg. A collision was un- 
avoidable. A large part of the Second Corps was involved, and 
General Hancock was successfully opposed — advancing but a 
short distance ; neither were the Confederate troops successful. 
At the same moment the enemy charged upon the Union left 
center twice where the Sixth Corps was entrenched, but was 
each time repulsed. Still nearer to our line General Warren 
reported that there was a more favorable opportunity to attack 
in front of his lines. Consequently he was ordered to advance, 
while General Wright was directed to hold his corps in readiness 
to move forward the moment the Fifth Corps' attempt gave 
promise of success. 

General Warren, superbly mounted, dressed in full uniform, 
moved out at the head of his column, marching in splendid order 
to the assault. But as he approached the enemy, they opened a 
fierce fire of musketry and artillery in front and partly on his 
flank, which was rapidly cutting down his men ; still they moved 
on until they reached the abatis of the enemy's breastworks and 
some of them sprang over the works, but the resistance was too 
great to permit of holding them, and the brave fellows were 
soon recalled. No advantage was gained in position or other- 
wise by these operations, for either side, and the combatants 
remained relatively the same at the close of the struggle. 

Every moment expecting to receive the order to advance, 
while the fighting was in progress on our right now, we did 
not have long to wait, and the Sixth Corps made a still more 
determined assault upon the enemy, before night put an end to 
the strife. 

General Wright, out with his skirmishers in the forenoon, 
thought that he had discovered a vulnerable point in the Con- 
federate line on his front, where he might break through should 
he make a vigorous and determined attack. 



119 

The enemy's entrenchments in this vicinity inclosed a large 
area, enveloping Spottsylvania Court House on three sides, but 
extending far beyond the town on the north. For some distance 
back the east and west lines gradually approached each other, 
until at their terminal contact a salient was formed showing 
three angles on its outer face. The apex of this salient was 
three-quarters of a mile from what might be called the base of 
the general angle, and did not vary much from that measure- 
ment in width. The works were of logs and dirt, very strong 
and heavily traversed, with abatis in front, or slashings of large 
timber. 

BROWN'S. 



LANDRON'S. 



■fo 




It will be seen that this work is constructed so as to require 
a great many more men to successfully assail than it does to 
defend it. General Wright proposed to attack the riglit or west 
angle, as tliere was less slashing on that front. 

The storming column was formed in the open ground by 
the Shelton House, and consisted of twelve regiments of the 



120 

First and Second Divisions, about three thousand men placed in 
three lines and led by Colonel Emery Upton of the One Hun- 
dred and Twenty-first New York Volunteers. These regiments 
were the One Hundred and Twenty-tirst J^ew York, the Fifth 
Maine, the Ninety-sixth and One Hundred and Nineteenth 
Fennsylvania, in the first line ; the Seventy-seventh and tlie 
Forty-third New York, the Fifth Wisconsin, Sixth Maine and 
Forty-ninth Pennsylvania, in the second line, and in the third 
line the Second, Fifth and Sixth Vermont. 

To have seen these men, proud of the honor of being select- 
ed for this perilous enterprise, undaunted by any of its well- 
known, fearful possibilities, as with composed, even cheerful 
countenances and steady steps, they silently moved to the 
desperate assault, was to have engraven upon the memory for- 
ever, a picture of manhood in one of its prime attitudes. 

It would be impossible to describe the heroic conduct of 
Colonel Upton and his ofiicers and men in the execution of this 
movement. Heavy batteries were playing from both lines ; 
those of the Sixtli Corps, over the heads and obliquely across 
tlie front of the advancing troops, and the instant they showed 
themselves to the enemy, a terrific front fire blazed into their 
very faces, but out of the smoke and thunder they sprang for- 
ward with a hurrah, gained the enemy's works and poured over 
them, capturing at the first dash more than a thousand prisoners ; 
then turning to the right and left, strove forward to a second 
line, whicli was also taken. But now the enemy began to rally 
from this first shock, and assail the assailants on all sides ; and 
being unsupported, for some unaccountable reason, although 
General Mott, with a division of the Second Corps, posted near 
the Landron House, had been ordered to attack as soon as Upton 
should have penetrated the enemy's works. Still he did not move, 
and our brave fellows were obliged to relinquish all they had 
gained. Maintaining their position, however, until darkness 
fell, they withdrew under its friendly concealment. For this 
special act of gallantry, General Grant conferred upon Colonel 
Upton the rank of Brigadier-General, on the field, and never 
was promotion more bravely won. 




CAPT. HENEY G. STILES. 



121 

This was a much more brilliant affair than Pickett's famous, 
and now historic charge at Gettysburg. Pickett himself did 
not reach our lines on Cemetery Ridge, and only a very few of 
his men succeeded in getting over the miserable pile of fence- 
rails and cobble stones which served as an apology for our pro- 
tection. He did not capture a man or a gun inside of the rifle- 
pits held by us, and took back to the main line not a single 
trophy of the dangerous valor of his troops, except decimated 
ranks and a warning to his chief to retire into Virginia. 

Upton's charge at Spottsylvania, as an exliibition of courage 
and discipline, never was surpassed. He led his column across 
an open field one hundred and fifty yards wide under a fire of 
musketry and artillery concentrated upon his front and left flank, 
swept over two lines of heavy and elaborately constructed breast- 
works, capturing two thousand prisoners, and drove the enemy 
out of the third line, and captured six pieces of artillery, although 
being rendered temporarily useless they were abandoned. Had 
Colonel Upton taken with him the strength of Pickett's force at 
Gettysburg, he would have held the works which he had so gal- 
lantly won. 

Thus closed the fighting of May 10th, with perhaps slight 
advantages on our side — the number of prisoners taken being; in 
our favor. Otherwise tlie losses were about equal. The Sixth 
Corps had lost here, inside and outside of the trenches, about 
nine hundred men, and although the enemy had lost twelve 
hundred in prisoners alone, still he had not been shaken 
from his hold upon the salient, and to all appearance he 
would continue master of the situation. The Confederate chiefs 
spoke unconcernedly and even lightly of this " penetration " of 
their " temporary breastworks " — said, " the enemy had been 
easily repulsed " and doubtless felt secure at that point, as he 
ordered ofi" thirty or forty guns the next day to strengthen some 
other portion of his line. 

But notwithstanding the fierce struggle at this salient on 
the tenth, it was to be the scene of a yet fiercer struggle which 
would engage the entire army not many hours hence, the result 
of which would be to cut it entirely out of the enemy's system of 
entrenchments around Spottsylvania Court House. Still the 



122 

bands played in the evening " We won't go home till morning " 
in the camps of the Union and the men sang songs and hymns 
as if it were holiday time. 

On the eleventh there was sharp skirmishing all along the 
lines. The dead were buried, so far as it was possible to do so. 
Many lay under cover of hostile rifles and could not be recov- 
ered. The wounded were sent to Fredericksburg in long trains 
of ambulances and army wagons. In the afternoon General 
Grant sent the following order to General Meade : " Move 
three divisions of the Second Corps by the rear of the Sixth 
Corps, under cover of night, so as to join the Ninth Corps in 
a vigorous assault on the enemy at 4 o'clock a. m. to-morrow." 

General Hancock moved his troops as directed and had 
them formed in the open fleld in front of the Brown Jlouse long 
before the time designated for the assault had arrived. The 
Fifth Corps occupied the works vacated by the Second. General 
Wright was ordered to hold two divisions ready to go immedi- 
ately to the assistance of General Hancock shouhl his attack 
prove successful. The Third Division of the Sixth Corps occu- 
pied the entrenchments of the other two divisions. The Tenth 
Vermont having been on picket all night, returned in time to 
go on the skirmish line in front of the division. I have heard 
oflicers say that when they went out with this skirmish line they 
were so exhausted that they lay down in pits, dug there by some 
other troops, and at once fell asleep although it rained and the 
pits were mud holes, and the earth was quivering under the in- 
cessant thunder of artillery. And it is not surprising that they 
were weary, for their position on the picket line the night before 
had been an extremely dangerous and exhausting one. The 
enemy continued firing sharply all night, and their buglers fre- 
quently sounded the advance. 

All dispositions being made, General Hancock silently ad- 
vanced. His troops had to move through woods and over 
ground sloping up toward the enemy's works, and when near 
them they broke into a loud and prolonged cheer, ran forward not- 
witlistanding the sharp musketry fire awakened by their shouts, 
and dashing aside all obstructions, sprang into the works. Then 
followed a fierce struggle — on our part to hold what we had 



123 

gained, on the part of the Confederates in order to drive us out. 
Tlie Second Corps had entered the works a little to the left of 
the apex of the salient. 

At 6 o'clock, just as heavy reinforcements were brought 
against Hancock's men, General Wright was ordered to Han- 
cock's assistance. Major-General Humphreys, in his volume on 
this campaign, before referred to, says on page 97 : " At the 
time the Sixth Corps had begun to arrive the enemy had com- 
pelled such of the Second Corps as had advanced into the inte- 
terior of the salient in this part of the field to retire to the outer 
face of the captured entrenchments. In fact, it appears that by 
this time all the troops of the Second Corps were on the outer 
face of these entrenchments except a skirmish or picket line of 
Barlow's division." And yet, before the fight was over Brooks' 
brigade of Barlow's division came to the assistance of General 
Wright. He struck the westerly face and angle near and a little 
to the left of the place where Colonel Upton had broken through on 
the evening of the tenth. Tiien followed a struggle probably un- 
equaled during the war. It was at this point where the most des- 
perate fighting occurred and those fearful scenes enacted which 
gave the name " Bloody Angle " to the place. The men called 
it the " Slaughter Pen." The Confederates called it " The Mule 
Shoe." 

As hitherto stated, the first charge was made at half-past 4 
on the morning of the 12th, Thursday, and it continued without 
cessation until three o'clock Friday morning — twenty-three 
hours — when the enemy retired to a line indicated across the base 
of the figure on page 119. 

General L. A. Grant, commanding the First Vermont 
Brigade, reported to the Adjutant-General of the State : " It 
was emphatically a hand to hand fight. Scores were shot down 
within a few feet of the death dealing musket. A breastwork 
of logs separated the combatants. Our men would reach over 
them and discharge their muskets into the very faces of the 
enemy. Some men clubbed their muskets and in some instances 
used clubs and rails. ***** In this engagement our 
loss was heavy, but the point was held. The slaughter of the 
enemy was terrible. Behind their traverses and in their pits and 



124 

holes, the rebel dead were found piled upon each other. Some 
of the wounded were almost entirely buried by the dead bodies 
of their companions that had fallen upon them." Frequently, 
he adds. Confederates would show a white flag, and hundreds in 
this way surrendered. 

General Lee, in reporting the engagement to his Govern- 
ment, merely says : " This morning at dawn the enemy broke 
through that part of our line occupied by Johnson's division, and 
gained possession of a portion of our breastworks, which he still 
holds. A number of pieces of artillery fell into his hands. The 
engagement has continued all day and with the exception indi- 
cated we have maintained our ground. In the beginning of the 
action we lost a large number of prisoners." 

The Confederates lost heavily in general ofiicers — Generals 
Daniel and Perrin being killed. Generals Walker, Ramseur, 
R. D. Johnson and McGowan badly wounded, and Generals 
Edward Johnson and G. H. Steuart were taken prisoners. Gen- 
erals Wright, Webb and Carroll were wounded on the Union 
side. 

The account from my own diary of the battle is, as learned 
at the time, that there was a continuous assault from about 4 
o'clock on Tuesday, May 12th, until 3 o'clock the following 
morning. From this gray dawn into the darkness of the even- 
ing and into many hours of the succeeding day, men fought by 
the light that flashed from exploding musketry and cannonade. 
Charge followed charge in quick succession ; the roar of artil- 
lery was incessant, and the musketry did not merely rattle, it 
rolled. It belched forth one solid sheet of flame. On the first 
dash Hancock pushed the Confederates out of their works, cap- 
turing General Edward Johnson with his entire division, and 
General G. H. Steuart with his brigade — in all five thousand 
prisoners, twenty pieces of artillery with their caissons and 
horses, a large number of small arms and thirty-two colors. 
These works were never retaken, although they were held at a 
terrible cost. Five times the rebels hurled their heavy assault- 
ing columns upon Hancock's men and those of the Sixth Corps 
who liad come to his aid, and five times they were sent stagger- 
ing back with fearful loss. There were few battles of the war 



126 

where men fought hand to hand, and this was one of them. 
Few bayonets were ever stained in the blood of the foe, but 
if one thousand wounds were inflicted by the bayonet in all the 
fighting of the Rebellion, which is doubtful, three-fifths of them 
were received here, so fiercely did men fight and so closely did 
the combatants approach to each otlier. Troops from both 
armies clung to the same breastworks at the same time, and 
planted their flags upon it together, to be swept down by the 
same volley. To say that both sides were equally determined, 
desperate, mad with a purpose, and that to conquer, would be 
stating the exact truth. Hancock gained an advantage when 
he burst from the thick curtain of fog in the early dawn, 
and being supported by General Wright, he firmly held this 
advantage. Perhaps it was enough, even for the sacrifice it cost. 
There was something gained ; the foe who was supposed to be 
sleepless had been caught napping, we had advanced a mile, 
secured the trophies above referred to — it was a victory ! Won 
by the superior endurance and tenacious courage of the Union 
soldier. 

But the mutual carnage was frightful. Here it may be 
said without exaggeration that the dead '■ lay in heaps " and the 
soil was " miry with blood." The slain were piled upon each 
other — packed up so as to form defenses for those who prolonged 
the battle, and the whole field was covered with a mass of quiv- 
ering flesh. When all, and more than lived to tell the story of 
the conflict, were borne away, and the battle was over — when 
the still night came down covering with dark, damp silence those 
who had struggled and earned the tribute of a nation's gratitude 
and tears, or the just rewards of treason, there were packed into 
five square acres fifteen hundred dead men. But by far the 
largest number were the gray. Hancock has the glory of this 
victory ; let his men share it with the veterans of the Sixth 
Corps, whose determined valor enabled him to hold the ground 
he had gained by his first dash, and held its own position 
with slight aid. 

We had struck them at an angle of their works, which was 
a key-point to both armies, and whoever held this angle com- 
manded the whole line of works. Hence their struggle to re- 



126 

take it and tlieir awful punishment. The First and Second 
Divisions of tlie Sixth Corps were hotly engaged in this action 
and suffered severely, but the Third Division, nominally held in 
reserve, was also drawn into the action and lost twenty-three 
men killed and one hundred and thirty-three wounded — enough 
to show that it participated in the battle. The Sixth Corps lost 
eight hundred and forty wounded and two hundred and fifty 
killed. The entire losses of the day were five thousand two 
hundred and thirty-three, of which nine hundred were killed. 

The Confederate total losses were much greater, as we lost 
only a little over five thousand, all told, and their loss was five 
thousand in prisoners alone. 

Bearing upon tlie results of the fighting around Spottsyl- 
vania Court House, to the Confederates, especially the action of 
the 12th of May, there has been brought to my attention, by 
Rev. Henry Crocker, Chaplain of the Department of Vermont, 
G. A. R., an article by Rev. Galusha Anderson, S. T. D., LL. D,, 
in the Ciiicago Standard. Under the heading Lee Foresees 
Granfs Triumph, relating the manifest results of the battle, 
he shows the dissimilar conditions existing in the camps of the 
two armies. The part of the article quoted below shows this 
contrast and presents a most interesting fact, if it is a fact. 

" The ground which the Federal troops secured they stub- 
bornly held. All day long Lee vainly tried to drive them back. 
He made five determined onslaughts and in every instance was 
bloodily repulsed. The contestants were at times during the 
day close to each other. Occasionally rival colors were planted 
on opposite sides of the breastworks. The dead and wounded 
lay heaped upon one another. A tree eighteen inches in diame- 
ter was cut down by minie balls, a section of which is now in 
the museum of war relics at Washington. The place on account 
of that day's fighting was christened the " Bloody Angle." 

Right there, amid that awful carnage, at three o'clock in 

tlie afternoon, the Union troops sang as they fought, 

' The Union forever ! hurrah, boys ! hurrah ! 
Down with the traitor, up witli the stars ; 
While we rally round the flag, boys, rally once again, 
Shouting the battle-cry of Freedom.' 

Night at last came to the relief of those heroic soldiers who 

had survived the whizzing minies, shot and shell. 



127 

Now look upon another scene. There stood within the lines 
of the Confederate army a farm-house. It was General Lee's 
headquarters. It had a spacious kitchen. There the General, 
at night, called a council of war. Chairs were brought in and 
placed in a row by the walls round that large room. The sub- 
ordinate Generals of the (Confederate army filed in and were seat- 
ed round that roomy Virginia kitchen. The owner of tlie house rose 
to leave, but was courteously requested by General Lee to remain. 
He did so and sat where his eye rested on the face of the Gen- 
eral. Lee was sad and spoke only a few words during the sit- 
ting of the council. He asked the officers present, beginning at 
his right and going round the room, each to give his opinion on 
the present situation, and to express his judgment as to what 
ought next to be done. While they were doing this, the 
lips of Lee at times quivered, and now and then tears trickled 
down his cheeks. When all had spoken, some moments of 
absolute silence ensued. When at last the General spoke, he 
thanked his officers for their opinions, and added, substantially, 
" I have tried all day to break the line of the opposing army 
and I have not sufficient force to do it. I fear, as the result of 
this day's fighting, that we shall finally be forced back upon 
Richmond and be compelled to surrender." He then informed his 
Generals that, in the morning, he would issue his orders, and 
dismissed the council. 

Some of lis remember how General Grant was censured by 
many for that great battle. He was denounced as heartless and 
as a butcher ; but in the light of this Confederate council of 
war, held at the close of that eventful day, and of the words of 
the distinguished leader of the Confederate armies, we now learn 
that the silent, tenacious, patriotic Grant saw more clearly than 
liis carping critics what must be done to save the republic, and 
was unswervingly doing it." 

On the morning of the thirteenth, the division moved back 
across this field to its old position on the right. On the fourteenth, 
we moved with the corps six miles, around the Second, Fifth and 
Ninth Corps, crossing the Fredericksburg pike to the extreme 
left of the army. Fredericksburg was now our new base of sup- 
plies, and via this route large reinforcements were arriving from 



Washington. The Eleventh Vermont, a regiment of heavy 
artillery, fifteen hundred strong, I should tliink, which had 
been in the fortifications at Washington nineteen months, now 
for the first time in the field, joined the " Old Brigade" of our Sec- 
ond Division. The Ninth New York, Colonel William H, Seward, 
Jr., a regiment of the same arm of the service, and also from the 
defenses of Washington, was attached to the Second Brigade of our 
division. Other commands of course received reinforcements, and 
the places of the twenty-eight thousand men who had fallen out of 
the contest, since we crossed the Rapidan, were partly made good. 
Our division going into position just at dusk on the fourteenth 
charged across the Ny river and relieved a brigade of the First 
Division, which had been vainly endeavoring to carry the crest 
of a hill held by the enemy just beyond. This brigade had been 
badly cut up, but refused to be driven off. Our men charged 
through the stream where the water was up to their armpits. 
Swinging their cartridge-boxes over their shoulders, they gained 
the hill with a shout. Then filing to the right, and drawing 
back the left, so that it rested on the river, they threw up 
entrenchments and remained in this position until the afternoon 
of the seventeenth. Sunday, the fifteenth, many of the army 
Chaplains improved the opportunity to hold religious services 
with their regiments. As it was dangerous to stand with one's 
head above the breastworks, and as they had not been built very 
high here, the men put on an extra log or two, so that I could 
stand and preach to them in safety, they sitting or reclining upon 
the ground. It was a singular pulpit and unusual surroundings, 
but never did preacher have a more attentive audience. It may 
here be said, however, that religious services were infrequent, 
and observed oftentimes under somewhat distracting circum- 
stances, during this campaign. Few people, however devout, 
could enjoy a prayer meeting while Union bands were playing 
" Yankee Doodle" and " Hail Columbia," the Confederates, 
"The Bonnie Blue Flag" and " Dixie," with a company of 
Indians cooking their rations near hy and quarreling over their 
distribution, and the constant popping of rifles out on the not 
far distant skirmish line. Yet such are some of the conditions 
of one of our prayer meetings, held under an apple tree on the 



129 

night of May 20th, 1864. The army remained in this vicinity 
until the twenty-first, the troops by corps and divisions moving 
from right to left, now massing and combining before some sup- 
posed weak point in the enemy's line, and then quietly withdrawing 
to old positions to await the enemy's attack. But he made none. 
The Third Division had not been brought into serious collision 
with the enemy since the night of the fourteenth, although we 
had moved toward every point of the compass and had been 
under fire almost every day since the campaign began. Many 
of our comrades had fallen and the regimental ranks were visibly 
growing thinner. On the twenty-first, while withdrawing from 
the works just before dusk, in order to move across the North 
Anna river, toward which the bulk of the army had gone, we 
were spitefully attacked in the rear. The First and Second 
Divisions had already moved out, but when the Confederates 
rushed over our deserted works and were endeavoring to arrest 
our line of march, a part of these troops hurrying back, came 
with a crash upon their flank, and captured a number of prison- 
ers, wliereupon the rest made haste to retreat, badly punished 
for their pains. 

General Grant was not further molested in the execution of 
his flank movement from Spottsylvania Court House to the 
North Anna. 

BETWEEN THE ANNAS. 

We had crossed a medley of small streams, which the in- 
habitants and the map-makers called rivers. These furnished 
the waters and the syllables for the name of a larger stream 
below. They were named respectively as follows : Mat, Ta, 
Po, and Ny. Running a short distance to the south, they formed 
geographically, as well as literally, the Mat-ta-po-ny river. This 
certainly must have taxed some one's ingenuity for a name. 

On the twenty-second, we received our mails from the 
North, from whence we had not heard for nineteen days. The 
event was a joyful one, and yet that there were hundreds of 
unclaimed letters — never could be claimed by those to whom 
they were addressed — was the sad mixture of that joy. When 

(9) 



130 

the names borne upon these letters, the very writing of which 
inspired a prayer as the pen traced the familiar superscriptions, 
were called, the responses to one-half of them, that silently and 
solemnly impressed themselves upon the understanding, were, 
" wounded," " dead," " prisoners." But the emergencies of war 
forbade a long contemplation of those scenes. 

On the twenty-fourth, the Third Division, with the corps, 
crossed the North Anna at Jericho Mills, about eight o'clock in 
the morning. The Fifth Corps had fought its way over here 
the evening before. We lay on the bank of the river till six 
o'clock in the afternoon, when we moved off toward the South 
Anna, marching by General Grant's headquarters. It was 
inspiring to find army headquarters at the front. 

We marched through a terrific rain storm to Quarles' Mills, 
where at eight o'clock we ran into the enemy's picket lines. 
After some skirmishing we withdrew, and during the night we 
took a position and fortified it. Next morning we marched to 
Nolan's Station, on the Virginia Central Railroad, which we 
burned ; we also destroyed the track for eight miles beyond. At 
night the Tenth went on picket below the railroad, south of the 
station ; our post was at a place so wet that those who were 
allowed the privilege were obliged to pile up fence rails, in 
order to sleep above water. Our corps did not become engaged, 
except in slight skirmishes, during the ten days we confronted 
the enemy at this point, although the Fifth and Second had to 
fight for positions, and fight to maintain them. But the aggre- 
gate losses of the Army of the Potomac from the 20th to the 
27th of May did not reach twenty-two hundred men. On the 
twenty-sixth, another fiank movement was commenced, led by 
the Sixth Corps, recrossing at Jericho Mills, and still bearing 
down upon Richmond, arriving at Chesterfield Station at mid- 
night. The Tenth did not leave the picket line until three 
o'clock in the morning of the twenty-seventh. We rejoined the 
division at seven, the same morning, and at sundown were in 
sight of the Pamunkey river. 

The country along the North Anna is barren and destitute 
of interest, the inhabitants sparse and poor. But as we ap- 
proach the Pamunkey the soil is rich, well cleared, and culti- 



131 

vated. The valley is wide and fertile, and large wheat and corn 
fields jnst springing up, gave indication of far more thrift and 
enterprise than we had seen elsewhere. But the main reason 
for it, we were told, was that the Confederate chief had exhorted 
the farmers in this vicinity to devote all their energies to 
agricultural pursuits, as it would be impossible for the Yankees 
to molest them, so near their capital ; besides the hungry mar- 
kets at Kichmond needed the utmost kernel they could produce. 
But this assurance that he would hold back the " ruthless in- 
vader " was poorly kept, and before the promise of harvest was 
fairly budded, the heavy tramp of the Union army came thun- 
dering over their fields, and left wide paths, beaten as smooth as 
a summer threshing floor. Besides, we found large quantities 
of corn, hoarded doubtless for the use of the Confederacy, on 
the plantation of Mr. George Tyler, which was appropriated to 
our use. We crossed the river at noon on the twenty-eighth, at 
JSfelson's Ferry, on a pontoon bridge which had been laid down 
by General Custer's brigade of cavalry. The whole corps imme- 
diately took position on the high ground beyond, and threw up 
breastworks in order to cover the bridge while the rest of the 
army crossed. Here the cavalry, having preceded the infantry, 
aided by the Second Division, captured a number of guns from 
the enemy and a number of prisoners. Our own brigade occu- 
pied a position south and east of Dr. Pollard's house. We con- 
structed works running through an orchard and across a cotton 
field, where the young plants were about six inches high when 
we entered it, tearing down several buildings, using the timber 
in the breastworks. Pollard's estate was the finest we had seen. 
He had a splendid plantation, rich in broad agricultural fields, and 
thrifty orchards ; adorned with shade and ornamental trees, and 
supplied with every domestic convenience. We approached this 
place through long avenues, shaded by the magnolia and catalpa ; 
and the large egg-shaped flowers of the former, and the clusters 
of smaller trumpet-shaped blossoms of the other, variegated with 
yellow and purple, loaded the air with delicious fragrance, and 
filled the scene with the most tranquil beauty, strangely con- 
trasting with the smell of powder, the tumult and the gory 
exhibitions of war. Hancock immediately followed Wrightj 



132 

and went into position on the left. Next morning "Warren and 
Bnrnside were both over the river. 

On the twenty-ninth, our First Division went out on a 
reconnoisance, and the First Brigade of the Third Division fol- 
lowed to support. Early on the thirtieth we moved from Pollard's 
farm, in a westerly direction, crossing Crump's creek, toward 
Hanover Court House. "When approaching Atler's Station, 
about twelve o'clock, we were ordered back to support the Sec- 
ond Corps, then hotly engaged with the enemy near Totopotomy 
creek. "We were hurried along through pathless woods and 
fields, making a shorter cut to the Hanover pike, which we had 
left at nine o'clock in tlie morning, and which we soon left 
again, crossing a swamp, toiling through a dense oaken forest, 
where the pioneers were clearing a road for artillery, and went 
into line of battle on the left of Birney's Division at three o'clock 
in the afternoon. Skirmishers were thrown out, and near night 
the order to advance along the line was given, but withdrawn. 

The enemy held a line running nearly north and south, witli 
his left resting upon a small stream, probably one of the tribu- 
taries of Totopotomy creek, the creek itself, apparently from 
our position, curving around his rear. He was not strongly 
positioned, but had a great many troops, his left overlapping the 
right of General Hancock, some distance. Hence we had been 
ordered upon a forced march of several miles and hurried 
through the tangle of bushes all tied together with vines, and 
the wet marsh, to assist the Second Corps. We arrived too late, 
however, to accomplish anything that evening. "What the 
enemy contemplated doing here is not known, but the presence of 
the Sixth Corps seemed to put him in a great rage. He imme- 
diately doubled his skirmish line, opened a rapid fire and kept 
it up all night. In the morning it was found that the enemy's 
main force had been withdrawn during the night, and it is pre- 
sumed the pickets had been firing in the darkness in order to 
deceive us, which if they did not succeed in doing to their entire 
satisfaction, they certainly greatly annoyed us and made the 
whole night wretchedly uncomfortable. "Withdrawing from 
here, the enemy had moved back so as to cover the Shady 
Grove Church road at Hantley's Corners, and extended their 



133 

line southeast toward the Chickahominy river, so as to cover the 
Walnut Grove Church road, crossing the Mechanicsville pike 
about half way between. All these roads lead to Richmond. 
The Second and Sixth Corps were promptly swung around so as 
to meet this new formation. But neither side seemed inclined 
to attack vigorously during the day, although skirmishing was 
heavy all along the lines and artillery blazed from every com- 
manding point. The enemy was in a very strong position and 
well entrenched, and it was deemed that an attack upon him 
gave no promise of success. It was determined to simply hold our 
own lines and send two infantry corps to the left and secure posses- 
sion of Cold Harbor. About one o'clock a. m., the Sixth Corps was 
withdrawn from the line of the Totopotomy and ordered some 
fifteen miles to the left to Cold Harbor, as above stated. It was a 
most exhausting march. The night was dark and sultry, the 
way intricate and the road a part of the distance led through 
swamps which held the headwaters of the Totopotomy and 
Matadequin creeks. When the sun began to rouge the at- 
mosphere we saw strange trees, huge cypresses (taxidium dis- 
tichum), cone-shaped, fluted and hollow at the base. Cold Har- 
bor, in Rebellion literature, means simply a battlefield ; but in 
earlier times it meant a traveler's inn, a " quasi tavern." The 
name signified a place where forage for beasts of burden was 
supplied and provisions were served to wayfarers, who cooked 
them themselves outside of the house. Travelers were not 
lodged within, but allowed to encamp in the yard for a night, 
or for a longer or shorter period as their necessities required, 
doing their own housekeeping in the meantime out of doors, 
and caring for their own animals. Major Lyman informs 
me that " there are still places in England so called from these 
peculiar customs." 

In 1864, there was in the vicinity of Old Church, seven or 
eight miles from Richmond, a low, dilapidated building with 
several large apartments extending to the rear which might 
have been, at an earlier day, a Cold Harbor, and near it, a little 
to the west, the battle of Cold Harbor was fought. On the 
grounds presumably belonging to the place, many of our dead 
and wounded were brought during the action of the first day. 



134 

and within its dingy walls and on its bare floor the t^allant Cap- 
tain Frost died while the enemy's shells were crashing through 
the roof. 

The corps reached this place about 10 o'clock a, m., and at 
once relieved General Sheridan's cavalry. He had captured the 
place which the enemy had been endeavoring to hold, on the 
afternoon of the Slst of May, and learning that heavy reinforce- 
ments of infantry were forming on his front to retake it and that 
he would be attacked in the morning, he withdrew the same 
evening. But he had barely gotten his column in motion when 
he received orders from General Meade to hold the place at all 
hazards. He therefore returned, strengtliened the works he had 
abandoned and was holding on when General Wright arrived 
with the Sixth Corps. The cavalry received us with wild dem- 
onstrations of joy ; they had been hard pushed, fighting dis- 
mounted all the morning, yet they were led by officers who 
often held on a good while after they were well whipped, and 
not uufrequently plucked victory from defeat. General Custer 
had his brigade band out on the skirmish line playing " Hail 
Columbia." As we approached it was thought that these gay 
troopers were celebrating a victory, but on the contrary they 
had been roughly handled, and did not mean to let the enemy 
know it, even if they themselves were aware of it. 

Here we saw a sight which made the blood curdle, and at 
every thought of which the soul sickens and turns away. Right 
over the field where the battle had done its fiercest work, the 
fire had swept, and many a brave fellow, wounded and dying, 
unable to move from the place where he had fallen, had the lit- 
tle remaining life drawn out of him by the flames, and his body 
burned to a crisp. Horrible sight ! Can the imagination pic- 
ture a single woe that the sword and its fearful allies do not 
write out in bloody and ghastly characters ? 

The division went into position about 2 o'clock p. m., a 
little to the west of the old tavern, at Cold Harbor Cross Roads, 
or Old Cold Harbor, in an open field behind a narrow belt of 
woods. The troops were formed in four lines of battle, by regi- 
ments. The Second Division was on the left, the First in the 
center, the Third on the right, and the Eighteenth Corps, with 




'Oo/c/ /ioLrbor. 

3 HeieL Torc&s. 



•V 



135 

ten thousand men under command of Major-General W. F. 
Smith, having just arrived from Bermuda Hundred, to the right 
of the Sixth Corps. About six o'clock the order to advance 
was given, the Third Division to guide on the First, J3ut lor some 
reason our guides did not move while the Eighteenth Corps did, 
which caused some confusion and was in danger of becoming 
fatal, as we were under a heavy fire pouring in from the right. 
At this juncture. General Ricketts, sending for further orders, 
was directed to " move forward when the line on either flank 
moved, and to keep up the connection as far as possible." This 
of course was not a possibility of long duration under the then pres- 
ent formation. When the Third Division advanced, keeping up 
with the Eighteenth Corps on the right, our own First Division 
on the left not advancing, it had to be reformed and brought 
into a direction corresponding with the main advancing line. 
This movement somewhat retarded the advance of the First 
Brigade, which was on tlie left of the division, and caused an 
angle in the division front, at the point of intersection between 
the First and Second Brigades. As the whole division, there- 
fore, advanced, the Second Brigade directly ahead, and the First, 
necessarily, in order to keep up this connection, somewhat ob- 
liquely, soon made this angle acute. This angle in the front of 
the division was subsequently the most advanced part of the line, 
where works were finally constructed. 

The advance was made through the belt of pine woods 
before mentioned, over a ploughed field, where the Confederate 
skirmishers had eirected temporary breastworks of fence rails, 
through a shallow ravine and swamp, and into a thick woods 
where their entrenchments were found and carried. Sergeant, 
afterwards Captain, S. H. Lewis, of the Tenth sprang over the 
works, capturing single-handed a Major, a Lieutenant, and sev- 
eral men. The left of this line extended out of the woods into 
an open field, and was much annoyed by an enfilading fire from 
the enemy's batteries to which the men were exposed by the 
failure of the First Division, and besides being weakened by 
the lengthening of the line caused by keeping up the connection, 
were unable to carry the whole line of Confederate works, nor 
did they take the battery that caused them most annoyance ; 



136 

still they nobly stood their ground. It was now nine o'clock, 
and nearly dark, and there was a lull in the storm of battle. 
The captured works were strengthened, and others thrown up. 
This business was not attended to a moment too soon, for an 
hour afterwards the enemy made a desperate attempt to regain 
their lost works and capture ours. In this attempt they were 
fearfully repulsed ; repeating it several times during the night, 
they met with the same ill-success. 

The Confederate troops here engaged were Hoke's, Ker- 
shaw's, Pickett's and Field's divisions, posted in the order named 
along our front from right to left. When the Third Division 
swept over the picket line and struck the main line of works, 
Clingman's South Carolina brigade, which was on the right of 
Hoke's division, was broken into flying fragments, and the two 
brigades on his right and left respectively, one of which was in 
Kershaw's division, being flanked, were thrown into a similar 
state of confusion. The division captured five hundred prison- 
ers. Upton's brigade of the First Division took part with 
Kickett's in this advance, and also captured the works in his 
front. 

An officer of the First Division observes : " The gallantry 
shown by our Third Division in taking and holding the enemy's 
works, was acknowledged with true soldierly generosity by the 
other divisions of our corps." We were now in full fellowship 
with the Sixth Corps. 

The Tenth Regiment, in this advance, captured the Fifty- 
first North Carolina Heginient, and its commanding officer sur- 
rendered his sword to Captain E. B. Frost, at that time acting 
Major of the regiment. These prisoners were never credited to 
us, for the reason that they were allowed to go through our 
ranks, and not a man was sent to guard them to the rear, and 
they fell into the hands of other troops who took pains to prop- 
erly guard and report them. When this regiment surrendered, 
the Union bo^'S gave three cheers and it may be supposed they 
were given with a will ; and this was the first exultant voice that 
vai'ied the awful monotony of the conflict since it began. 

The losses of the Sixth Corps in killed and wounded and 
missing were about twelve hundred, of which over eight hundred 




1ST. LIEUT. EZRA STETSON. 

1ST LIEUT. VYMAN C. GALE. 



CAPT. S. E. FERHAM, 

MAJ. L. T, HUNT. 



137 

were from the Third Division. Seven officers from the First 
Brigade vv^ere killed, and ten wounded, while four were taken 
pri&oners. About one hundred enlisted men were killed and 
two hundred and seventy-five wounded. The Tenth Kegiment 
lost nineteen killed and sixty-two wounded. Lieutenants Stetson 
of Co. B and Newton of Co. G were instantly killed. Both 
were excellent officers. Colonel Henry was severely wounded 
while leading a charge at the head of the regiment. Colonel 
William S. Truex of the Fourteenth New Jersey, commanding 
the brigade, was wounded, and Lieutenant-Colonel Hall, same 
regiment, took comm.and of the brigade, being the senior officer 
present. Colonel Scliall of the Eighty-seventh Pennsylvania 
was wounded in the right aim, but he bound it up with his 
handkerchief and remained on the field. Lieutenant-Colonel 
Townsend of the One Hundred and Sixth New York Infantry 
was killed, falling several paces ahead of his men. He was a 
most gallant officer and refined Christian gentleman, and his 
loss was as keenly felt in the Tenth as it could have been in his 
own regiment. Major McDonald of the One Hundred and 
Sixth New York and Lieutenant Thompson (J. S.) were taken 
prisoners. 

LIEUTENANT STETSON. 

Ezra Stetson was born in Boston, Massachusetts, in the year 
1825, and was about forty years old when he died, June 1st, 
1864. His ancestors, on his father's side, were among the early 
generations of Plymouth Colony. His great-grandfather, Hob- 
ort Stetson, was a man of some distinction in old colonial times, 
having been a cornet in the first " troop of horse " in the 
colony. He was a soldier in the war against King Philip, an offi- 
cer and 'commissioner of the General Court, and a member of 
the Council of War for many years during the earlier Indian 
disturbances. Ezra's father was the seventh son of Cornet Stet- 
son, A short time after he was born, his parents moved to the 
northern part of Vermont and settled in Troy. They were 
highly respectable people, and his father was a deacon in the 
Baptist church. 



138 

Like his ancestors, the subject of this sketch seems to have 
been a man of considerable enterprise. When a boy, fourteen 
years old, he journeyed from his home in northern Vermont to 
his birthplace in Boston, and returned all the way on foot. 
Eight years afterwards we find him, having in the meantime 
been bred a mechanic, established in Burlington as a millwright, 
where he worked at his trade until 1850. In the spring of this 
year he started for California, and sailed from New York in the 
steamship Georgia. He was, however, detained on the Isthmus 
with the whole ship's company for several weeks. During his 
stay there occurred what has been called the " Great Riot " of 
1850, in which many Americans lost their lives, and Stetson 
himself narrowly escaped Spanish vengeance. In California he 
engaged in various enterprises, none of which, though diligently 
pursued, seemed to bring him much profit. He tried mining 
for a year, at tiie same time ventured in several kinds of specu- 
lation. He was caught in the Gold Blufi" excitement ; but finally 
got out of it and returned to San Francisco. He then success- 
fully undertook to publish and bring out a " Directory " of that 
city for 1851-2. Here also he engaged in manufacturing con- 
centrated milk, and afterwards was permanently employed in 
the construction of the San Francisco water works. In 1853, 
he again engaged in mining, and in the construction of machinery 
for mining purposes, until 1858. He then returned to Vermont 
and subsequently went into mercantile business a.t Montpelier. 

In 1862, he enlisted and recruited a number of men, who 
finally joined Captain Dillingham's company, of which he was 
made First Lieutenant and placed in Co. B, Tenth liegiment 
Vermont Volunteers. Most of the time in the field he com- 
manded this company, his captain having been detailed on staff 
duty, and otherwise separated from his command. He was with 
his regiment and at his post while the troops were in the de- 
fenses of Washington doing guard duty in the winter of 1862-3, 
and all their campaigns and battles in 1863-4 until the let of 
June, 1864, On this day, fatal to so many of the Vermont 
men, and especially to this regiment, he fell, while bravely 
charging the enemy at the head of his company at the battle of 
Cold Harbor. He was struck by a minie ball just below his left 



139 

eye and was instantly killed. Our troops retiring, he was left 
between the lines several days, but his body was finally recov- 
ered and buried on tlie field where he fell. He was the first 
commissioned oflicer who was killed from this regiment. Lieu- 
tenant Stetson was a brave and capable officer, more than de- 
serving the rank he enjoyed. He fairly won a Captain's com- 
mission, and, doubtless, he would have received it had he survived 
this battle. But in the list with many others we cannot estimate 
his patriotic service by the rank he bore. His sacrifice will be 
its true, full measure. 

LIEUTENANT NEWTON. 

Charles G. Newton was born in Rocliester, Yermont, on 
the 8th day of August, 1837, and at the time of his death, June 1st, 
1864, was about twenty-seven years of age. His early life was 
one of toil, and something of personal sacrifice, although he was 
blessed with a pleasant Christian home, that was by no means 
destitute of those elements of refinement and piety which edu- 
cate sons to be noble men, and daughters to be true women. 
Yet his father did not possess the means to give him the extended 
opportunities for a liberal education, which he was ambitious to 
acquire. Thus he was compelled to struggle for himself to 
obtain what did not fall to him by inheritance. He was able to 
attend school two terms in the year by teaching in the winter and 
working on the farm in the summer. Pursuing this course, by 
the utmost diligence and economy, he finally fitted for college 
at the Barre Academy, and was entered at Middlebury in 1861. 
Here he remained for one year, until July, 1862, when the Presi- 
dent's call for more troops awoke him from his student life and 
called him forth to higher duties. He immediately left college 
and commenced recruiting for the Tenth Regiment, and was 
chosen Second Lieutenant of Co. G, Aug. 12th, 1862. In the 
command he was known as a quiet, honorable Christian gentle- 
man. An intimate family friend speaks of him in civil life, as 
" distinguished for close application, and some good common 
sense, rather than for any dazzling brightness." So was he 
faithful and diligent in the discharge of his military duties. He 
never was heard to complain of the hardest lots, sharing them 



140 

equally with his men. Trusted and respected by all who knew 
him, he was loved by those who knew him best. He seldom 
asked to be excused from duty ; if you found the regimental 
camp, you usually found him. He was entrusted with responsi- 
ble and even difficult tasks by his superior officers. At Mine 
Run, Colonel Jewett entrusted to him such a part. Wo all 
remember the night of Dec. 1st, 1863, or rather it was the morn- 
ing of Dec. 2d, when General Meade withdrew his army from Mine 
Run, and recrossed the Rapidan to Brandy Station. The whole 
regiment was on picket, and was among the last troops to be 
withdrawn. The order which General Carr whispered into the 
ear of Colonel Jewett, was to move noiselessly at 3 o'clock a. m. 
We waited through the cold night silently, or spoke in whispers 
of the dangers of getting off — waited patiently for the telling of 
the hour, then a few moments more for Lieutenant Newton to 
bring in our advanced picket from a dangerous post. Then we 
went with as little noise as possible, but went lively. 

He was in every battle of the regiment until he was killed. 
The 1st of June, 1864, found him in his place at the battle of 
Cold Harbor. While the column was charging the enemy, by 
brigades, the Tenth Regiment, in advance of its proper position, 
halted a moment for its supports, he was seen bending forward, 
looking toward one of the exposed flanks, and heard to say : " I 
see the scamps ! I see them ! " and in that instant, in the atti- 
tude described, his throat was cut by a minie ball. It was 
instantaneously fatal. We gave him the rites of Christian burial, 
amid the thunders of the next day's battle, a short distance from 
the place where he fell, beneath a mulberry and a sassafras tree, 
which grew up strangely into a common trunk. It was a patri- 
ot's and a Christian's grave ; but it has been disturbed, and his 
dust gathered to his native town, and afflicted parents and loving 
sisters keep the vigils of his grave. 

Lieutenant Newton never received promotion, although not 
because he was not thought to deserve it. Few of our officers 
had been promoted at that time, no vacancies occurring except 
by resignation and they had not been frequent. Had he lived, 
he surely would have been honored with higher rank. 



141 



COLD HARBOR, JUNE 1st. 



KILLED. 



Lieut. Ezra Stetson, 
Lieut. Chas. G. Newton, 
James N. Buel, 
Edwin C. Clement, 
John Cosgrove, 
John W. Fetcher, 
George C. Hines, 
Franklin H. Howard, 
Alpheus H. Luce, 
Daniel Morse, 



Patrick C. O'Neal, 
Lucian C. Piper, 
Alva Howell, 
Abner Smith, 
James Shaw, 
John Shaw, 
Joseph Theberge, 
James Watson, 
James H. Webster. 



WOUNDED. 



Col. W. W. Henry, 
Henry J. Bailey, 
John B. Bertheaune, 
Joseph A. Merrill, 
George W. Blodgett, 
William Murray, 
Jerome Ayers, 
Edwin H. Dana, 
Joseph H. Gilman, 
Hamilton Glines, 
Allen Greeley, 
James M. Mather, 
Walter H. Nelson, 
John H. Kublee, 
Oel M. Town, 
Harrison Law, 
Columbus C. Churchill, 
Judah D. Hall, 
William Scholar, 
Robert A. Woodward, 
Oral C. Dudley, 
Thos. Fitzsimmons, 
John Mayo, 
Colburn E. Wells, 



James W. Jones, 
Charles P. Fitch, 
Andrew J. Mattison, 
Joseph C. Strope, 
George W. Martin, 
Azro P. McKinstry, 
John H. Poor, 
Chester L. Reed, 
Leonard R. Foster, 
William A. White, 
William P. Brown, 
Allen E. Daniels, 
John Dunn, 
Cyrus J. Eastbrook, 
Cassius M. Doton, 
Hannibal Whitney, 
D. N. Hopkins, 
Sargeant A. Paige, 
Ira J. Boyer, 
Edwin S. Bartlett, 
Alanson C. Boutwell, 
Josiah Clark, 
Edwin C. Hall, 
Daniel M. Gillson, 



142 

Abraham Holt, Palmer C. Leach, 

Charles Rich, "William S. Moulton, 

Addison Wheelock, Edward E.. Buxton, 

John W. Bancroft, Charles R. Dyon, 

Alonzo M. Amsden, William Woodward. 
Nelson Beach, 

Colonel William S. Truex, Fourteenth New Jersey Volun- 
teers, commanding the First Brigade, gives the following meagre 
report of the action : 

" At 12:45 A. M. moved in the direction of Gained' Mill to 
Cold Harbor, which place we reached at 12 m. At 5 p. m. we 
formed line of battle in four lines, and in connection with the 
First and Second Divisions of the corps on our left and the 
Eighteenth Corps on our right, cluirged the enemy in their 
works. The enemy resisted with great stubbornness, and it was 
one of the most hotly contested fields of the campaign. We 
advanced our lines about three-fourths of a mile. Our losses 
in the battle were very heavy, especially in officers. We cap- 
tured abont ffive hundred prisoners." * * * * 

WM. S. TRUEX, 

Colonel Commanding. 

The following explains itself : 

Headquarters Army op the Potomac, ) 
June 1st, 18G4. j 

Major-Generat- Wrigut :— Please give my thanks to Brigadier-General 
Ricketts and his gallant command for the very handsome manner in which 
they have conducted themselves to-day. The success attained by them is of 
great importance, and if followed up will materially advance our operations. 

GEORGE G. MEADE, 

Major-General Commanding. 

To detail the exact positions of the regiment and the changes 
constantly taking place during the time that Cold Harbor was 
occupied by our army would be a tedious story. It may be 
stated that there was a continuous battle here, lasting from the 
Ist until the 12th of June. Scarcely a day passed that did not 



t Note.— Only this number of prisoners were reported as captured by 
the division. 



143 

witness sanguinary incidents of tlie long struggle. At no place 
in the different stages of the campaign was the exposure of a 
blue cap more dangerous than here. Every nook and corner in 
the Confederate line — every tree and fallen log concealed rebel 
sharpshooters, and their practice was far too successful. 

By the evening of the 2d of June, both armies had with- 
drawn from the Totopotoray line and were confronting each 
other here on a line extending from Totopotomy creek to the 
Chickahominy. 

Cold Harbor was an important point to us, as it was the 
center of a system of roads divergent to the crossings of the 
Chickahominy and to White House on the Pamunkey, which 
was our new base of supplies. 

It is well known that an alternative in General Grant's plan 
for the capture of Richmond, was to go just wliere he did go, 
south of the James river, if the direct route to its northern de- 
fenses became impracticable. Therefore, as a preparation pre- 
cedent to the execution of the movement across the James, Gen- 
eral Grant was obliged to advance his army beyond Long Bridge 
and Jones' Bridge, the most, if not the only, available crossings 
of the Chickahominy leading to Charles City and the James, where 
it was intended to cross that stream or to take its commodious 
water-way to the south of Petersburg and Richmond. To this 
extent Cold Harbor was important to us. 

It was far more important — even of vital necessity to Gen- 
eral Lee. The right of his infantry was within three miles of 
the extreme northern defenses of Kichmond. If the Union 
army should break through his lines there he would be obliged 
to take shelter within these fortifications. If his right were 
turned, these strong works would fall into our hands. To have 
been driven back in the Wilderness and then turned out of 
Spottsylvania, flanked at the North Anna and the Totopotomy 
lines, were sti-ategic defeats ; but to be beaten here would be 
equivalent to being driven to burrow, and Richmond would have 
been invested months earlier than that catastrophe fell upon the 
Confederate cause. 

The enemy's field works were very strong at Cold Harbor. 
The ground was naturally favorable for a defensive position, and 



144 

art had doubled its power of resistance. His left was girded 
by the swamps, out of which oozed the black waters of the To't- 
opotomy and the Matadequin creeks, and his right rested on the 
Chickahominy, also in swampy ground, near the river, but soon 
rose into cleared swells of land which were completely mailed 
with cannon. On the front, every device of engineering skill 
had been lavished, in order to render the works impregnable ; 
and the line received additional protection everywhere from bat- 
teries so placed as to guard every approach, both with their 
direct and enfilading fires. Here were six miles of mortality. 

It was determined to assault this line with three army corps, 
the Second on the left, the Sixth in the center and tlie Eight- 
eenth on the right. The time fixed for the assault was half-past 
four in the morning of the 3d of June. 

" Promptly at the hour these corps advanced to the attack 
under heavy artillery and musketry fire, and carried the enemy's 
advanced rifle-pits." "With this initial success the Confederate 
artiller}'^, especially from flanking batteries, increased both in 
volume and effectiveness, sweeping the attacking column from right 
to left and from left to right. But this did not check its mighty 
surge onward. Our brave men swept on, notwithstanding 
this fearful deluge of iron missiles, until in some places they 
were within thirty yards of the enemy's main line of entrench- 
ments. Seeing the impossibility of carrying them, they stopped 
and secured the position they had taken and held it until the 
night of the twelfth, when the army moved away from this part 
of Virginia. In covering themselves the men used bayonets, 
tin cups, plates, and for this purpose split their canteens. The 
losses in this engagement from the three corps, were upwards 
of four thousand in killed and wounded. The Tenth lost quite 
as heavily in this action as it had on the first instant. 

Captain Edwin B. Frost of Co. A, a brave and popular offi- 
cer of high cliaracter and greatly beloved by all who knew him, 
was mortally wounded and died in a few hours. After having 
gone through the action unharmed, he was hit by a sharp- 
shooter. Captain Pearl Blodgett of Co. E, and Captain Lucius 
T. Hunt of Co. H, both among the best of our oflicers, were 
severely wounded, the former so seriously that, much to the 



145 

regret of the entire command, he was unable to return to the 
regiment. 

With the loss of these officers, sixty-two men were killed 
and wounded ; and in both officers and men, the other regiments 
of the brigade suffered to an equal extent. Before the close of 
the action Lieutenant-Colonel Hall of the Fourteenth New Jer- 
sey was the ranking officer in the brigade, Colonel Schall of the 
Eighty-seventh Pennsylvania, who was in command with a crip- 
pled arm in a sling, having been wounded a second time in the 
same place. 

CAPTAIN FR08T. 

Edwin Brant Frost was born in Sullivan, Cheshire county, 
New Hampshire, Dec. 30th, 1832. In 1837 his father's family 
moved to Thetford, Vermont, where his boyhood was spent, and 
at whose academy he fitted for college. 

He entered Dartmouth College in 1854, and graduated with 
honor in 1858. For a short time after graduating, young Frost 
taught school in Bittsfield, New Hampshire, and in Koyalston, Mas. 
sachusetts. He then commenced the study of law, which he pur- 
sued but a few months, when he entered the office of his brother, Dr. 
C. P. Frost, then engaged in an extensive practice in St. Johns- 
bury, Vermont. It seems that he changed his course of study 
because he believed himself better adapted to the practice of 
medicine than that of the legal profession. 

Here he remained until May, 1862, when his ardent and 
patriotic nature could withstand no longer the imperative call of 
his imperiled country. The student shut up his books, and, like 
the heroes of his college memories and classic studies — like the 
companions of his youth and associates of later years, now vet- 
erans in the field, put off the toga and donned the armor to meet 
the foes of freedom and constitutional liberty. 

He was commissioned to raise a company, and went to 
work in the face of many obstacles, with the enthusiasm which 
characterized his sanguine temperament ; soon succeeded, and 
was chosen its Captain. This company was designed for the 
Ninth Regiment, and was only one click of the telegraph too 

(10) 



146 

late for 8uch an assignment. For this disappointment, however, 
he was given the right company of a new organization. This 
also accounts for the fact that his commission dates nearly a 
month earlier than any other officer's in the Tenth Regiment. 
So, he went to the scenes with which we are all familiar, and 
which terminated his earthly career, leaving a proud record upon 
the field of battle, and many friends to lament his untimely 
death. In the service he was noted for his extensive acquaint- 
ance and numerous friendships. It is doubted if there was a regi- 
mental officer in the army who was personally so widely known. 
He had friends in every regiment from the State, and many 
from other States ; besides, he was a man who could make new 
friends wherever he went. The late Colonel Merrill of St. Johns- 
bury, and of Rutland, a man eminently qualified to judge, thus 
speaks of him : "No mental peculiarity was more strongly 
marked than a playfulness of fancy that seemed a well-spring of 
perpetual pleasantry. The ludicrous comparison, the witty rep- 
artee, seemed as much a part of himself as the spray is a part of 
a cascade." 

This, added to his marked personal appearance, won him 
hosts of friends, and rendered it impossible for those who had 
once seen him to ever forget him. Many a camp scene has he 
enlivened with his jovial songs, and his happy faculty of making 
the best of everything and everybody. He was a man of great 
refinement and considerable culture, freely quoting passages from 
Homer and Yirgil, as well as modern literature, whenever it 
suited his convenience ; of the most generous impulses, kind and 
full of good nature, and a " prince of good fellows." " Old 
Time " we called him, a sobriquet suggested by his long fiaxen 
beard. He was slow to take ofiense, if, indeed, any were 
disposed to give it. When aroused his strongest expres- 
sion would be " ^j Harry ! " or " By Jupiter ! " His famil- 
iar manners gave him a ready passport to any man's confidence, 
while many of his companions in arms tenderly loved him. As 
expressive of his own attachment, and a sincere tribute of manly 
love, General Henry says of him : " In a two years' acquaintance 
I have found him the fast friend, the courteous gentleman, and I 
had come to love him as a brother." It may be doubted if that 




CAPT. EDWIN B. FROST. 



147 

officer did weep more sincerely over the death of his own 
brother, who fell in the terrible breach at Petersburg, than by 
the mangled body of Frost, and he was not alone in this ex- 
pression of sorrow. 

But he possessed other qualities which entitle him to a lofty 
commendation. Underneath all this playfulness, underlying 
the buoyant spirit, was a professed reverence for, and devout 
dependence upon, God. I think that he always cherished a 
Christian spirit. This, at least, was his testimony at the begin- 
ning and end of his martial life. When elected Captain of his 
company, his words breathe this spirit : " Soldiers, we have 
chosen the profession of arms, and with this choice the stern 
responsibilities of war; and under God, we will do our duty." 
Again, wlien the last sands were running out, or to be less fic- 
titious, the last drop of his life's blood was ebbing away, with a 
feeble voice he exclaimed : " I have fallen in the foremost rank 
for my country and my God. T am happy." 

He was also a brave and capable officer. In half a score 
of battles his commanding ofiicers ever speak of him as bearing 
himself nobly, and as exhibiting the best type of bravery and 
efiiciency. General Henry writes of him after his death, to his 
friend. Colonel Merrill, as one of Vermont's " bravest and best." 

Knowing all this, his friends have asked, and will ask again, 
" Why was he not promoted ? Why was he cheated of the rank 
rightfully due him as commander of Co. A, and this, too, in a 
regiment where promotions were supposed to come rapidly ?" 
Perhaps this supposition was a mistake. Still, there are several 
probable answers to the question. There really was but one oppor- 
tunity to confer this advancement, previous to Colonel Jewett's 
resignation, while he lived. This occurred upon the resignation 
of Lieutenant-Colonel Edson, Oct. 16th, 1862. General Henry, 
then Major, was promoted, justly, to fill the vacancy, and Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Chandler, then Captain of Co. I, was promoted 
to tlie Majority; According to the customs of the service, sought 
to be enforced, but which were never strictly observed in this 
regiment, Captain Frost should have been raised to a field offi- 
cer's rank at the time of Lieutenant-Colonel Edson's resignation. 
He and his friends expected it, and were sore under the disap- 



148 

pointment. But Captain Chandler, as an oflBcer late of the 
Fourth Kegiment, who had seen service and had experience 
in the Peninsular campaign, it was said would be a more valu- 
able acquisition to the field staff at that time than any other line 
officer in the regiment. There was something said at the time 
about unredeemed pledges made to Chandler before he joined 
the regiment — that he should be appointed to the first vacancy 
of this kind that should occur, and this may have been true. 
Still, no injustice should appear in this record ; and if there was 
injustice, it may be added, Lieutenant-Colonel Chandler was in- 
nocent of it. 

The next opportunity that occurred for promotion to a field 
rank was upon the resignation of Colonel Jewett, on the 25 th of 
April, 1864. Then there was a studied conspiracy to prevent 
his promotion, and its authors and abettors, it is feared, though 
alleging various plausible pretexts, used unsoldierly and ungen- 
erous means to prejudice his otherwise possible chances. They 
succeeded. But many of those who were thus identified, it is 
just to observe, sincerely repented the opposition ; others oblit- 
erated it in deeds of valor, while some of them washed out the 
sta'n with their own blood. But we must forget all this, as he 
forgave it all. With his dying breath he said : " You are all 
my friends, and I forgive all who have injured me, and I shall 
die with a heart void of offence toward all men." This answer 
must satisfy his friends. Two ghastly wounds, either mortal, 
finished his strife with men, without a stain upon his manly 
record, or his bright honor as a soldier and a gentleman. 

These wounds were received about 9 o'clock on the morning 
of the 3d of June, 1864, at Cold Harbor, a time when the regi- 
ment suffered severely in the loss of officers and men. He en- 
(hired five hours of extreme agony, and then, as if lying down 
to sleep, slept in death. Conscious to the last, with the " ruling 
passion strong in death," he disposed of his effects, sometimes 
with playful allusion to those who would receive them. Though 
no more to the friends who stood around him, and those distant 
from the scene, " he left, in language emphasized and marked by 
his rich blood, that which speaks more in his silence — the assur- 
ance of a patriot ennobled by a Christian's death." 



149 



He was buried rudely but tenderly, amid the falling tears 
of the few friends wlio gathered around him, and the shock of 
battle, that a few hours before had swept Stetson, Newton, and 
the gallant Townsend, of the One Hundred and Sixth New 
York, with many of their brave comrades, beneath the blood- 
stained turf. Captain Frost had not only a prescience of 
liis death, but also of the nature of the fatal wound. I have 
seen him more than once place his finger upon the place where 
a bullet entered his body, saying as he did so : "I shall be hit 
here." 

COLD HARBOR, JUNE 3d. 



KILLED. 



Oapt. Edwin B. Frost, 
*Erwin "W. Niles, 
Thomas J. Davis, 
Oliver Morse, 
Tuffield Cnybue, 
Joseph AyerSj 



Thomas Rafter, 
Francis Reynolds, 
Charles F. Martin, 
Matthew Quinn, 
John F. Pearsons. 



WOUNDED. 



Capt. Pearl D. Blodgett, 
Capt. Lucius T. Hunt, 
Philip Arsino, 
John Lafountain, 
Joel Lagro, 
Newell Lambert, 
Richard Smith, 
Sanders Decamp, 
George R. Newton, 
Benj. F. Brown, 
Peter A. Smith, 
John H. Rublee, 
Lewis Wood, 
Francis Delancy, 



Chas. "W. Flanders, 
James Hickie, 
Charles R. Hoage, 
Salmon S. Hudson, 
Chillian H. Luckey, 
Henry L. Marshall, 
Edward P. Evans, 
Ira S. Woodward, 
Thos. J. Hennessey, 
Francis Vedell, 
Rollin M. Carl, 
Chas. J. F. Cushman, 
William T. Richards, 
Allen S. Canady, 



* Many years after the war, it was my privilege to make the very agree- 
able acquaintance of a son of Erwin W. Niles, the Rev. Charles Martin Niles, 
rector of Trinity church, this city. 



160 

John Stevens, Geo. H. Colburn, 

Edwin L. Keyes, Alfred M. Osborn, 

Henry Stafford, Patrick Cone, 

Joseph A. Brainard, Charles M. Lincoln, 

Levi H. Robinson, Alfred Sears, 

William H. Mitchell, John U. Steward, 

Charles Wilder, Alonzo Watson, 

David Lyman, Joseph K. Williams, 

George C. Meade, Addison F. Eaton, 

Owen Bartley, L-a H. Hutchinson, 

Isaac N. Davison, Henry Haley. 

A. T. Edson, Edwin Green. 

Samuel J. Covey, Richard Watson. 
Landon Cram, 

June 4, Cornelius Kellogg ; June 5, H. F. Tremain ; June 
7, Nelson O. Cook, Thos. Hutchinson, Milton Washburn ; 6th 
of June, killed : Capt. Samuel Darrah ; June 7th, Joseph 
Joslin. 

CAPTAIN BLODGETT. 

Pearl D. Blodgett was born in Randolph, Vt., April 7th, 
1828. He obtained his education in the common schools of his 
native town, or as he himself expressed it, " in the little brown 
school house." When he was seventeen years of age, he went 
into the mercantile business and continued therein for seventeen 
years with success. He was thus engaged at the outbreak of 
the civil war, and notwithstanding domestic duties and business 
interests seemed to demand his attention without interruption 
from any cause, yet he saw in the need of the country for strong 
young men to defend its insulted flag a claim superior to all 
others. In August, 1862, he enlisted as a volunteer in the 
forces then gathering in Vermont, under the call of the Presi- 
dent for 300,000 troops to reinforce those already in the field 
and to aid in suppressing the rebellion. He at once began 
recruiting in Orange and Caledonia counties, and when the 
Tenth Regiment was organized he was chosen First Lieutenant 
of Co. G. Lieutenant Blodgett led this company to the field 
and commanded it for some time, as his Captain, George B. 




CArT. PEAllL D. BLODGETT. 



151 

Damon, did not join bis command until some time in November 
following. 

Lieutenant Blodgett quickly developed social and soldierly 
qualities tbat made bim a favorite of both officers and men, 
and especially attracted tbe attention of bis superior officers. A 
vacancy occurring on account of the resignation of Captain 
Madison E. Winslow, be was promoted to tbe Captaincy of Co. 
E, Dec. 28th, a little more than three months after being mus- 
tered into the United States service. 

The regiment bad no officer more faithful and efficient, nor 
a soldier more conscientious in the discharge of bis duties, than 
Captain Blodgett. He was an earnest. Christian man, and as 
such consecrated to bis country's service. He was tbe deacon 
of the regiment, and the father of Co. E. 

He bore himself with unflinching bravery and fortitude 
through all tbe trying experiences of the regiment daring a 
year of picket duty, in scattered detachments, where Captains 
and Lieutenants often held what was equivalent to independent 
commands, nor did he fail in tbe hour of battle, although he was 
accustomed to say that he knew he would show the white 
feather at the first trial of his courage. But in this respect he was 
an example to his men and his comrades at Payn's Farm, in tbe 
dreadful Wilderness and at Spottsylvania in 1864. In the des- 
perate charge upon tbe Confederate works at Cold Harbor, on 
the 3d of June, be was severely wounded, having his left arm 
shattered by a minie ball just below the elbow. On the 1st of 
June his company mustered forty-five men for duty ; when he 
fell there were but eighteen men in line, so fearful had been 
tbe decimation caused by tbe enemy's fire. Probably the loss 
was proportionate throughout tbe regiment in tbat engagement. 
Referring to bis experience in tbat action, he wrote some years 
afterward : " The scenes of the morning of June 3d, 186-1, at 
Cold Harbor, are still fresh in my mind and no doubt in the 
minds of all living participants. It was a very warm Virginia 
June morning and was made exceedingly hot by the cool rebel 
lead which filled the air and cast a dark shadow over many Ver- 
mont homes, but of which they were then unconscious." 



152 

Captain Blodgett was reported " severely wounded and 
since died " in the northern papers, and he was considered 
by his family and mourned as dead for more than a week. He 
was taken to the Campbell hospital in Washington, and from 
that point he informed his wife by telegram of his existence 
among the living. The Surgeons at the field hospital performed 
an operation upon his wound which they called an " exsection," 
that is, skinned the bones out of the flesh, leaving only a muscu- 
lar member, between the wrist and the elbow. He was entirely 
prostrated by this wound, and the necessary surgical treatment 
to which he was subjected, and barely survived transportation to 
the hospital boat at White House which conveyed him, with 
its cargo of mangled Union soldiers, to Washington. It required 
thirty-eight days of careful nursing before he was pronounced 
to be out of danger, and in the khid treatment shown him at the 
general hospital, he speaks of Mrs. Baxter, wife of Kepresenta- 
tive Baxter of the Third Congressional District of Vermont, 
who was untiring in her attentions to Vermont soldiers. 

He was entirely disqualified by this casualty for further 
duty in the field with his regiment, but some time in 1864, he 
was appointed Captain in the Veteran Keserve Corps, in which 
capacity he served until November, 1865, when he was mustered 
out of the United States service at Indianapolis, Ind. 

Captain Blodgett never forgot that he had a Cliristian char- 
acter to maintain, even while in the army, and that there were 
opportunities when the messages of the Divine Man, spoken by 
reverend lips, awakened and held the sincere attention of the 
soldier ; and he gave them, at least those of his command, assur- 
ance of his deep interest when in the regimental hospital and 
his personal ministry whenever they were in need of human 
sympathy. 

Since the war, Captain Blodgett has resided at St. Johns- 
bury, Vt., where he is now greatly esteemed and honored by his 
fellow-citizens. He has served the town as clerk and treasurer 
for eighteen years. He is now engaged extensively in the gen- 
eral insurance business under the firm name of P. D. Blodgett 
&Co. 




CAPT. SAM. DARRAH. 

CAPT. OGDEN B. REED. 



ADJT. JAMES M, READ. 

1ST. LIEUT. SAMUEL GREER. 



153 

The heavy fighting on this occasion did not last more than 
two or three hours, yet there were intermittent bursts of artil- 
lery and musketry all day, and frequently through the night. 
The command, and as to that matter the entire army in position, 
was under fire and exchanging shots with the enemy constantly. 
The opposing lines were very near together, nowhere in front of 
the Sixth and Second Corps over one hundred yards apart, and 
in many places not one-half of that distance. Many rebel rifle- 
men were stationed up in the branches of trees, and if a man 
strayed a few yards from the breastworks, he was sure to be- 
come a target for their skillful practice. 

On the 6 th, Captain Samuel Darrah, Co. D, became a vic- 
tim to this sharpshooting — shot through the head while sitting 
upon the ground, by one of these aerial marksmen. 

CAPTAIN DARRAH. 

Samuel Darrah was born in Poultney, Yt., in 1840. Of 
his boyhood, early education and personal experience with the 
world we know nothing. Some years previous to his entering 
the service he was chief clerk in Stanford's dry goods house, 
Burlington, Yt. Thie fact is sufficient to warrant the inference 
that he was a young man of excellent business tact, trusted in- 
tegrity, and of high moral standing. As a soldier, his military 
record more than justifies tliis inference. He became a brave 
and trusty officer, and well merited the praise bestowed upon 
him by his commanders. He entered the service in July, 1862, 
and was commissioned First Lieutenant of Co. D, Aug. 5th fol- 
lowing. Soon after, upon the resignation of Captain G. F. Ap- 
pleton, he was promoted Captain of Co. D, in which capacity he 
served God's time, and deserved the awards of highest valor for 
the great sacrifice he made. Probably no record which could 
be made would do him exact justice. Indeed, it may be said 
for those who desire such a record, the reminiscences of friendly 
alliance and companionship, of trials and dangers borne together, 
of hopes mutually cherished — these will abundantly supply it. 

Captain Darrah was complimented for bravery and cool- 
ness in action, in Colonel Jewett's official report of the battle 
of Locust Grove, Nov. 27th, 1863. In Colonel Henry's official 



154 

report of his death, he speaks of him as an " active, intelligent, and 
exceedingly brave and efficient young officer." A.lso Lieutenant- 
Colonel Chandler, in an official report to General "Washburne of 
the engagement of the 3d of June, made on the sixth, speaks of 
him in terms of brotherly commendation. Quick to learn the 
duties of a soldier, faithful and energetic in their performance, 
he was one of the most popular company commanders. No 
doubt his kind and genial spirit, his generous nature, and his 
ready adaptation to the customs of more experienced soldiers, 
won for him many warm friends, and made his death, in addition 
to his loss to the service, the more lamentable. 

The following are some of the general engagements in 
which he participated : Locust Grove, the Wilderness, Spottsyl- 
vania, Totopotomy Creek, and Cold Harbor on the 1st and 3d 
of June. He was killed on the 6th of June, at Cold Harbor, in 
front of regimental headquarters, while in command of his com- 
pany, by a rebel sharpshooter, the ball entering the back part of 
his head and coming out just above his left eye. It is said that 
this fatal ball first passed through the butt of a Springfield rifle 
stock, did its work of death, and then cut off a small sapling be- 
yond. He lived five hours, though probably unconscious of pain. 
This at least was the opinion of Surgeon Childe, who was pres- 
ent at his death, and sincerely mourned his loss. His remains 
were immediately conveyed to Vermont, and in his native town 
rests all that mother earth may claim of Captain Samuel Darrah. 

On the seventh, there was a truce for two hours for the 
purpose of burying the dead and bringing off the wounded. De- 
tails of men were made to attend to this humane work and hos- 
tilities were suspended while it was being done. Many officers 
also, of each contending army, sprang over the high entrench- 
ments and exchanged most cordial greetings on this narrow strip 
of neutral, blood-stained soil, between the hostile lines. Ene- 
mies met as friends. There was no boasting, no bandying of 
words — the event was too solemn for jokes between those who 
had fought with such stern bravery so long. No one can ade- 
quately describe the scene here presented. All the noise and 
maddening din incident to a great battlefield, while the contest- 



155 

ants are in strife, sank suddenly into the vague and somnolent 

sound which seems only the breathing of a sleeping world. 

Hundreds of dead men and many wounded and helpless, before 

beyond the reach of friends, by night or day, lay stretched 

along between these lines, that extended from Totopotomy creek 

to the Chickahominy river. Some had lain here dead since they 

fell, six days before, but now swollen and torn by the leaden 

and iron tempest, that had twice swept over and beaten around 

them. Many were scarcely recognizable by friends who eagerly 

sought for them. There were some wounded, who yet survived all 

the shocks that meted death to so many others, sheltered in some 

sunken part of the ground, to be brought off now and saved. 

The dead were hastily buried or taken away ; then this sublime 

hour — holy for Its brief lease of life, an hour of peace, when the 

earth was calm, and the air so still that the gods of war slept — 

was at an end, friends were enemies again, and they hurried 

back to renew the carnage. 

On the ninth, the division moved to the left, into some 

works vacated by the Second Corps, which were very high, and 

so close up to the enemy's line that " Yank " and " Johnny " 

could easily converse with each other — so near indeed 

" That the fixed sentinels almost receive 
The secret whispers of each other's watch." 

Behind these works were vast excavations, covered with logs, in 
which officers burrowed ; they served the double purpose of 
shelter from the shells of the Confederate mortar batteries and 
protection from the burning heat of the sun. But this move- 
ment of troops was only temporary and preparatory for opera- 
tions from a different base. 

Thus far the losses in the regiment had been comparatively 
light, although we had participated in every action in which the 
Sixth Corps had been engaged. Two officers had been wounded 
— Captain Lemuel A. Abbott, slightly, on May 5th, and Captain 
Hiram R. Steele on May 12th. The casualties among the men, 
other than those noted above, were as follows : 

KILLED. 

May 5th, Jay Washburn ; May 9th, Thomas Alford ; May 
18th, Geo. A. Flanders; May 19th, Perley Farrar. 



156 



WOUNDED. 



May 6th, Noah W. Gray, Heary W. Haseltine, Hiram W. 
Hicks; May 8th, Henry C. Conger ; May 0th, Joel Walker, 
W. H. Wallace ; May 10th, Martin Butler, Ira N. Warner, 
Joseph E, Young; May lltli, Osman G. Clark, John Harris ; 
May 12th, William Drew, James Caldwell, Thomas D. Riley, 
Charles A. Martin, James W. Hadlock, Perry Hopkins, Steplien 
A. Eldrid, William H. Blake, Abel Peters ; May 13th, Ira A. 
Kice; May 14th, James Manley, Joshua B. Martin; May 17th, 
Rowell Hunt ; May 18th, Joel N. Kemington, Kimball Ball, 
Zenas C. Bowen. 

Here at Cold Harbor, it may be said that the Army of the 
Potomac closed the first epoch of the campaign. Henceforward 
its operations against the enemy comported somewhat with the 
nature of a siege, and finally after the practical investment of 
Petersburg and Richmond, became wholly that. 

The marching and fighting had been severe — one or the 
other occupying our time both day and night, with rare and 
short intermissions for sleep or rest. The troops had been with- 
out suitable or even necessary rest for a month. Added to these 
discouraging conditions, our losses had been depressingly large. 
The strain began to tell upon us, although the end seemed nearer 
and a final triumph certain. 

Here, probably our army sustained the heaviest blow of the 
campaign. Many of our most valuable field and line officers 
and thousands of tried, brave men were lost from each corps, 
and their effectiveness never was again restored. 

Our losses on the 1st and 3d of June in killed and wounded 
were something over ten thousand and our total casualties 
amounted to nearly twelve thousand. To be sure, they were 
not so large as they were in the Wilderness ; but there the Con- 
federate losses were almost equal to ours. At Spottsylvania, 
we lost upwards of six thousand, but the enemy's loss far ex- 
ceeded ours. Here, they were much less than ours, and there 
was little gained, apparently, to compensate for the fearful sac- 
rifice we made. 

In consequence of sickness brought on by exhaustion, a 
number of the officers of the Tenth, beside those wounded, were 



157 

ordered to the field hospital to spend a few days in recruiting 
their strength, among whom were Captains Sheldon, Davis and 
Welch. Captain Sheldon's sense of hearing had been tempo- 
rarily destroyed by the almost deafening explosions of artillery 
at Spottsylvania. Many enlisted men also had become utterly 
exhausted and were ordered to the rear and some of them sent 
to the general hospitals. 

Although our rations were abundant, and of good quality, 
yet there is always a desire for food in forms not supplied by the 
Subsistence Department of the army. It was not hunger nor 
prodigal appetite that laid so many Confederate chickens, lambs, 
bee-hives and smoke-houses under contribution, but palates cloyed 
by salt and fresh beef, pork and hard-tack. 

On one occasion I was fortunate enough to procure from 
Captain Kingsley a barrel of wild fowl's eggs, which he had 
purchased somewhere on the Pamunkey river. We divided the 
expense and sent them to the men in the trenches with a couple 
of boxes of fresh lemons, obtained from the Sanitary Commission. 
Both were eaten with great relish, the lemons as boys eat green 
apples, with none of their ulterior consequences. 

Just before reaching Cold Harbor, two of our officers were 
appointed Captains and Commissaries of Subsistence, U. S. Vol- 
unteers, Captain H. W. Kingsley of Co. F, and Captain Hiram 
R. Steele of Co. K., and left the regiment permanently. 

BRBVET-MAJOB KINGSLEY. 

Henry W. Kingsley, a son of Horace and Rest Perkins- 
Kingsley, was born in Clarendon, Rutland county, Vermont, 
October 2l8t, 1840. He was educated at the common schools in 
his native town and in the Rutland High School. 

He came to Rutland to reside very early in life and engaged 
in trade as a merchant tailor, and was doing a prosperous business 
in partnership wifh the late I. D. Cole at the time of the break- 
ing out of the civil war. Under the President's cull of July 
1st, 1862, for three hundred thousand more troops, the patriot- 
ism of many young men, which hitherto had failed to reach the 
enlisting pitch, now rose to the highest mark. Upon this tide 
of patriotic fervor young Kingsley with several other young 



158 

men, his boon companions, who were destined with him to fill 
important positions in the Union army, and some of them to 
lay down their lives in the cause, was borne into the noble ranks 
that went from the Green Mountain State to gallantly assist 
in upholding our insulted flag. He enlisted with John A. Shel- 
don, August 2d, and became a member of Co. C, Tenth 
liegiment Volunteer Infantry. The company was organized 
Aug. 4th, John A. Sheldon being chosen Captain, the late Major 
John A. Salsbury, First Lieutenant and H. H. Sabin, Second 
Lieutenant. 

He was appointed Quartermaster-Sergeant by General Wil- 
liam Y. W. Ripley, who had been commissioned Colonel of the 
Tenth Kegiment, and then expected to return to duty in the 
field. But a severe and aggravating wound, received at Malvern 
Hill on the 1st of July preceding, obliging Colonel Ripley to 
forego his intention to re-enter the military service of the Govern- 
ment, and Lieutenant-Colonel Albert B. Jewett having been 
promoted to the Colonelcy, Quartermaster-Sergeant Kingsley 
was retained in his place. 

Mustered into the United States service with the regiment 
on Sept. Ist, he went to the front, and both on the way and in 
the camp and field, he fulfilled the important duties of his posi- 
tion with fidelity and to the full satisfaction of Quartermaster Val- 
entine, with whom he became very popular as well as with the offi- 
cers and men of the regiment. His quick intelligence and efficiency 
very soon marked him for promotion, to some one of the vacancies 
which began to occur very early in our history among the offi- 
cers of the line, and he was made Second Lieutenant of Com- 
pany F, on the 27th of December, 1862, being the first of the 
non-commissioned officers to receive such recognition. 

He was promoted First Lieutenant of Co. F, and mus- 
tered July 1st, 1863; mustered Captain of Co. F, 24th of 
February, 1864. He was mustered Captain and Commissary 
of Subsistence, U. S. Volunteers, Jan. 23d, 1865, although he 
was appointed to this position and commissioned some time in 
June, 1864, and assigned to duty with the First Brigade, Third 
Division, Sixth Army Corps — every officer in the brigade sign- 
ing a request for his assignment to these headquarters. He was 




BYT. MA.J. H. W. KINGSLEY. 



159 

breveted Major "for efficient and meritorious service," Aug. 
9th, 1865. He returned to "Washington with the victorious 
troops of the Sixth Corps, where he was assigned to duty with 
a provisional corps, retained at the Capital some time after the 
general disbandment of the volunteer army, and was mustered 
out by special order in October following, having served three 
years and two months. 

In all of the above named positions, he was a most diligent 
and painstaking officer. He was brave, efficient and popular 
alike with officers and men. As a company commander, he was 
a square stand-up lighter and there were none of his comrades 
among the line officers who were more generally trusted or 
worthy of trust than he. Modest, firm and just, he was well 
calculated to win the confidence and esteem of his men and all 
of his associates. "When he was made Captain of Co. F, he 
oversloughed the First Lieutenant of that company, and it 
might be inferred that his position would be uncomfortable, but 
he experienced not the slightest inconvenience, and he very soon 
found in his chief subordinate a warm personal friend. 

In the Commissary Department he was prompt in securing 
supplies, energetic in bringing them to the front and an excel- 
lent manager of his trains. Moreover, he was thoroughly hon- 
est in all of his transactions with the Government — a fact 
worthy of record, when so many in like positions were guilty of 
gross peculation and fraud. Major Kingsley was severely 
wounded at the battle of Locust Grove, or Payn's Farm, Vir- 
ginia, Nov. 27th, 1863, being the only officer of the regiment 
wounded in tJiat engagement. He came very near meeting with 
a serious accident while being borne from the field. "While in 
the act of carrying him off, one of the stretcher-bearers was shot 
dead and the other was knocked down senseless, and of course 
their bleeding human burden dropped to the ground, unable to 
walk or rise until assistance came from some other quarter, 
when he was borne to a place of safety. His wound incapaci- 
tated him for service for several months, but he returned to 
duty in time to be with his regiment and command his company 
in the spring and summer campaign of 1864, and participated 
in the terrible battles of the "Wilderness and Spottsylvania. 



160 

Just prior to the battle of Cold Harbor, he was detailed 
for duty at brigade headquarters, where he performed staff 
duty as Commissary of Subsistence until the end of the war. 

Returning to Rutland after his discharge, he resumed the 
business of former years and has continued hie residence in 
Rutland ever since, where he has maintained the reputation of 
a thoroughly respected and worthy citizen. He has been com- 
mander of Roberts Post, Grand Army of the Republic, and has 
occupied positions on the staff of nearly all the Department 
Commanders, both State and National. As a friend he is fidel- 
ity itself, a most genial and warm-hearted companion, a modest, 
unassuming gentleman and public spirited citizen. 

BBEVET-MAJOE STEELE. 

Hiram Roswell Steele, son of Sanford and Mary Hinman 
Steele, was born at Stanstead, Canada, P. Q., July 10th, 1842. 
At an early age he came to Vermont, and very soon we find 
him seeking an education in our common schools and academies, 
with the intention of pursuing the full college course, as soon as 
the way became clear to him. With this object in view he fitted 
for college at the St. Johnsbury Academy, St. Johnsbury, Yt. 
He also taught a district school in the same town and at Lyndon. 
Later on, he became principal of the Cassville High School at 
Stanstead, Canada. In the spring of 1861, he was assistant 
teacher and master of mathematics in the Lyndon Academy, Lyn- 
don, Vt. He studied law in the ofiice of his brother, the late 
Hon. Benjamin H. Steele, for some time a judge of the Supreme 
Court of Yermont, at Derby Line, Yt. 

When the war came on it changed the current of his life ; 
and under the call of the President for troops in July, 1862, he 
assisted in raising men for the U. S. service, at Derby Line, 
Newport, and in Orleans county, and was commissioned Captain 
of Co. K, Tenth Regiment Yermont Yolunteers, upon the 
organization of that company, Aug. 12th, 1862. Mustered into 
the U. S. service with the regiment, he was continuously with 
his company until May 12th, 1864. On this date Captain 
Steele was severely wounded at Spottsylvania, Ya. He was 
promoted Captain and Commissary of Subsistence by Presi- 



161 

dent Lincoln, May 24:th, 1804, to rank as such from May 
18th, 1864, and ordered to report at New Orleans for 
duty, June 4th, 1864. He was assigned as Commissary of 
Subsistence of the cavalry forces, Nineteenth Army Corps, on 
the staff of General E. J. Davis, Aug. 8th, 1864. Feb. 22d, 

1865, he was assigned to duty as Commissary of Subsistence, of 
a separate cavalry brigade on the staff of Brigadier-General T. 
J. Lucas. He was transferred and assigned to duty at Natchez, 
Miss., July 17th, 1865, Here he was on the staff of Major-Gen- 
eral J. W. Davidson, as Depot and Post Commissary at Natchez, 
Miss., and Cliief Commissary of the Southern District of Missis- 
sippi. He was breveted Major for faithful services May 15th, 

1866, to rank as such from Dec. 19th, 1865. Mustered out 
under Special Order No. 3, War Department, Adjutant-General's 
office, Wasliington, D. C, Jan. 4th, 1866. 

In all of these positions Brevet-Major Steele proved himself 
to be a most efficient officer, uniformly winning the confidence 
of his superior officers for the energy and fidelity with which he 
invariably conducted the business of his department. 

At the close of the war. Major Steele engaged with great 
success in cotton planting, in Tensas parish, Louisiana, and in 
April, 1868, was elected Parish Judge of Tensas parish. Two 
years later he was re-elected to the same office. In October, 1871, 
he was appointed District Attorney of the Thirteenth Judicial 
District of Louisiana, and upon the expiration of his term, in 
November, 1872, he was elected to the same office for a full 
term. 

He was appointed Assistant Attorney-General of the State 
of Louisiana, March 5th, 1875, and was appointed Judge of the 
Supreme Court of New Orleans, Aug. 4th, 1875. Oct. 5th, 
1876, Judge Steele was appointed Attorney-General of the State 
of Louisiana. Having filled out his term as Attorney-General, he 
was again elected and re-elected District Attorney of the Thir- 
teenth Judicial District. 

He was a Grant elector in 1868, carried his district and 
saw it counted and was a member of the constitutional conven- 
tions of Louisiana in 1868 and 1879; he always was and is still a 

(11) 



162 

Republican ; is a member of the Loyal Legion, New York Com- 
mandery, and of Baxter Post, 51, G. A, 11., Newport, Vt. 

As Major Steele's political and judicial career in the South 
was during the reconstruction period, and he himself might have 
been considered a carpet-bagger — a name not always possessing 
the odor of sanctity in the minds of the Southern people, it is but 
just to him to state that his course was so wise and moderate as 
to have met with the approval of both his political allies and 
opponents ; and he seems to have justly earned the gratitude 
and esteem of all parties, and at a time when it was exceedingly 
difficult to adopt any course likely to receive general approba- 
tion. His services and abilities were thoroughly recognized by 
the people, who had every opportunity of estimating them at 
their proper value. 

The following abstracts of articles published in both Repub- 
lican and Democratic journals during the period of his public 
and official life in Louisiana is evidence of the esteem in which 
he was held and a remarkable tribute to his personal character 
and official integrity. 

[From the New Orleans Republican. August 14th, 1875.] 

Governor Kellogg yesterday commissioned Hiram R. Steele, 
Esq., as Judge of the Superior Criminal Court of the parish of 
Orleans, and Henry C. Dibble, Esq., as Assistant Attorney- 
General. 

Of the qualifications of Judge Steele, the Republican spoke 
at length on the occasion of his appointment to the office of 
Assistant Attorney-General. He served in a Vermont regiment 
with distinction for two years, and during the remainder of 
the war in a staff department. At the close of the war he located 
in Tensas parish, where, as planter and lawyer, he met with 
prosperity and achieved popularity. He served four years as 
Parish Judge and three years as District Attorney. He has 
been for a long time the leading spirit among the Republicans of 
his section, and since he was appointed to the office of Assistant 
Attorney-General, his sterling qualities of head and heart liave 
widely increased his circle of friends. 



163 

The office to which he has just been appointed is one not of 
his seeking. He fully appreciates its grave responsibilities and 
the delicate position in which he is placed. Without fear, favor 
or affection, he has his duty to do, and we feel that it will be 
rightly done. It is a pleasure to note that this appointment is 
mentioned in flattering terms by most of the opposition news- 
papers of the city. We hope they will be as just to him when 
he has entered fully upon his judicial career as they are at its 
beginning. 

[New Orleans Times.] 

It has frequently been necessary for this journal to criticize 
unfavorably some of the appointments of the Governor. In this 
case, however, we heartily approve of the promotion of Judge 
Steele. While a resident of the parish of Tensas, this gentle- 
man had the respect and regard of all his neighbors, and indeed 
of the gentlemen of the entire parish, because of his upright 
course while in official position, and in private life on account of 
his fine social qualities and knowledge and appreciation of the 
usages of good society. The people of the State will not forget, 
too, that it was because of Judge Steele's personal interference 
in their behalf that suspension of collection of back taxes was 
ordered, and planters who were unable to pay their back taxes 
were permitted to make their crops in peace and enjoy the fruits 
of their industry, and no tax-collector could molest or make 
them afraid. Judge Steele is one of the very few members of 
the dominant party in Louisiana who has sternly refused to strike 
hands with the plunderers of the State, and whose character is 
free from any taint of corruption. 

The elevation of such a man as Judge Steele to a high 
judicial position speaks well for Governor Kellogg's sagacity 
and determination to guard the interests of the people and State, 
and augurs well for the encouraging change now being seen in 
our political affairs. 

[From The Bulletin.] 
We incline to the opinion that the Governor could not have 
made a better selection from the ranks of the Republican party. 



164: 

and that the appointment will meet with general approbation, 
as Judge Steele has, during a residence of ten years in this 
State, won for himself hosts of friends, even among those who 
were bitterly opposed to his party. He has upon more than one 
occasion — and in trying times at that — exhibited firmness of 
cliaracter and a determination to be fair and just to his political 
opponents, be the consequences what they might. 

The fact that he is very popular with all classes of people 
in the parish in which he lived for several years, and is held in 
high esteem by gentlemen who were his political opponents 
there in the most trying period of the history of the State, 
speaks volumes for his integrity, ability and judicial fairness. 
Judge Steele is a young man — only thirty-three years of age — 
but had already held the positions of Parish Judge of Tensas, 
District Attorney of the Thirteenth District (for two terms), 
and Assistant Attorney-General. 

He is a native of Canada, but has been a citizen of the 
United States for many years, and served with gallantry through- 
out the war as Captain in the Army of the Potomac. We are 
reliably informed that, in this instance, the office sought the 
man, and that it was declined at first, Judge Steele hesitating 
for fear the arduous and almost incessant duties which would 
devolve upon him should interfere with his large planting inter- 
ests. It is within our recollection that the citizens of Tensas 
parish were highly gratified and pleasantly surprised by the 
appointment of Judge Steele as Parish Judge, and we hope and 
believe our citizens will likewise have cause to congratulate 
themselves on this appointment. It is certainly gratifying to 
us to be able to commend an appointment of the Governor's, all 
the more so as it is one of the most important in his gift. 

[From the Tioayune.] 

Judge Steele is, perhaps, the most popular and acceptable 
Republican in the State to-day. It is not only that his name has 
never been associated with any of the scandals of radical rule 
in Louisiana, but that it has figured in episodes conspicuously 
creditable to himself. The course he pursued during the cam- 
paign of last year as District Attorney in the Tensas country 




BVT. MAJ. HIltAM E. STEELE. 



165 

won for him the recognition of the whole community, and proved 
him a man whose sense of duty rose superior to party claims, 
and whose courage in the right was greater than his party zeal. 
Those were trying times in which to stand on abstract principles 
and simple equity, and Judge Steele extorted then the approba- 
tion which he has ever since retained with all just and fair- 
minded men. The present is a fitting time to recall his manly 
and honorable course toward our people, his political adver- 
saries, in the heat of a political contest. He has just been 
placed in a position where the welfare of the community is most 
intimately involved in the character of the incumbent, and it is 
due him, and due the public also, to speak with perfect unre- 
serve of his qualifications for the duties of the place. We are 
glad to see that Governor Kellogg appreciated the necessity of 
selecting a man who would prove unobjectionable to the Con- 
servative as well as tlie Republican elements, and it must have 
been Judge Steele's sense of this necessity and of his obligation 
to recognize and respond to it that induced him to accept a posi- 
tion much less remunerative and much more laborious and 
responsible than the one he has just vacated. 

[New Orleans Republican, Dec. 19th, 1876.] 
Yesterday, Judge Steele completed his work as Attorney- 
General and delivered up his oflice to his successor, Hon. Wil- 
liam Hunt. 

Judge Steele was first prominently brought before the pub- 
lic of New Orleans wlien he was called from the parish of Ten- 
sas to act as Assistant Attorney-General, succeeding Judge 
Dibble. His high character and reputation for ability secured 
for him a most flattering reception, even bitter political foes 
having a good word for him. His conduct in ofiice won him 
new praise, and he was several times called to act for the Attor- 
ney-General. He was succeeded by Judge Dibble when Gover- 
nor Kellogg appointed him to preside over the Superior District 
Court. Here he added to his growing reputation, and, impartial 
to all, tempered justice with mercy. But few of the many cases 
tried by him went to the Supreme Court, and the decisions of 
that tribunal on them attests the accuracy of his judgment and 
depth of his study. 



166 

On the death of Colonel Field, Hon. William H. Hunt, 
then a Republican nominee, was appointed, but was unable to 
attend to the canvass and the interests of the State at the same 
time. On his resignation there was no one so fit to replace him 
as Judge Steele, and he left the bench to represent the State at 
the bar. 

During the few weeks he has held this office, his former 
experience has stood him in good stead. There were many mat- 
ters wliich, owing to the long illness and lamented death of Col- 
onel Field, and the frequent changes of attorneys, were in 
confusion. These will not trouble Mr. Hunt. These weeks 
have been weeks of severe labor, but Judge Steele may be proud 
of them. His last acts have been efforts to save to Louisiana 
the property that fairly belongs to her — the Mechanics' Insti- 
tute. But in one instance he has given signal evidence of his 
efficiency. By a former decision of the Supreme Court the 
Board of Liquidation would have been compelled to fund the 
bonds now held by the New York Guaranty and Lidemnity 
Company. But tlirough his exertions, tliat court yesterday 
granted a rehearing, and in all probability the State has been 
saved a quarter of a million dollars. 

Judge Steele goes back to the parish where he lias held 
many positions of honor as District Attorney, but it is not likely 
that the State can afford to confine his eminent talents to that 
limited sphere for any great length of time. 

[Correspondent in the North Louisiana Journal, August 14th, 1875.] 
I do not know which will be more gratifying to the citizens 
of Louisiana, without distinction of party, the appointment of 
Judge Steele, or the eminently just, judicious and eloquent 
terms in which you have announced it. The high honor con- 
ferred upon an able lawyer and upright man, and the impartial, 
conservative, conciliatory and statesmanlike course of our old 
popular stand-by, the Picayune, will be warmly approved. 

I do not belong to the political party of which Judge Steele 
is an honest and conscientious member, but for a number of years 
I have had business connections with the parishes wlicroiii he 
practices, and though many of these years have been years of 



167 

strife, exasperation and disaster, I have never heard there but 
one expression of Judge Steele — that he had been a peace-maker, 
a moderator, a good citizen, and that his whole influence had 
been exerted and successfully exerted, in the interests of peace 
and fraternity. Such a man is worthy of every honor, and in 
that quarter many of his best friends are in the ranks of his 
political opponents. 

Major Steele moved to New York in 1890, and engaged in 
the practice of law and is a member of the law firm of Steele & 
Dickson, No. 40 Wall street, New York City. He has been a 
Trustee of the New York Life Insurance Company since 1892. 

MAJOR VALENTINE. 

On July 31st, 1862, A. B. Valentine was commissioned by 
Governor Ilolbrook Lieutenant and Quartermaster of the Tenth 
liegiment Vermont Volunteers. 

On the 2d day of March, 1864, he was nominated by 
President Abraham Lincoln and confirmed by the U. S. Senate 
to the rank of Captain and Commissary of Subsistence, and 
assigned to duty with the Old First Vermont Brigade. He also 
held a commission as Brevet-Major with the signature of Presi- 
dent Andrew Johnson, which commission recited that it is for 
" meritorious services." The official history of Vermont in the 
Civil War says that " Alonzo B. Valentine was without previous 
experience in the military service, but possessed genuine busi- 
ness capacity, as well as high patriotism, and proved to be an 
energetic and capable officer." 

Colonel Benedict had not been misinformed when he wrote 
the above sentence concerning Major Valentine's success as a 
Quartermaster, and his ability as an officer in the department 
over which he presided. It is true that he was without experi- 
ence, as we all were, in the beginning, but in a veiy short time 
he became thoroughly familiar with the details of the service 
and equally well informed in regard to the duties of his own 
position, which he discharged witliout fear or favor. 

A man of positive character and exhaustless energy, just 
and patriotic, he served well and promptly the regiment or the 
brigade to which he was attached, and at the same time guarded 



168 

with scrupulous integrity the interests of the government he had 
sworn to serve. 

A Quartermaster's position in the field at the best is a difii- 
cult one. He is frequently blamed for annoying and griev- 
able things that are not traceable to him, or any amenable source. 
This he must bear the best he can. Beside there are many 
opportunities where the commander of a military organization 
can, if he is so disposed, make matters very uncomfortable for 
any officer in a subordinate position ; and possibly some of these 
occasions might have been improved to the annoyance of Major 
Valentine. But if this were true, so thorough was his acquaint- 
ance with liis duties and the rights and responsibilities of his 
position, that they did not often repeat the offense, and in the 
end his administration was uniformly accepted as eminently just 
and wise. 

It is not necessary here to describe the duties of the Quar- 
termaster — Major Valentine has ably performed that task in a 
subsequent article, which was furnished at my request — but when 
the early months of our service, indeed the first half of the 
period of our military life, are recalled, there recur many con- 
ditions in our experience that called for unusual executive abil- 
ity in their adjustment. At this time the regiment was broken 
up into a number of small detachments and employed as pickets 
stationed along the Chesapeake & Ohio Canal and at the fords 
of the Potomac, miles apart, and far from the headquarters of 
the regiment. Kations must be distributed regularly to these 
posts, and the general depot of supplies was often far away. In 
order to perform this task so as to keep the men in good humor 
while they imagined that headquarters was being so much bet- 
ter supplied, required extra pains and patience, as well as a vast 
amount of additional labor. 

Unlike our scant camp equipage in the field, here we were 
abundantly supplied with such furniture and we were still in 
possession of our personal property — trunks, valises, camp-chairs, 
camp-cots, mess-chests and all sorts of cooking paraphernalia, 
and as we were frequently required to change camps, when all to- 
gether, we expected that all of our rude comforts would be 
moved, too, extemporized tables, benches and tent floors, and 



169 

witliont delay. On such occasions our chief dependence was 
upon the Quartermaster ; and not only was the regimental trans- 
portation taxed to the uttermost, but a large draft made upon 
the accommodating virtues of the officer in charge, as impor- 
tunities arose from every one, not to leave his " stuff" behind. 
But Major Yalentine's indomitable energy, vitality and perse- 
verance were equal to all these plausible emergencies. And so, 
while faithfully discharging his duty in all respects and on all 
occasions, he did much for us not required l)y the army regu- 
lations. 

The same efficiency characterized his service with us, until 
he was promoted and assigned to the Old Brigade ; and to this 
new and responsible position, it is fully avouched, he carried the 
same commendable traits, proving himself in each and every 
position to be an energetic, faithful and capable officer. 

On leaving the service, July, 1866, Major Valentine re- 
turned to his native town. He actively engaged in business, and 
in various public enterprises of a local character, such as aiding 
in establishing a graded school in Bennington village, and in the 
erection of the line school building, of both of which Benning- 
ton is so justly proud. He was very active in the celebration of 
the centennial anniversary of Bennington battle ; has ever been 
prominent in the Bennington Battle Monument Association, and 
in the building of the monument itself. 

It is probable that it was through his efforts that the Sol- 
diers' Home was established in Bennington. In Grand Army 
circles Major Valentine has also been prominent, having been 
Department Commander two years, the first year of which the 
department increased in membership from less than eight hun- 
dred to fifteen hundred, and the second year again doubling to 
three thousand. 

Political affairs, as such, never had great temptations for Ma- 
jor Valentine, yet it was inevitable that he should, to some extent, 
be drawn into them. In 1886, he represented his county in the 
State Senate. He was identified with many important meas- 
ures, and as Chairman of the Military Committee reported the bill 
which resulted in bringing the Soldiers' Home to Bennington, 
and the amendment of the laws relating to the i^ational Guard 



170 

of Vermont, which has resulted in placing that organization on 
the high plane which it now occupies. He was especially active 
in placing on the statute books " An act to provide for tlie 
study of scientific temperance in the public schools of Yermont," 
and the supplementary act making the books free to the schol- 
ars. Under the provisions of this act, Senator Yalentine was 
appointed by Governor Orrasbee one of the committee of three 
to select the text-books to be used, and to contract for their 
purchase. He was appointed by Governor W". P. Dillingham 
to the position of Commissioner of Agricultural and Manufac- 
turing Interests of the State, and his administration of the duties 
of the position did much to call attention to the industrial ad- 
vantages of Vermont. The introduction of Swedes to occupy 
some of the so-called " abandoned farms " was the subject of 
much discussion and interest. 

In thorough accord with the principles and policies of the Re- 
publican party, he is frequently a prominent figure in its councils, 
both in Bennington county and in the State, where his sound judg- 
ment and practical sense have often been felt in shaping the 
actions of committees and conventions. He has once represent- 
ed his party as a delegate from Vermont in the Kepublican 
National Convention. Judging from his liigh social position, 
his political standing and past services in his party, it would not 
surprise his friends to see him called to the discharge of yet 
higher public duties. Major Valentine has traveled mucii in 
this and in other countries, and with his eyes open to business as 
well as pleasure, he has become identified with a large constitu- 
ency of manufacturers and has attained to something far beyond 
mere provincial methods in business transactions. Possessing 
large means, he is liberal toward all charitable objects and in 
sympathy with all praiseworthy endeavors designed for the good 
of his fellow men. Proud of his native village, ajid above all 
things desirous of its prosperity, he is ever ready to unite with 
his neighbors and add his influence to any scheme which tends 
to the improvement of Bennington. The succeeding article by 
Major Valentine tells its own story. It is to be regretted that 
similar articles, relating to special departments, could not have 
been furnished by others as well qualified to speiik of their 
services. 



171 

EXPERIENCES OF A QUARTEEMASTER. 

Having served in both the Quartermaster and Commissary 
Departments, during the War of the Rebellion, and being a 
Tenth Yermonter, I am requested by our ex-Chaplain to repre- 
sent these departments in this volume. I will consent, but wish 
that the pleasant task had fallen to one who could write from 
more varied experience, and from a higher and broader range 
of view. 

Tlie experiences of the old soldier in the fight, the bivouac, 
and weary march, not unnaturally made an impression which 
overshadowed the scarcely less important services of the Com- 
missary, Quartermaster and Surgeon. 

All of the departments at the beginning of the war were 
crudely organized, and each Quartermaster and Commissary 
was, to a great degree, an independent officer, whose particular 
pride it was to outwit his brothers in the same department, by 
first securing supplies or rations, and especially by obtaining a 
lion's share of the most desirable. 

The two departments were especially near to each other, 
and in fact the Kegimental Quartermaster, in the early years 
of the war, was frequently an acting Commissary. 

The Quartermaster had his own transportation, and the 
officers overloaded his wagons with personal baggage and effects. 
In fact, the Regimental Quartermaster was the " man of all 
work," and he was held responsible for nearly all the misfor- 
tunes of the regiment, and given but scant praise under any cir- 
cumstances. Were the mules stuck in the mud, the Quarter- 
master was to blame for the consequent delay. Was the beef, 
fresh or salt, not quite up to the ideas of the men, complaint 
went to the Colonel that the Quartermaster was not doing his 
duty. When clothes or shoes wore out, the Regimental Quar- 
termaster was to blame for their supposed inferiority. 

But thorough organization soon became the rule, at least 
in the Army of the Potomac. Trains ceased to be regimental, 
brigade or division, and came to be corps and army trains. The 
regiments lost their six mule establishments, though the Brigade 
Quartermaster retained a limited supervision over teams for 
the transportation of quartermaster supplies, headquarters lug- 



172 

gage, and, when needed, of commissary stores from the sup- 
ply train or post. 

The Regimental Quartermaster became less a Commissary, 
and the Regimental Commissary Sergeant drew supplies from 
the Brigade Commissary, and he in turn drew from post sup- 
plies, depending upon the Quartermaster for transportation. 

It is not my purpose to treat my subject exhaustively, or to 
follow the departments through the various evolutions to almost 
perfection, and I will only touch upon a few points, and notice 
rapidly and briefly a few incidents, knowing that my remarks 
must be very disjointed and superficial. 

In the early years of the war I was Regimental Quarter- 
master, and later a Commissary of Subsistence, with the rank of 
Captain. As Commissary of Subsistence I was assigned to duty 
with the Old Vermont Brigade. My duties were always in the 
field, and the supposable " soft places " of post or purchasing 
Commissary never fell to my lot. 

The result of the inexperience of the new regiments on 
first entering the field was very amusing, and frequentl}'- caused 
serious inconvenience to the soldier in the ranks, as well as 
the ofiicer in command. This point is well illustrated by my 
own regiment (Tenth Vermont) on its first march from Wash- 
ington to Seneca Locks by the side of the Potomac. 

On the first day the regiment marched about ten miles ; too 
far for some, who fell out, and others, who began to unload their 
superfiuous luggage, represented in books, stationery, fancy 
neck-ties, photographs, citizen's clothing, as well as army over- 
coats and U. S. blankets, and many left their knapsacks, and 
even their guns. The next morning a day's rations were issued, 
a very unsatisfactory breakfast was made, though the army 
ration was abundant, supplemented by vegetables, which after- 
ward were an impossible luxury. After breakfasting from the 
day's supply, did the new and yet enthusiastic soldier carefully 
stow the balance in his convenient haversack? ISot he. For 
ho remembered the warm march of the day before, and many a- 
keepsake was dearer to him than food, seemingly so plenty. 
What he did not eat was left on the ground where he camped, 
against the protest of the Quartermaster, who saw trouble in the 




BVT. MAJ. EDWAKD P. FAKE. 



173 

near future. At noon the tired soldier had naught to satisfy his 
hunger. A howl was heard, and imprecations were showered 
on the lieads of the Colonel and Quartermaster. 

The officers were consulted, but there was little help for it, 
and a very scanty meal was made from hard-tack gtithered from 
the ground by the Quartermaster after the morning's meal, and 
carried along in the overloaded wagons. 

Evening came, and the scenes of noon were repeated with 
intensity, and hisses greeted the Quartermaster, as, in his per- 
plexity, he studied how to relieve the strained conditions. On 
consultation with the Colonel it was decided that, though the 
boys deserved severe punishment for the improvidence of the 
morning, yet the following day's rations should be issued at 
once, but they were to last from that evening until the morn- 
ing of the second day after. 

The compromise quelled the threatened riot, but the lesson 
was a good one, and never forgotten by that regiment. 

And here let me . define an army ration as issued on the 
march : 

Twelve ounces of pork or bacon, or IJ pounds of fresh beef, 
or 1 pound 6 ounces of salt beef ; 1 pound of hard bread. Fif- 
teen pounds of beans for 100 rations, 8 pounds of roasted coffee, 
or 2 pounds of tea, for 100 rations ; 15 pounds of sugar and 4 
pounds of soap for 100 rations. Beef was driven on foot. In 
camp near supplies, flour or soft bread was issued in place of 
hard-tack when asked for, and rice in place of beans, and vinegar, 
pepper and dessicated vegetables in addition. 

The ration was ample ; the coffee and hard-tack were more 
than the average soldier could consume. It is not a hard prob- 
lem in mathematics, to show the enormous amount of transpor- 
tation required to transport the rations alone for an army of 
100,000 men away from the base of supplies. The same mathe- 
matical calculation will show the aggregate weight in rations 
carried by this same army of 100,000 men in their haversacks, 
when required to take a ten days' supply. Eight days' issue 
was frequently the amount carried in the haversack at the begin- 
ning of a march, and seldom less than five days', except when 
near the base of supplies, which was more frequent as system 
in the departments became more perfect. 



174 

On the march, hard-tack, pork and beans, with coffee, and 
occasionally fresh beef, was the food for the soldier, and it is 
astonishing how good a meal could be made from so small a 
variety, often no more than hard-tack and coffee. 

Coffee was a large and good ration, and so it should be, for, 
with the accompanying sugar, it was the greatest dependence of 
the soldier. He soon learned to always have present in his hav- 
ersack hard-tack, coffee, and generally a piece of pork. 

On the field, during a lull in the fierce engagement, com- 
missary supplies would be ordered up to the front, and it became 
a subject of jest that the appearance of the supply train was a 
sure sign tliat the danger was over for the time, though experi- 
ence proved that this, like other signs, sometimes failed. 

From the story of the issuing of rations to my regiment in 
1862, we pass to the campaign under Sheridan in 1864, as he, 
witli his veteran army, marched up and down the Shenandoah 
Valley ; the soldier of two years before having become equal to 
the best ; and, in all that makes a true soldier, he was never 
surpassed. 

The Shenandoah Valley was the paradise of the soldier, for 
there he literally lived on the fat of the land. In pursuance of 
a determination to make this valley worthless as a granary 
for Lee's army, an order came to the Commissary of the First 
Vermont Brigade of the Second Division, Sixth Army Corps, to 
gather in the wheat and take it to a mill near by. Mechanics, 
machinists and millers were found in plenty in the brigade, and 
the damaged mill was soon put in working order, and wheat was 
rapidly converted into flour. 

Fly tents were spread upon the ground in the midst of the 
command, and on them was piled liigh the fresh flour, which 
was divided without stint among the boys. Flour was a luxury 
unknown to them for many a day, and eagerly was it souglit for- 
Another order soon came to gather in the sheep, and pres- 
to, great droves came to the butcher for slaughter. Many whose 
names are in this volume can remember a large grove near 
Fisher's Hill, almost every tree of which swung from its branches 
well dressed quarters of savory mutton. This was the fi.rst and 
only ration of mutton, I believe, that was ever issued througli 
the Commisary Department to the boys in blue. 



175 

The boys frequently had their lamb, their veal, their tur- 
key, their chicken and eggs, and sometimes a " company cow," 
but they did not come through the Commissary Department. 

While the valley was an ideal place for a successful army, 
as ours was under Sheridan, yet it had its disadvantages for 
department ofiicers whose duties called them from Harper's 
Ferry to the front, far away. For tlie Shenandoah Valley was 
a haunt for Mosby and liis crew, and many an officer and man, 
cauglit away from tlie protection of the troops, was killed in 
cold blood, among whom was Commissary Buchanan and his 
two orderlies, murdered near Winchester and left in the woods 
where they fell. To stop this irregular warfare Sheridan or- 
dered the captured guerillas, who were known to be parties to 
these outrages, to be swung from the nearest tree, with plac- 
ards attached, warning their surviving comrades of a like fate if 
a stop was not put to the murdering of captured Union soldiers. 

The Confederate forces, regular or irregular, regarded com- 
missary stores as of too great value to allow of their escape, if 
opportunity was offered for their capture, and our supply trains 
were particularly exposed in going from Harper's Ferry to 
the front. Mosby's band knew every foot of the road, and 
sudden attacks from hidden retreats frequently scattered the 
guards, and the whole train would fall an easy and valuable 
prize. Yet they were often foiled in their efforts to capture 
trains, or officers and men going to and fro, and many thrilling 
tales arc told of pursuit, the 'flight, and narrow escape by mem- 
bers of the Commissary and Quartermaster's Departments while 
they remained in Mosby's domain. 

There was another ration, not mentioned under the proper 
head, which was of a liquid nature, and called, in army parlance, 
" commissary." This was sometimes issued to the men in the 
ranks in quantities large enough to cheer, but too small to ine- 
briate. 

But the question of inebriety was only a question of man- 
agement, for many a soldier declined its use, and good-naturedly 
passed it to his companion, who had no scruples, and soon showed 
its exhilarating influence. Also, well soldered tin cans from 
friends at home, duly labelled as containing tomatoes, preserved 



176 

fruits, etc., were expressed throngli tlie lines (espccinlly in the 
early days of the war), and the hilarity resulting from the con- 
sumption of their contents was out of all proportion to the 
usual results from partaking of goodies, such as were indicated 
by the innocent looking labels. 

Another way of circumventing the orders limiting the sup- 
ply was for a man to present from his Captain or Lieutenant an 
order, either real or forged, for " commissary," as an officer liad 
the right, on written order, to purchase what he wished, when 
there was a supply, and cases have been known where the order 
from the officer, for the coveted fluid, was not wholly to gratify 
the taste and desire of his men. 

Whatever may be thought of the use and propriety of this 
ration, there is no question about its quality being unsurpassed, 
as Uncle Sam did not issue adulterated wliiskey. The reveling 
in the captured commissary stores, especially of the kind just 
mentioned, has been claimed to have been the cause of Early's 
victory being turned into defeat at Cedar Creek. If so, the 
critic must admit that, for once, the possession of this class of 
commissary stores worked to our advantage. 

A. B. VALENTINE. 

SWINGING ACROSS THE JAMES. 

The Tenth now began to appear like a veteran regiment. 
Scores of the men who had fought tlirough the battles of the 
Wilderness and Spottsylvania unliurt, had fallen at these fatal 
cross roads, and as the command filed silently out of their works 
on the niglit of tlie twelfth, their thinned ranks plainly told the 
sad, brave story of their last twelve days' work. We had lost 
in killed and wounded 100 men, some had been taken prisoners, 
many had fallen sick and were sent to the rear. Lieutenant- 
Colonel Chandler, then and since the 1st of June in command 
of the regiment, reporting to the Adjutant-General of Vermont, 
said : 

" I have the honor to report that this regiment has been 
actively engaged in the field operations of tlie campaign, and 
acquitted itself with honor, acknowledgment of which has been 



177 

received in orders ; officers and men have discharged their whole 
duty. The effective force of the regiment is twelve officers and 
tliree hundred and fifty-two men." 

We were withdrawn from these advanced works at 9 o'clock 
p. M., and formed a second line, five hundred yards to tlie rear ; 
but this was soon abandoned, and at sundown, on the thirteenth, 
we crossed the Chickahominy at Jones Bridge, twenty miles be- 
low Cold Harbor. We moved via Charles City Court House, 
and on the fourteentli reached the James river at Wilcox Landing. 
The James river at this point was three hundred yards wide ; 
over one liundred pontoons were required to span the stream, 
atid on account of the current, which was very strong — the tide 
rising and falling here about four feet — the pontoons were 
anchored to large vessels above and below. The country be- 
tween Charles City and the James was too lovely to be passed 
over as quickly as we were compelled to make the distance. 
Having experienced all the disagreeable features of the Wilder- 
ness, and still more recently the uninviting region of Cold Har- 
bor, and marched through the marslies and swamps of the Cliick- 
ahominy, these open and fertile sections of Virginia were wel- 
comed by all our senses. Comfortable farm houses and patri- 
archal mansions, situated in clean little villages of cabins, sur- 
rounded with ornamental trees and festooned with the rare 
tracery of the Virginia creeper, verdant fields and scented 
groves and wild flowers in great profusion, filling the air with 
fragrance. About noon on the fourteenth, we halted upon a 
commanding ridge and before us in the distance tlie James river, 
famed in our country's earliest history and in Indian tradition, 
lay like a silver scarf stretched across the landscape. Resting 
here awhile, we then moved down into the valley and encamped 
near the landing. 

The Third Division hospital tents were pitched on the 
broad lawn of a magnificent estate call Wyanoke, just opposite 
of a district the early settlers called Flower de Hundred. Here 
were grand old trees and a garden filled with exotics, beautiful 
and rare. " Here was the magnolia grandiflora in full bloom, 
its immense cup-like flowers filling the whole place with delight- 

(12) 



178 

fill fragrance, and the American argave also loaded with a pro- 
fusion of elegant flowers ; roses of the most rare and superb 
varieties, jasmines, honeysuckles, spice-woods, and a great vari- 
iety of other choice plants were also in lavish abundance." The 
beauties here described are well remembered. Coming suddenly 
upon such a peaceful scene, from the torrid battle-scarred region 
two days behind us might seem like a translation from Hades to 
Paradise. Near by was an enormous pine tree enclosed with a 
crumbling brick wall, which, we were told with perfect assurance, 
marked the identical spot where John Smith lay bound and 
doomed to death until Pocahontas rescued him from the wrath 
of Powhatan. We saw here an old negro slave one hundred 
and eight years of age, and when Surgeon Childe asked him his 
age the venerable chattel replied, " spec I's goin' on two hun- 
dred now, massa." Yet he was longing for freedom and declared 
with great spirit that " a hundred and eight years was long 
enough to be a slave." 

The Sixth Corps covered the crossing of the army, after 
which the First and Third Divisions embarked on transports for 
City Point, while the Second Division crossed on the pontoon 
bridge. On our arrival at City Point, or soon after, we sailed 
away to Burmuda Hundred, where we arrived at midnight, the 
sixteenth. Landing without delay, we marched to a position in 
the rear of General Butler's fortified line, midway between the 
Appomattox and James rivers, arriving there about daylight, the 
seventeenth. During the forenoon our position was changed, 
and just before dark, orders were received to attack the strong 
works of the enemy, and the troops formed for the assault, out- 
side of General Butler's line. There was current, at this time, an 
incident, but which now there are no means at hand for authen- 
ticating, that was so characteristic of the commander at Ber- 
muda Hundred, there is a strong temptation to relate it as it 
was then understood. General Wright protested against this 
order to attack, as extremely hazardous, and thought it ought 
not to be attempted. Butler's terse reply, more soldierly than 
considerate, was : " 1 send you an order to fight, you send me 
an argument." But General Wright, seeing, it is presumed, 
nothing to be gained by complying with this order, except a dis- 



179 

play of courage, delayed its execution. It was subsequently 
countermanded, and the troops returned to tlie Army of the 
Potomac, but not until they had suffered considerably from the 
enemy's batteries. 

There was much curiosity aroused, and frequent inquiries 
were heard, in regard to this singularly named place. But little 
could be there learned about it. It appears that some time in 
1611, Sir Thomas Dale came to this country as successor to 
Lord Delaware and as " High Marshal of Virginia." It is said 
that he built a city within the loop of the James river, on that 
plateau of land that General Butler attempted to cut off by the 
construction of his much-talked-about Dutch Gap Canal, and 
called it " The City of Henri cus " in honor of Brince Henry, 
son of James I. of England. " Having founded the City of 
Henricus, the High Marshal proceeded to found another at Ber- 
muda Hundred." This was further down and on the opposite 
bank of the stream, near the confluence of the James and the 
Appomattox rivers. The City of Henricus, with its three streets, 
store-houses, watch-tower and church, the huge palisades driven 
across the narrow neck, with forts Charity and Patience built 
on " Hope-in-Faith land " have all vanished long, long ago, but 
Bermuda Hundred, older than Plymouth Rock, has survived 
through nearly three centuries and still marks one of the sites 
upon which the foundation of the Republic first began to rise in 
the new world. It was this strange name, however, that puzzled 
us in the war days when we lay behind the high breastworks 
and under bomb-proofs, while great guns howled madly at our 
intrusion upon this ancient domain of Sir Thomas Dale. 

It is certainly known that hundred formerly meant in Eng- 
land and in Germany, a district or a division of the land and the 
population into sections and groups. Divisions of hundreds were 
introduced into the colonies of Pennsylvania, Yirginia, Mary- 
land and Delaware, and still exist in the last named State. On 
the plantation and colonial maps of Virginia many of these dis- 
tricts are represented — Martin Hundred, Smythe Hundred, West 
Hundred, Shirley Hundred, Flower de Hundred and Bermuda 
Hundred. These were towns under the early plantation system 
in Virginia, or election boroughs, that is to say, a body of free- 



180 

holders sufficient to elect one member to the House of Burgesses, 
In England these divisions or districts at first applied to the 
population and constituted the basis of military organization, and 
both there and on this side of the ocean it also had a munici- 
pal significance — each hundred having its hundred moot — town 
meeting ? — and its hundred court. Blackstone uses the term 
hundred in speaking of English municipalities. He says, " as 
ten families of freeholders made up a town or tithing," — the tith- 
ing referring to persons and not to their revenues — " so ten tith- 
ings composed a superior division called a hundred, consisting 
of ten times ten families." The territorial hundred consists of 
a hundred hides of land — a hide meaning a sufficient number 
of acres to support a single family — this area varying in size 
according to its quality or productive possibilities, and the number 
of acres required to support one hundred families constitutes the 
territorial hundred. Whether this tract of land closely em- 
braced in the arms of these two historic rivers, the James and the 
Appomattox, was called a hundred from the number of inhabi- 
tants it contained capable of bearing arms, or the extent of its 
area, is not known. Why it should have been called " Bermuda " 
Hundred is immaterial, still the very probable reason is that 
this river-girded tract of land received for its first settlers the 
survivors of a wreck on the Bermuda Islands in 1609. 

On the nineteenth, we rejoined the Army of the Potomac, 
crossed the Appommattox at Point of Kocks, on pontoons, and 
moved around to the rear of Petersburg, going into a field south 
of City Point Railroad. On the twenty-first, the Sixth Corps 
moved out to the Jerusalem plank road, where the cavalry were 
skirmishing with the enemy, on the very ground we were to 
occupy. Although it was dark when the column formed in line 
of battle, yet skirmishers were thrown out, and the line advanced 
until it connected with the left of the Second Corps, pushing 
the enemy back and capturing a number of prisoners, and at 9 
o'clock p. M., began to throw up entrenchments. This corps 
now constituted the extreme left of the army investing Peters- 
burg, formed with the First Division, connecting with tlie Second 
Corps ; the Third Division, left of the First, and the Second, 
left of the Third, with one brigade facing to the left and rear. 




T. L. WOOD. 



181 

On the morning of the twenty-second, the line advanced some 
half a mile or so, and then began to entrench. The troops alter- 
nated between entrenching and skirmishing, nearly all day. 
The Eighty-seventh Pennsylvania came near being captured 
while on the skirmisli line. It was flanked and partially envel- 
oped, on account of the retiring of the line next to it. As it 
was, they lost about a dozen men, and it was only the prompt- 
ness, and often-tried bravery of their commander. Colonel Schall, 
still suffering from a severe wound, that saved the regiment 
from capture. At 5 o'clock p. m., the whole line was withdrawn 
to the position taken the previous night, owing to a reverse sus- 
tained by the Second Corps. But just before dark the Third 
Division advanced again, with the corps retaining the same 
formation as above described. The attack was to be made, how- 
ever, by the First and Third Divisions, the Second following, to 
protect the left flank of the Third. The line faced, at first, 
nearly west, and advanced about one mile through heavy pine 
woods, gradually swinging to the right, so that when it halted it 
faced north-northwest, the left extending toward the Weldon 
Railroad. When the Third Division halted, it was found that 
the First Division had not advanced as far, nor in the direction 
intended, and consequently their skirmish line was partly in our 
rear. The Second Division moved by the flank, and finally 
formed on the left of the Third, bending its own left back to- 
ward the rear. 

June 23d, the picket line was pushed out as far as the Wel- 
don Railroad, and we began to destroy the track. The work 
was little more than fairly begun, when the enemy attacked in 
heavy force the skirmish line and sharpshooters or detachments 
sent out from the Yermont Brigade of the Second Division, and 
the Eighty-seventh Pennsylvania, of the Third, to protect the 
pioneers. But it appears that these detachments were not posted 
so as to afford support to each otlier, or protection to themselves, 
in case they were attacked by a superior force. They were at- 
tacked by just this superior force, on the right and the left, over- 
whelmed in front and nearly enveloped, so that the alternative 
of death or surrender was presented on so short a notice, that 
brave men would be likely to accept tlie latter. Many were 



182 

killed, but more yielded themselves prisoners of war. The 
Eighty-seventh Pennsylvania lost, in killed and wounded, twenty- 
six men, and in prisoners, four oflBcers and fifty-three men. The 
losses of tlie Vermont Brigade were heavier, as more were en- 
gaged. 

The whole line now withdrew to the position taken up on 
the twenty-first, where we remained behind strong works until 
the twenty-ninth. 

On the twenty-ninth, the Sixth Corps marched to Hheims 
Station, on the Weldon Railroad, moving along in the rear of 
the line until we came to the Jerusalem plank road, which we 
followed about a mile ; then turning off to the right, passing 
the cavalry pickets, we reached the station about 8 o'clock the 
next morning, having halted for an hour or two during the 
night. The main body of the troops were deployed along the 
line of the road, in some places constructing works for the more 
suitable defense in case of an attack, while detachments tore up 
the track, burned tlie depot and destroyed a large lot of raih-oad 
iron which had been left at the station. Same day we returned 
by the same route, reaching the Jerusalem road at 10 o'clock 
p. M., having been gone thirty-six hours, and inflicted a large 
amount of damage upon the enemy, and intercepted, temporarily, 
one main line of his communication, without the loss of a man 
from the Tenth. 

On the 2d of July, the corps returned to the left of the 
line and the same position we had occupied previous to the 
"Weldon Raih'oad expedition. 

On the 6th of July, the Third Division was detached from 
the Sixth Corps and the Army of the Potomac, and ordered to 
Harper's Ferry, to meet a large Confederate force then invading 
Maryland and threatening Washington, under General Jubal 
Early. "We were glad of any change, since no service could be 
more exhausting than the long campaigns we had already en- 
dured, and the almost constant fighting in which it had l)een 
our lot to share. For more than two months we had been 
engaged with this great army, in some of the most vigorous and 
persistent field operations known to modern warfare. For sixty- 
two days and nights there had not been twenty-four consecutive 



183 

hours that we had been beyond the range of the enemy's guns, 
and no time that we were not pressing nearer and nearer to his 
deadly line of defense ; and there was not an hour in all these 
sixty days that we did not hear either the rattle of musketry, or 
the roar of cannon. In the steady advance from the Rapidan to 
Petersburg, there had been scarcely a day that some one did not 
fall from our ranks, and oftentimes scores yielded themselves will- 
ing sacrifices to the country's needs. Among the fallen were some 
of the bravest and best. Our brigade alone had lost in killed, 
wounded and prisoners, over eight hundred men and officers, and 
less than forty were among the captured. We had now been 
in the vicinity of Petersburg seventeen days, moving from point 
to point, fighting, throwing up entrenchments, and marching as 
the emergency dictated. We had been on the sand-knolls, and the 
turfless pine plain of this region, long enough. Water fit to 
drink could not be obtained without difficulty ; the weather was 
oppressively hot and dry ; the wind blew like a monsoon, drift- 
ing sand into our eyes, sifting it through our clothes, and rub- 
bing it into the pores of the skin. Hence we were eager for a 
change — nothing could be less acceptable than our present posi- 
tion — and we hailed the order to go back into Maryland, joy- 
fully, where nearly every regiment of the division had been 
stationed during much of the time since being mustered into the 
U. S. service. 



184 



CHAPTER V. 

MONOCACY. 

THE division started at dawn on the sixth, marching fifteen 
miles, and reached City Point at 10 o'clocl^ a. m., so 
completely covered with dust that we were mistaken for a divis- 
ion of colored troops. At 5 p. m., all had embarked on trans- 
ports, and were steaming down the James river. Nothing could 
be more grateful to tired men than this sort of transit, after 
our weary marches of the past two months, through swamps 
and rivers, pathless woods, and over dry, sandy roads, in the hot- 
test part of the year, constantly fighting and entrenching, all the 
way from the Rapidan to Petersburg. It was delightful rest, 
gratefully welcomed, to be borne and gently rocked upon tlie 
broad, strong bosom of the river, away from the clouds of dust 
and the thousand annoyances of the camp, where the cool, un- 
tainted breeze came up from the water, and fell upon us with no 
murmur of the battle. We passed Fortress Monroe at midnight, 
and arrived off Baltimore on the evening of the seventh. At 8 
o'clock next morning, the First Brigade was at Monocacy Junc- 
tion, and soon at Frederick City, where we reported to General 
Lew Wallace, who had come up from Baltimore, bringing such 
small detachments of troops as he could gather from other 
places in his department, and was in command at this point. 
But in order to comprehend more fully our relations to the new 
situation, some general account of the previous operations of the 
enemy and of our own forces in the Shenandoah Yalley and in 
West Yirginia and Maryland should be given. 

In the grand advance of all the armies of the United States 
against the Confederate forces in the field, under Lieutenant-Gen- 
eral Grant in the spring of 1864, a column commanded byMajor- 
General Franz Sigel was to move from the vicinit}'^ of Harper's 
Ferry up the Shenandoah Valley, " covering the North from in- 
vasion through that channel." But his co-operation was ineffec- 




MAJ. GEN. LLW. WALLACE. 



185 

tive, whether from an insufficient force or something else need not 
be stated, and he was soon superseded by Major-General David 
Hunter. This change was subsequently justified by General 
Hunter's partial success. Starting out from Harrisonburg on 
the 4th of June, he encountered the Confederate General Wil- 
liam E. Jones at Piedmont, whom he defeated in a hotly con- 
tested engagement of several hours duration, capturing over one 
thousand prisoners and completely routing his army. General 
Jones was killed. On the sixth he moved to Staunton, occupy- 
ing the town witliout opposition. Here he was joined by the 
troops of Generals Crook and Averill. Thence with an army of 
eighteen thousand men and thirty pieces of artillery he moved 
up the valley toward Lexington, reaching and capturing that 
place on the eleventh. A large quantity of military stores fell 
into his hands, arms, ammunition and some prisoners. He burned 
the iron works and other manufactories of Confederate supplies 
and the Virginia Military Institute and ex-Governor Letcher's 
house ; this latter because he found there " a violent and inflam- 
matory proclamation signed John Letcher, inciting the popula- 
tion of the country to rise and wage a guerilla warfare on his 
troops." He then crossed the Blue Ridge by the Peaks of Ot- 
ter, and approached Lynchburg. At Diamond Hill, five miles 
from Lynchburg, he had a sharp engagement with the enemy 
and drove him back upon the town in great confusion. It now 
being too late to follow up the success thus attained that even- 
ing, he encamped on the battlefield, intending, if practicable, to 
renew the attack the next morning. But during the night the 
city was heavily reinforced and as his skirmishers advanced and 
were within two miles of the works they found the Confed- 
erates in force, and instead of making an attack, he was obliged 
to meet an attack, which he did, repulsing a vigorous advance 
of the enemy. His success enabled him to maintain his position 
until the night of the eighteenth, when he withdrew and finally 
retreated by way of the Ohio river to Parkersburg and thence 
to Harper's Ferry, opening the valley of Virginia in a man- 
ner perfectly satisfactory to the enemy, who did not take the 
trouble to pursue him. Had General Hunter captured Lynch- 
burg, and maintained himself in that position, it would have 



186 

been fatal to General Lee's occupation of flichmond three 
months longer. On the 13th of June, the day after General 
Grant withdrew from Cold Harbor and began the movement 
toward the James river, General Early was detached from the 
Army of Northern Virginia, and sent with Ewell's corps and 
otlier troops to the relief of Lynchburg and upon his famous 
expedition north into Maryland and Pennsylvania and against 
Washington. These were the troops that prevented General 
Hunter's success at Lynchburg and forced him into the Kanawha 
Valley. General Hunter having blamelessly disposed of himself, 
there were now no troops to oppose General Early's march 
down the valley. Accordingly he gathered up all the scattered 
forces hitherto operating in this part of Virginia, and uniting 
them with his veteran corps, moved northward from Staunton 
with a large and well appointed army on the 28th of June. He 
reached Winchester on the 2d of July, and Martinsburg on the 
4th. General Sigel, temporarily commanding in West Vir- 
ginia, retreated from Martinsburg before Early's advance and 
fought his way back to Harper's Ferry, where he crossed the 
Potomac and took position on Maryland Heights. This was an 
excellent position for observation, and secure against a much 
larger force, from attack. Early did not try to dislodge him, 
but rather kept out of the way of his heavy guns on the Heights, 
and crossed the Potomac at Shepherdstown and moved by way 
of South Mountain to Frederick. Meantime he sent a heavy 
force under the energetic General McClausland to Williamsport 
and Hagerstown. A part of Williamsport he burned ; he levied 
a contribution of twenty thousand dollars on the people of 
Hagerstown, and sweeping over the northern counties of Mary- 
land up into the southern borders of Pennsylvania, made large 
drafts of cattle, horses, grain and bacon, of the inhabitants as he 
went. In four days he had ridden entirely around General 
Slgel, although not without considerable skirmishing with Max 
Weber's and Stahel's cavalry, still doing much damage on the Bal- 
timore & Ohio llailroad and the Chesapeake & Ohio Canal. On 
the seventh, a cavalry force twelve hundred strong, under the 
command of the Confederate General Bradley T. Johnson, ap- 
peared between Middletown and Frederick. Colonel Clendenin 



187 

went out to meet him with two hundred and fifty men and of 
course was driven back, the Confederates pursuing. But here a 
small regiment of infantry uuder the command of Colonel 
Charles Gilpin united with Clendenin's cavalry and in turn 
drove them back. Probably Johnson was willing to go away, 
for it appeared to be only his purpose to keep just near enough 
to the Union forces to watch their movements and learn of their 
strength while at the same time he would prevent a discovery of 
General Early's infantry force. General Sigel had reported to 
the Adjutant-General at Washington on the 6th, that a Confed- 
erate force, " variously reported from twenty to thirty tliousand 
men, is crossing at Antietam Ford and Shepherdstown. There 
is no doubt about its being a large force." 

Again on the seventh, in reporting to the Adjutant- Gen- 
eral, he gave the same estimate, and also gave the composi- 
tion of the Confederate army as to divisions and commanders, 
and said " there is no doubt about the enemy concentrating 
against us." Still the reports that came to General Wallace 
waiting at Frederick, as before stated, were of such a conflicting 
nature as to leave him in doubt as to their strength, although he 
felt measurably sure of their intentions. " In the hope of evolv- 
ing something definite out of the confusion of news," he says, 
" I went to Frederick." It does not seem possible that the 
" news " in possession of the Washington authorities was with- 
held from General Wallace, yet it so appears, and we find him 
saying as late as the seventh, when he sent Clendenin and Gil- 
pin out toward Middletown, " my purpose was to conduct a 
reconnoir>ance over the mountain to brush aside if possible the 
curtain that hung over it." 

On the eighth, General Kicketts arrived in Frederick, as 
hitherto stated, with the greater part of the Third Division, and 
on the evening of the same date General Wallace says : " I 
made up my mind to fight " and " compel the enemy to expose 
his strength," and he telegraphed to General Halleck : " 1 shall 
withdraw immediately from Frederick City and put myself in 
position to cover the road to Washington, if necessary." 

The troops with General Wallace at Frederick on the 
seventh were the Third Maryland, Potomac Home Brigade, 



188 

Eleventh Maryland Infantry, seven companies of the One Hun- 
dred and Forty-fourth Ohio National Guard, Captain Alexander's 
Maryland battery of six three-inch guns, one hundred men of the 
One Hundred and Fifty-ninth Ohio National Guard, serving as 
mounted infantry. Colonel Clendenin's squadron of the Eighth 
Illinois Cavalry, two hundred and fifty men, and two hundred 
men from the First Maryland Home Brigade. The Eleventh 
Maryland and all of the Ohio troops were one-hundred-days 
men. All these troops were commanded b}' Brigadier- General 
E. B. Tyler. 

The Third Division of the Sixth Coi-ps was classified as fol- 
lows : Major-General James B. Ricketts, commanding division ; 
First Brigade, Colonel William S. Truex commanding : Tenth 
Vermont, Colonel William W. Henry ; One Hundred and Sixth 
New York, Captain Edward M. Paine ; One Hundred and Fifty- 
first New York, Colonel William Emerson ; Fourteenth New Jer- 
sey, Lieutenant-Colonel O.K. Hall ; Eighty-seventh Pennsylvania, 
Lieutenant-Colonel J. A. Stahel, Second Brigade, Colonel 
Matthew E,. McClennan commanding : Ninth New York Heavy 
Artillery, Colonel William H. Seward, Jr.; One Hundred and 
Twenty-sixth Ohio, Lieutenant-Colonel A. W. Ebright ; One 
Hundred and Tenth Ohio, Lieutenant-Colonel O. H. Binkley ; 
One Hundred and Thirty -eighth Pennsylvania, Major Lewis A. 
May. The Sixth Maryland, Sixty-seventh Pennsylvania, and a 
large part of the One Hundred and Twenty-second Ohio, all 
belonging to the Second Brigade, were not in the battle, but 
at Monrovia, a station on the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad, 
eight miles away, where they remained during the battle. Col- 
onel J. Warren Keifer in his report says that these troops did not 
arrive on the battlefield " in consequence of unnectessary delays 
caused by Colonel John F. Staunton," the commander of this 
brigade, but Colonel McClennan being the ranking officer pres- 
ent, commanded such troops of the Second Brigade as were in 
the engagement. We have then as the entire Union force in the 
battle of the 9th of July, the raw troops of General E. B. Tyler, 
twenty-five hundred, and nine regiments of General Ricketts' 
veteran division, thirty-three hundred and fifty, or all told fifty- 
eight hundred and fifty. 



189 

The terrain of the battle may be quickly described. Frederick 
is a beautiful interior town, situated in the heart of Frederick 
county, 

" Green walled by the hills of Maryland," 
about thirty-five miles west of Baltimore and about the same 
distance north of Washington. The pikes running from these 
cities to Frederick cross each other at right angles, near 
the center of the town and lead away, one to Sharpsburg on the 
north and the other to Harper's Ferry on the west. On the 
east side of the town flows the Monocacy river, pushing its course 
nearly south until it reaches a point three miles below, then it 
bends sharply to the right and flows west into the Fotoraac. A 
trifle more than three miles below the city is the main line of 
the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad and the junction of the branch 
road leading up to Frederick. A little east of the junction is a 
high and long iron railroad bridge across the Monocacy, forty 
feet above the water, and a little farther to the west of the junc- 
tion and south is a wooden bridge, where the Washington pike 
running under the railroad crosses the river. These two bridges 
may be a fourth of a mile apart. Nearly all the ground on 
both the north and south bank of the stream is hisrh or rising; 
from the river, and hence, especially on the south side, the 
Washington pike, almost as soon as it leaves the wooden bridge, 
is a dug way for some distance. The Baltimore pike, soon after 
it leaves the city, crosses the river over a stone bridge. From 
the wooden to the stono bridge, in a straight line, it is three 
miles. Half way between, on the river, is Crum's Ford and 
below the wooden bridge are several other fords, practicable for 
the crossing of troops. 

It was well known on the eighth that General Early's ob- 
jective was Washington, then in a defenseless condition, and he 
meant to get there by the shortest possible route, namely, the 
pike leading directly from Frederick to that city. He would 
have gained little and risked far more by leading his column to 
Baltimore. General Wallace fortunately divined his purpose, 
or believed that it was not simply to threaten the capital and 
retire, but with his large army he was bent on greater mischief. 
Another General might have retreated before this already-known- 
to-be vastly superior force, and accepted the chances of pursuit 



190 

on one or the other of the open roads, rather than the consequences 
of a battle, which must necessarily be conducted so as to bar the 
passage of both for many hours in order to secure any advan- 
tage whatever to the Federal cause. But General "Wallace did 
not retreat. " He made up his mind to fight." He very prop- 
erly made a stand at Monocacy bridge, on the Washington pike, 
at the same time giving sufficient attention to the stone bridge 
on the Baltimore pike, to keep open a line of retreat which he 
foresaw the situation would shortly require. He maneuvered 
his troops around Frederick all the afternoon of the eighth, 
marching them off out of sight and then returning with a part or 
the whole of them in a direction that would give them the appear- 
ance of arriving as reinforcements. At night he silently with- 
drew his whole force with reference to placing them in line of 
battle on the morrow. The Third Division moved to Monocacy 
Junction, only three miles away, although we marched twelve 
miles through fields, thickets and darkness, to get there. In 
making disposition for the battle next morning. General Ricketts 
was directed to form his division on the left of the line to be 
defended, in two lines across the Washington pike so as to 
cover the wooden bridge, and hold the rising ground to the south 
of it, facing the river, or facing north. It was thought, as it 
proved, that here would be the main point of attack. Colonel 
Clendenin with liis squadron of cavalry was placed still further 
to the left, in order to guard the flank and watch the fords be- 
low the bridge. General Tyler with most of the other troops 
was posted on the right at the stone bridge on the Baltimore 
pike. Crum's Ford was also held by General Tyler, with three 
companies of Colonel Gilpin's regiment of the Potomac Home 
Brigade. The battery was divided between Ricketts and Tyler, 
each having three guns; two of these, however, sent to the 
right were brought back to the left during the day, leaving 
Tyler but one. Skirmisliers were thrown out, probably in front 
of the whole line, ours across the river toward Frederick and 
posted in the form of a half-circle, curving outward from the 
north bank of the stream so as to cover the entire front of the 
division, the reserve being placed in the triangle formed by the 
river, the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad and the Washington pike. 




GEN. LEW WALLACE'S HEADQUARTERS IN THE DISTANCE. 



191 

Here also was a block-house, built at some former time for the 
protection of the railroad property at this point. Near the 
block-house was stationed a small mountain howitzer, for which 
I believe there was no ammunition, at least both howitzer and 
block house were useless in the battle. This was the position of 
the Union forces at 8 o'clock on the morning of the ninth. Pre- 
vious to this time, however, the Confederates were swarming 
on all the roads leading out of Frederick. Citizens began to 
seek protection behind the Federal lines and others were seen 
moving across the fields, endeavoring to escape the invaders with 
such household effects as they could carry away. About 7 
o'clock. Dr. Barr, Surgeon-in-Chief of the division, Surgeon 
Rutherford, Captain H. W. Kingsley and Chaplain Haynes of 
the Tenth Vermont, having engaged and paid for a night's lodg- 
ing and breakfast at the hotel in Frederick the evening before, 
were now leisurely going up to eat the breakfast they had paid 
for, not knowing, nor indeed inquiring, whether or not the city 
had been occupied by the enemy. They ought to have known 
better, and suppressed their gastronomic yearnings ; but they 
had paid four dollars apiece for privileges as yet unenjoycd and 
it was not in their nature to relinquish a " square meal " within 
three miles of them without a struggle. They had not proceeded 
more than one-half of the distance when trotting down a long in- 
cline in the pike and near the bottom of it, about one hundred and 
fifty yards ahead, on a rise in the road, they discovered a squad 
of cavalry in blue uniforms. Still they looked suspicions, and 
almost at the same time, they saluted us with a volley from their 
carbines. This confirmed their identity. We did not continue 
our journey, but instantly wheeling our horses we made the best 
speed possible toward the camp until out of range. But the 
time to accomplish this seemed very long and the enemy, prob- 
ably not numbering a dozen men, seemed to be a regiment with 
repeating rifles, so thickly did the bullets follow us. The inci- 
dent is nothing, only as it illustrates a condition. No pickets 
were out and General Ricketts' troops were still in bivouac. 
Upon our report, however, a squad of mounted men were sent 
out but were speedily driven back by the force we had un- 
covered. By 8 o'clock the skirmishers on the opposing lines 



192 

were exchanging shots in a brisk fusilade. Ours consisted of 
seventy-five men, with First Lieutenant, since Captain George 
E. Davis, from the Tenth Vermont, two hundred men, with 
Captain Charles J.Brown of the First Regiment Potomac Home 
Brigade, all nominally under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel 
Charles G. Chandler of the Tenth. But he for some reason 
soon retired, and really this force was under the skillful direction 
of Captain Davis, who probably rendered a service to the Gov- 
ernment that day unsurpassed by any officer of equal rank during 
the war. It was Captain Brown's right to command after Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Chandler retired, but having had little experience 
in fighting, he requested Captain Davis to take charge of the 
picket line, putting himself entirely under his orders. Behind 
his skirmish line, the enemy placed his batteries, and at once 
began a furious shelling of our lines across the river, occasion- 
ally dropping shots into our skirmishers over the heads of his 
own. In this cannonade the enemy had sixteen pieces of artil- 
lery, to which others were added later in the day, mostly Napol- 
eons, and we had but three three-inch iron guns with which to reply. 
Thus the battle continued between the artillery and the picket 
lines for more than an hour. It was not, however, a part of the 
enemy's plan to make their attack directly in front, or if it was 
they soon changed it and substituted a flank movement. Gen- 
eral Early says : " The enemy's position was too strong and the 
difiiculties of crossing the Monocacy too great to attack in front 
without greater loss than I was willing to incur. I therefore 
made an examination in person to find a point at which the river 
could be crossed, so as to take the enemy in flank." McClaus- 
land, however, had anticipated him and crossed about a mile 
below the bridge. This made General Wallace's position exceed- 
ingly critical. Ramseur's division was in Ricketts' front waiting 
for an opportunity to spring across the river by the bridge. 
Rhodes' division was watching for the opportune moment to do 
the same thing on the Baltimore pike and now a heavy force was 
turning his left. As soon as McClausland had crossed the river 
he advanced rapidly upon Ricketts' flank, which compelled him 
to change front under fire, both from McClausland's infantry 
and Ramseur's sixteen or more guns on the opposite side of the 



193 

river, and when this change was effected he was completely 
enfiladed by Kamseur's batteries. Quickly advancing and utter- 
ly defeating McClausland, he drove him from his new front and 
established a line, now running parallel with tlie pike and some 
distance to the west of it, and at the same time obtained some 
relief from the batteries on the opposite bank of the stream. 
But his right was exposed to the whole of Ramseur's force, by 
the way of the wooden bridge, which he no longer guarded, and 
it was protected only by Captain Davis' skirmishers, whose posi- 
tion was unchanged by Ricketts' change of front, and it became 
vastly more important and critical. The skirmish line was a 
line of battle. It was now found necessary to burn the pike 
bridge, and there was then no way of retreat for Captain Davis, 
except by the railroad bridge, and that too, being just as acces- 
sible for the enemy to cross to Ricketts' rear, must also be 
defended by the little force on the west bank of the river. The 
position now held by the Tenth Vermont was near the angle in 
the Washington pike, where it deflects to the southwest, and the 
men were fairly under cover, being protected by a cut in the 
road, prolonging the left of the line as far as the front of the 
Thomas house. Major Dillingham with three companies was 
posted at the forks where the Urbana road enters the pike. It 
is now past noon, and General Early having learned of McClaus- 
land's disaster, says : " Orders were sent to Breckenridge to 
move up rapidly with Gordon's division to McClausland's assis- 
tance, and to follow up his attack," Yery near this time we 
saw the long lines of infantry on the hills beyond the river 
moving off to the left on the Buckeystown road toward the ford 
which had been improved so much to our disadvantage in the 
early morning, and they soon began to appear on our front and 
left flank. King's artillery had already been passed over and 
was in position, and as soon as a part of Gordon's division ar- 
rived, that officer formed a line of battle, using McClausland's 
troops which had been once driven from the field as a second line, 
in his formation for the attack. He moved swiftly forward and 
was soon hotly engaged. Every man that Ricketts had was pnt 
into action, and the enemy met with no better success than in 
(13) 



194 

]iis first assault, altliougli the struggle was more protracted and 
bloody. He had been twice repulsed by a far inferior force, but 
was still strong. The balance of Gordon's troops having now 
come up, his line extended far beyond ours, which had been at- 
tenuated until it was little stronger than a skirmish line. Still our 
men were fighting as if they were an army. The enemy were 
confused. Colonel Henry's order was : " Wait, boys, don't fire 
until you see the C. S. A. on their waist belts and then give it 
to 'em." They were evidently preparing for another charge and 
it soon came heavily upon the right of the division next to the 
river, inflicting a severe loss upon the Second Brigade and upon 
the Fourteenth New Jersey, the right of the First Brigade, but 
it did not break up the line, and for the third time the sturdy 
valor of the Third Division had hurled back three times their 
own number discomfited, and thus far defeated. At this time 
General Gordon was in doubt about his ability to break through 
our line, and he says he sent " two staff officers in succession to ask 
for a brigade to use upon the enemy's fiank." But we could 
not stay there much longer. Still every man in the division 
seemed determined to fight on until some disaster overtook him. 
The only thing that appeared to trouble them was that ammu- 
nition was becoming scarce ; many had fired their last cartridge 
and were borrowing of their dead and wounded comrades. In 
the language of the ancient king " every man was a brick ;" each 
seemed cemented to his place, not perhaps by any strange and 
unusual fascination, but by valor and discipline. "About 3 
o'clock," says General Wallace, " I saw the third line of rebels 
move out of the woods and down the hill, behind which they 
had made their formation ; right after it came the fourth. It 
was time to get away," and he accordingly gave the order to 
retire, which was executed in good order. The Tenth, however, 
did not receive the order until the troops on the right began to 
move and they were in great danger of being cut off, but they 
too withdrew in good order. It was a brave sight to see our 
men on that hopeless and stricken field, stubbornly resisting 
such great odds, standing up against the strong columns of the 
enemy as if their breasts were made of steel, with no thought of 
yielding, and steadily pouring their fire into the enemy's faces. 



195 

They could not return one shot in five. Seldom have courage 
and discipline shown to better advantage anywhere in any battle 
of the republic than on this occasion. But neither courage nor 
discipline required a longer continuance of this struggle. Already 
the battle had been lost, and to stay longer would be a needless 
sacrifice of life. The strength of the enemy had been developed, 
his object surely demonstrated, and as it turned out, he had been 
delayed long enough to render his invasion of the North fruitless, 
if we consider the main features of the expedition. Nothing 
permanent was gained and it did not prolong the life of the re- 
bellion a single hour. It was nearly 5 o'clock in the afternoon 
before our troops were withdrawn. The line of retreat from the 
enemy's immediate front compelled the Tenth Yermont, being 
on the extreme left, to take a direction parallel to our line of 
battle and across the enemy's front for some distance. The 
right succeeded in reaching it and most of the division made 
good their escape, but Gordon following and Ramseur pressing 
up and crossing the river on the railroad bridge, came near cut- 
ting off the left, and did at last compel the Tenth to turn and 
make a detour far to the south. In doing this we were obliged 
to cross a ridge under a raking fire of both musketry and artil- 
lery and pursue our way through a piece of woods, where the 
same deadly missiles splintered the trees around us and above 
our heads, and over a meadow where solid shot ploughed up the 
ground at our feet and so down to the railroad, along whicli we 
finally escaped eastward. While retreating over the high ground 
east of the Washington pike under a raining fire. Corporal Par- 
ker, bearer of the State colors, thinking that he might not be able 
to get away, gave the State flag to Corporal Alexander Scott, and 
immediately after " Billy " Mahoney, the bearer of the National 
colors, felt himself giving out, and begged Scott to take the U. S. 
flag, fearing it might be lost. The brave Scott carried both stands 
of colors through the trying ordeal of retreat and did not give 
them up until he returned them to their appointed custodians 
several days later. And there were those who envied him this 
perilous task. Corporal Augustus Crown has since said that he 
desired to share with Scott this great distinction, and thought 
that he ought to give him one of them, but did not dare express 
the wish, so delicate was the honor regarded. 



196 

Perhaps no small body of men, in any of our numerous bat- 
tles, ever held a more important or responsible position than 
did those under Captain George E. Davis — a First Lieutenant at 
the time — when seventy-five men of the Tenth Regiment held the 
picket line on the north bank of the river during this fight, and 
even after every other organized body of our troops had left the 
field. It is true, two hundred men from the First Maryland Infan- 
try, Potomac Home Brigade, under Captain Brown, nominally in- 
creased the force there on picket duty in the beginning of the 
action ; how much they added to his fighting strength will be 
seen further on. It was Captain Brown's right to command, 
but he begged Captain Davis to take charge of the line, and he 
promised faithfully to execute the Lieutenant's orders to the best 
of his ability. It was the holding of this line against an entire 
division of Confederate troops that afforded the only protection 
to General Kicketts' rear and held open his line of retreat. In 
changing front in the early part of the action, as previously re- 
ferred to, in order to naeet the Confederate advance upon his 
left, General Ricketts necessarily opened a large gap between 
his right and the center of the line as originally formed. The 
enemy was not slow in making this discovery and quickly ad- 
vanced with the intention of slipping through the opening thus 
presented. Had he succeeded in this attempt, General Ricketts 
would have been surrounded, with the enemy in possession of 
his line of retreat. But Captain Davis liad observed the move- 
ment and anticipated the enemy's design ; and it was through 
his vigilance and prompt action that the enemy was checked and 
the danger averted. But it is simple justice to allow the Cap- 
tain to tell his own modest story, and it affords me great delight 
to be able to present the following communication, obtained 
from him upon my personal solicitation : 

Burlington, Vt., May 10, 1893. 
Chaplain Haynes. 

My Dear Brother : — At your request I submit the follow- 
ing report of that part of the Monocacy battle that relates to the 
operation of tlie Union troops on the west bank of the river, 
July 9th, 1864 : 




CAPT. GEO. E. DAVIS. 



197 

Early in the morning, with one Second Lieutenant (whose 
name I have never been able to recall for twenty years, althonf^h 
diligent inquiry has been made) and seventj'-five men of our 
regiment, I was ordered to report as skirmishers, to Captain 
Charles J. Brown, commanding Cos. C and K, First Maryland 
Regiment, Potomac Home Brigade, near the block-house, on the 
west* back of the Monocacy river. He and his two hundred 
men had just entered the service for one hundred days, to repel 
this invasion, and knew nothing of actual service. I was sent to 
General Wallace's headquarters, on the hill east, for orders, 
which were to hold the two bridges across the river at all haz- 
ard, and prevent the enemy from crossing. No intimation was 
made that the wooden bridge might be burned. General Kick- 
etts' division was in two lines of battle in our rear, on the south 
bank of the river. Some of the Ninth New York Heavy Artil- 
lery picket were at our left, near the north end of the wooden 
bridge, making some over three hundred men in all, on the west 
bank, and we were the only Union troops on that side of the 
stream, confronted with General Ramseur's division of Confeder- 
ate troops. We faced north and west to cover a triangle, the 
north line of which was three hundred and fifty yards from the 
railroad bridge to the turnpike bridge over the railroad ; the 
west line one hundred and fifty yards from the last point named 
to the wooden bridge over the river ; the base of the triangle was 
about one-third of a mile along the west bank of the river, in a 
curve. When the enemy advanced, about 8.30 a. m., along the 
pike from Frederick City, Captain Brown allowed them to come 
within fifteen or twenty rods of our position, thinking they were 
Union troops because dressed in blue clothing which they had 
recently captured at Martin sburg. I stoutly protested, telling 
him our friends were behind us. He was convinced when one 
of his men was killed and several wounded ; then he turned to 
me in disgust and insisted upon my taking command. 1 assumed 
command instantly ; brought up my Tenth Vermonters to this 
point, and after a severe fight of about one hour, the enemy re- 
tired. I knew nothing of the situation, or plan of battle, except 

*A sharp bend in the river renders the use of both north and west neces- 
sary when the same side of the stream is referred to. 



198 

as apparent to the eye. The natural advantages of cover and 
position were in our favor. The main body ot the enemy moved 
around to our left ; crossed the river at a ford one mile south- 
west, compelling General Ricketts to change front to the left 
and advance his line to the west of the pike. This left us a part 
of the main line of battle, without any support in our rear. 
About 11 A. M. a second and much severer attack was made 
upon our right and rear, by which they intended to cut us out, 
take us prisoners, cross the railroad bridge and turn General 
Kicketts' position. This movement was plainly visible to Gen- 
erals Wallace and Ricketts from a hill in my rear, who watched 
its progress with intense interest and anxiety. General Wallace 
afterwards wrote me concerning this noon attack, thus : " With 
General Kicketts at my side, on the bluff behind you, I saw the 
Confederates appear in your front and throw out a line of skir- 
mishers. Their movement was like the opening of a fan, and 
when it was finished, their line on both fianks was much in ex- 
cess of yours. Immediately upon their advancing, the enemy 
made liaste to plant batteries in position, and in a very few min- 
utes we were under a heavy fire which passed over your 
heads to us on the hill. Keeping our places, however, we 
watched your engagement with the enemy. Your people held 
their position with great tenacity. I remember of telling General 
Ricketts that I feared you were so much absorbed in the contest 
that the enemy would have an opportunity to turn your position, 
cut you off ; and while we were speaking about it, I saw them 
send a strong detachment behind some trees (along the river 
bank) which intercepted your view of their operation. Could 
they have made the cover unseen by you, you would have inev- 
itably gone up. Ricketts and 1 watched the result with intense 
interest. Fortunately you discovered the movement in time 
and retired from the position. Your management was admir- 
able." 

Anticipating a flank attack, I had, on assuming command, 
sent pickets up and down the river, who warned me of this 
movement that was entirely hidden from njy view, so that I 
drew back my njen to the west end of the railroad bridge, faced 
to the north, repelled the attack, then resumed my former posi- 



199 

tion on the pike, which we held until the final retreat about 5 
o'clock. In the early part of this noon attack, the wooden 
bridge over the Monocacy river was burned, without notice to 
me. At the same time the Ninth New York pickets were all 
withdrawn, also without notice. I sent to the field officer who 
should have been on the spot personally directing all these move- 
ments, for instructions, but received none. I received no orders 
from any source after the first gun was fired in the morning. 
Being only a First Lieutenant, it was a new experience to be 
thus suddenly thrown into such a responsible position, where 
authority must be used, and great risk taken. We had to watch 
the movements of our division at our left, as well as the enemy 
in our front. My Heavenly Father answered prayer for di- 
vine guidance and calmness. The third and last attack began 
about 3.30 p. m. The situation was critical ; the enemy came 
upon us with such overwhelming numbers and desperation that 
it seemed we should be swept into the river. The place of the 
Ninth New York pickets at my left hand had not been filled, for 
want of men. The hundred-day men at my right were melting 
away, and went over the iron bridge to rifle-pits on the east bank 
of the river. Nevertheless we fought for over an hour and kept 
back a much larger force than ours. Apprehending an advance 
at my left, I sent Corporal John G. Wright, Co. E, Tenth Ver- 
mont, through the corn-field, to examine and report. He was 
killed at once. Immediately the enemy were seen passing 
around my right, to cut us off from retreat by the iron bridge. 
At the left, over the river, our division was retreating ; and the 
division headquarters flag was crossing the track in our rear. 
We must leave now, or never. Our noble band of Yermontors 
stood by me till I gave the order to retreat, when we kept to- 
gether and crossed the railroad bridge, stepping upon the tics, 
there being no floor. The enemy were at our heels, and before 
we could get away from the bridge had laid violent hands upon 
five of my own company (D) close around me, beside others, 
and taken them prisoners. One man fell through the bridge to 
• the river, forty feet below, and was taken to Anderson ville. 
When we passed the rifle-pits at the east end of the iron bridge. 
Captain Brown and his men had gone. Those of our number 
who escaped rejoined our regiment about midnight. 



200 

The only report of this action on the west bank of the river 
on file in the War Department is from the Captain C. J. Brown 
referred to. No report was asked of me, and it never occnrred 
to me to make one. 

The War Department sent a medal of honor engraved 
thus : " The Congress to Capt. George E. Davis, Co. D, 10th 
Vermont Vols., for distinguished conduct in the battle of Mon- 
ocacy, Md., July 9, 1864." 

Yours truly, 

GEO. E. DAVIS. 

Previous to obtaining the above it was known to mo also, 
that Captain Davis had in his possession a letter addressed to 
himself, from General Lew Wallace. I appealed to him to 
furnish a copy for publication in these pages, and being con- 
vinced that it was of far more than personal interest, he con- 
sented. It is, in part, as follows : 

Kenilwokth Inn, Biltmore, N. C, 
March 30, 1893. 

^|t ^ flt ^ "JN" ^ 

Captain Davis was in command of our skirmishers on the 
west bank of the river, the main body being in line on the bluif • 
forming the east bank. The purpose of stationing him there 
was to defend the wooden bridge continuing the pike from Fred- 
erick City to Washington. I did not wish to barn the bridge 
unless it became absolutely necessary to do so. He crossed by 
it, going into position early in the morning. The enemy began 
the attack ])y a dash for the bridge, and was met by Captain 
Davis' skirmishers. General Ricketts and I watched the affair 
f)-om a hill-top, and for a time were greatly concerned lest Davis' 
flank should be turned ; but when we saw him retire his right, 
and form a half-circle around the west exit of the bridge, we 
became assured he was alert, and able to take care of himself. 
The stubborn resistance he offered, supported by a vigorous 
artillery fire from the heights, diverted the enemy from the bridge 
and compelled him to turn our position ; for which he 
marched past Captain Davis to a ford down the river. It was 
not long until the Confederates appeared on the east bank. They 



201 

lost no time in attacking us there, and their assault was decisive 
of tlie fate of the bridge. It had to go ; and what was worse, 
it had to go leaving Davis and his whole detachment cut off and 
lost unless they could swim the river under close fire. I rode 
to see the order executed. Ricketts' line was engaged from 
wing to wing. Nearly thirty years have passed, yet I remember 
as if it were yesterday the struggle 1 had with myself to have 
the match applied. To burn tiie structure looked like a delib- 
erate sacrifice of the gallant skirmishers — or rather like a wicked 
desertion. I argued : Ricketts may be driven before Davis can 
be retired ; if I retire Davis, the enemy will follow on his heels; 
and then — and this nerved me — if the bridge was allowed to 
stand. Early would be en-route for Washington, it might be in 
an hour. To save Davis was to lose Washington.* I gave 
the word, and in five minutes the eastern end of the old crossing 
was a whirl of flame and smoke. With a last look at my skir- 
mish line — it was still fighting — I rode away. In the night suc- 
ceeding, I heard that Davis and a portion of his men had escaped, 
but how I never knew until reading this book, (Chittenden's 
" Recollections of President Lincoln "). Tliat he would attempt 
to cross the river by the railroad bridge, stepping from tie to 
tie, under fire at close range, and forty feet in the air, never 
entered my mind. It was one of the bravest things of the war. 
Riding off the field, I imagined him dead or on the road to 
Libby ; but now I put my hand on his shoulder and ask Ver- 
mont, the mother of so many men stout in their courage and 
loyalty, to do him honor. 

(Signed) LEW WALLACE. 

I also wrote to General Henry, asking him, as many others 
have been asked, for his recollections of special incidents in re- 
lation to ofiicers and men who were engaged in this battle. The 
General's reply was what follows : 

Burlington, Vt., April 28th, 1893. 
Dear Chaplain : — In answer to your letter I have to say 
that I can remember very distinctly seeing Major Dillingham 

*Referring to the whole detail of skirmishers, as well as the officer in 
command. G. E. D. 



202 

once as Gordon's three lines were crossing the Thomas meadow. 
I happened to be near the left of the regiment, which was near 
the Urbana road, and I ran out into that road to see what the 
Major would do. He was the only one I could see, as his three 
small companies were lying along in the bushes by the fence 
on the west side of the road and firing as fast as they could load. 
The Major was standing in the road, swinging his sabre and yell- 
ing to his men so I could hear him : " Give it to them, boys, we 
have them on the flank ; I will tell you when to go ; pitch it 
into them ; this is fun ;" and they did keep it up until I saw the 
line give way on the right and knew we had all got to get out 
of there lively if we did not want to go to Richmond ; so I ran 
up to the corner again and called to the Major to fall back. 
When we commenced the retreat, immediately behind us on the 
north side of the Washington pike was a high fence, then a 
corn-field about twenty rods to the woods, at the foot of quite a 
high hill. As soon as we were over the fence, I ordered the 
officers to form a line marching in retreat, which they did, but 
the Confederates had by this time occupied the ridge over by 
the river, where Alexander's battery had been stationed, and 
were pouring in a terrible fire upon us. I was taking long steps, 
Captain Bogue and Adjutant Lyman on each side, marching close 
to the colors, when this fire began to tell upon us, and men were 
falling thick and fast. One of Captain Bogue's men was hit by 
his side, when he came close to me and said : " Colonel, don't 
you think we better double-quick ?" The brave Captain would 
not rim until he got the order, but it was about all he could do 
to keep his legs from taking his head into tliose welcome woods. 
" Yes, double-quick^ march ;" and all that were not hit were soon 
trying to make the best time to the top of that mountain. That 
is one picture. 

I have this recollection of Adjutant Lyman : In the midst 
of the fight, I discovered there was a break in onr line on my 
right. It was nearly three hundred yards to the left of the next 
regiment, and I wanted very much to see that gap filled. 1 
directed the Adjutant to go over toward the old stone mill and 
find Colonel Truex, commanding the brigade, and ask him to 
put something in there. A little way to the right and rear was 



203 

a very large tree. Lyman made a run for that tree, and the 
rebels opened on him, when he went down behind the tree. I 
called and inquired if he was hit and he answered " I am all 
right." " Then stay there until you see a good chance, then 
come back, you can never make that mill ;" and in a few mo- 
ments he made another run for our position, and returned with- 
out a scratch. 

Another picture is this: After the rebels had taken pos- 
session of the Thomas house, which was about thirty-live rods 
in our right front, their sharpshooters were firing upon us quite 
lively from the second story windows. Sergeant Pike was one 
of our best sharpshooters, and was having all the fun ho wanted 
tiring at those rebs in the window, while I was watching them 
with my glass and giving him points. Soon I saw a head and 
gun coming in sight around one of the window casings, and di- 
rected Pike where to look, and almost at the same instant both 
fired, I felt a bullet go under my chin, and the reb pitched out 
of the window. The brave Color Sergeant, Billy Mahoney, was 
watching us, and in a moment he caught me by the coat-tail and 
pulled me on the ground, saying, " that will do, Colonel, the 
blooming rebs mean you," and a moment after the brave Ser- 
geant Pike dropped upon us, shot dead. 

And one other sad picture is poor Sergeant Peabody, lying 
there in the road, shot tlirough the bowels, begging me not 
to leave him if we had to retreat, hut we could not take Jiirn,, we 
had all we could do to get away ourselves. 

WM. W. HENRY. 

The General begins to mention the conspicuously brave 
conduct of other officers who were in the battle — Abbott, Bar- 
ber, Chilton, Fuller, Hunt, Salsbury, Sheldon, Welch — but 
abandons his purpose, declaring that each oflicer and man in the 
regiment was " conspicuously brave." 

In his fnll and most comprehensive report of this battle. 
General Wallace speaks of the Third Division in the following 
complimentary terms : 

" It would be a difficult task to say too much in praise of 
the veterans who made this fight. For their reputation and for 
the truth's sake I wish it distinctly understood that though the 



204: 

appearance of the enemy's fourth line of battle made their ulti- 
mate defeat certain, they were not whipped ; on the contrary, 
they were fighting steadily in unbroken front when I ordered 
their retirement, all the Bhame of which, if shame there was, is 
mine, not theirs. The nine regiments enumerated as those par- 
ticipating in this action represented but thirty-three hundred and 
fifty men, of whom over sixteen hundred were missing three 
days after, killed, wounded or prisoners — lost on the field. The 
fact speaks for itself. Monocacy on their flags cannot be a 
word of dishonor." 

To those who were engaged in this forlorn hope, how strange 
the language of General Gordon's report of our strength and 
power of resistance appears. He says : " After a brief halt at 
the fence from which the first ' Union ' line had been driven, I 
ordered a charge on the second line, which was equally success- 
ful. At this point I discovered a third line which overlapped 
both my flanks, and which was posted still more strongly * * 
* * He (Ricketts) also advanced at the same time two fresh 
lines of troops. These were repulsed with heavy loss and in 
great confusion. Having suffered severe losses in driving back 
two lines, either of which 1 believed equal in length to my com- 
mand and having discovered the third line, longer than either of 
the others, and protected by the cuts in the road, and in order 
to avoid the great loss it would require to drive the enemy away 
from his position by a direct attack, 1 dispatched two staff offi- 
cers in succession to ask for a brigade to use upon tlie enemy's 
flank." The exact truth is we had but one line, and that was 
stretched out as thin as a blue ribbon at the time the several 
attacks of which General Gordon speaks were made ; there 
were no " fresh troops " — every man was in the battle — and 
there were no long overlapping lines, except the Confederate 
hosts along our front and left flank, where they were held at bay 
by a skirmish line ; and how General Gordon, a veteran officer 
of known courage and ability, the hero of many brilliant adven- 
tures in arms, should so magnify the forces arrayed against him 
on this occasion, and repeat the exaggeration fifteen years after, 
as he did in Southern Historical Society Pajpers^ is so amazingly 
incorrect as to be absolutely inconceivable. 



205 

Shortly after Ramseur crossed the railroad bridge and gained 
the Washington pike, Rhodes' division crossed the stone bridge 
on the Baltimore pike, altliough General Tyler gallantly resisted 
the attempt long enough for Ricketts' retreating column to get 
well on the way to Monrovia. Still, nowhere was the pursuit 
persistent. General Early seems to have had something more 
important on his mind, and he says, giving it as a reason why he 
did not follow us, " I did not want prisoners." That night we 
marched to Newmarket, where we rejoined the division. Next 
morning the whole command moved to Ellicott's Mills and to 
Baltimore. The Tenth Vermont was sent to the Relay House, 
reaching our destination the same evening, with only sixty-nine 
men and twelve officers fit for duty. It should be stated, how- 
ever, that this reduction was caused largely by the severity of 
the march from the Monocacy, and after a few days' absence 
many who were at first reported missing rejoined the command. 

Tlie losses in our division were : killed, officers, 9 ; enlisted 
men, 99. Wounded: officers, 32 ; enlisted men, 488. Captured 
and missing and those who did not return to the command : 
officers, 3 ; enlisted men. Ml. Aggregate, 1,072. 

The Tenth Vermont sufiered less than any other regiment 
in the division owing to its fortunate position, which was at a 
deep cut in the road. Tlie Fourteenth New Jersey lost more 
heavily than any other regiment in the brigade. The Second 
Brigade met with a greater loss than the First, although having 
a less number of men in the fight. 



206 



Co7nposition and losses of the Union forces in battle of the Monocacy. 
[Compiled from nominal lists of casualties, returns, &c.] 





Killed. 


Wounded 


Captured or 
missing. 




Command. 


to 
u 
<u 
w 

O 


d 


U 
O 

58 

o 


d 


o 

O 


d 


+-> 

to 
<u 

u 

150 

< 


EIGHTH ARMY CORPS. 

First Separate Brigade. 

Brig. Gen. Erastus B. Ttler. 

1st Maryland Potomac Home 
Brigade (five companies, 




1 
2 


1 


12 

7 

2 

10 

25 

4 




5 

4 


19 


3d Maryland Potomac Home 

Brigade, Col. Chas. Gilpin. 

11th Maryland, Col. William T. 




13 

2 


144th Ohio (three companies). 
Col. Allison L. Brown.... 

149th Ohio (seven companies). 
Col. Allison L. Brown... . 

Baltimore j(Md.) Battery, Capt. 




1 
4 


1 


2 
5 


35 
64 


49 

98 

4 
















Total First Separate Brigade. 




8 


2 


fiO 


7 


108' 


185 


Cavah-y. 

Lt. Col. David R. Clendenin. 

8th Illinois, Lieut. Col. David 


1 


5 

1 


2 


19 






27 
9 


159th Ohio (detachm't of movmt- 
ed infantry), Capt. Ed- 
ward 11. Lieb and Capt. 




8 


Detachment of mixed cavalry. 










































Total cavalry 


1 


6 


2 


19 




8 


36 


SIXTH ARMY CORPS. 

THIRD DIVISION. 

Brig. Gen. James B. Ricketts. 
Staff 






1 








1 



1 





_^ 




^ 


> 






^ 


^ 


:3 






^ 


^ 


Ivi w 






^ 


Ci 


^ ^ 






i 


f^ 


^ rl 




1 


^^^^jhi^^^^iifli 








— ^ 








it 






"n^^ 


5 


^ 7 




->* 

' — 


/ 
O. / 




A 




207 



Composition and losses of the Union fwces in battle of the Monocacy — Continued. 





Killed. 


Wounded. 


Captured or 
missing. 




Command. 


o5 

<a 
o 

o 




05 

U 

« 

o 


a 

a> 


t 
o 

O 




1« 

M 
<p 

So 

< 


First Brigade. 
Col. William S. Truex. 

Sfnff 






1 

8 
3 
1 
2 

1 








1 


14th New Jersey, Lieut. Col. 
Caldwell K. Hall 


2 

2 


22 

14 

24 

9 

5 


79 
70 
44 

28 
27 


1 


29 
44 
32 
31 
23 


140 


lOGth New Y9rk, Capt. Edward 


133 


151st New York, Col. William 


101 


87th Pennsylvania, Lieut. Col. 


3 


74 


lOth Vermont, Col. William W. 


56 








Total First Brigade 


7 


74 


16 

5 
5 
1 
3 
1 


248 


1 


159 


505 


Second Brigade.* 

Col. Matthew K. McClennan. 

9tli New York Heavy Artil- 
lery, Col. Wm. H. Sew- 


1 
1 


12 
3 
4 
6 


84 
77 
9 
40 
38 


2 
1 


99 

50 
46 
51 
28 


201 


110th Ohio, Lieut. Col. Otho H. 

Binkley 

122d Ohio (detachment), Lieut. 


138 
60 


12Gth Ohio, Lieut. Col. Aaron W. 
Ebright 




100 


138th Pennsylvania, Maj. Lewis 




68 










Total Second Brigade 


2 


25 


15 


248 


3 


274 


567 


Total Third Division 


9 


99 1 32 


488 


4 


441 


1,073 


Grand total 


10 


113 1 35 1 575 1 11 


549 


1,294 



*The 6th Maryland. 67th Pennsylvania and part of the 122d Ohio did not 
reach the battlefield. 



208 

Losses of the Tenth Regiment Vermont Yolnnteers in the 
battle of the 

MONOCACY, JULY 9th, 1864. 

KILLED. 

Sergt. Lyman B. Pike, Dennis Locklin, 

Sergt. Robert M. Forsythe, John G. Wright. 
William W. Button, 

WOUNDED. 

Lieut. L. A. Abbott, George L. Poor, 

1st Sergt. William Peabody Samuel H. R. Emery, 

(mortally), John Smith, 

Edwin Moore, Henry F. West, 

Nelson King, Albert M. Smith, 

Harry G. Sessions, John W. Bancroft, 

Adin J. Wellman, George M. D. Douse, 

Ezekiel T. Johnson, Jerome Ayers, 

Charles Rice, Joseph O. Freeman, 

Alfred Sears, John W. Dike, 

Joseph T. Tomb, Andrew Dougherty, 

Ezra M. Turner, James McKay, 

John L. Waters, Ezra M. Torrance, 

Alonzo T. Butler. William H. Axtell. 

Among the men at first reported missing, who came in later, 
was Oscar E. Waite of Co. I, who, after being captured near 
Monrovia by the Confederate cavalry, made his escape by knock- 
ing down a guard. He was recaptured three days later near 
Clarksburg, and while on his way to Richmond with three hun- 
dred other prisoners, he picked up a discarded gray jacket and 
slipped it over his blue blouse and taking a musket which one 
of the guard had left leaning against a tree for a moment during 
a halt at night, took his place among the guard instead of with 
the prisoners. Watching his opportunity, he then made his es- 
cape accompanied by a comrade, and the two reached the Union 
lines in safety, bringing with them a Confederate officer with 
his horse and arms, whom they met and captured on the road at 
some distance from his command. 




ist LT. EZEKEL T. JOHNSON. 



209 

It was noticed that a very large number of officers and men 
had their clothes cut by the enemy's bullets. Colonel Henry's 
were cut and torn in more than a half-score of places, and one 
bullet passed under his chin, cutting a clean swath through his 
whiskers, just grazing the skin. Otherwise he was not injured. 
Colonel Emerson, One Hundred and Fifty-first New York, had 
his uniform nearly ruined by these flying missiles, and yet not 
otherwise harmed. Colonel William H. Seward, Jr., of the Ninth 
New York, rode his big war horse all through the fight and still 
received no injury. This engagement was very severe. 

The following statement from the report of this action, by 
General John B. Gordon, would be of interest if it could be 
taken as the General intended. After speaking of the severity 
of the fighting, he says : " I desire, in this connection, to state 
a fact, of which I was an eye witness, and which for its rare oc- 
currence and the evidence it affords of the sanguinary character 
of this struggle, 1 consider worthy of ofticial mention. One 
portion of the enemy's second line extended along a branch, 
from which he was driven, leaving many dead and wounded in 
the water and on its banks. This position was in turn occupied 
by a portion of Evans' brigade, in the attack on the enemy's third 
line. So profuse was the flow of blood from the killed and 
wounded of both these forces that it reddened the stream for 
more than one hundred yards below." 

This was Gambrill's Mill stream or Bush creek, and the 
point referred to, the place where many of our own and the 
dead and wounded of the Confederates, who fell into our hands, 
were taken as they were borne out of the battle. General Gor- 
don probably reached this stream some time after our retreat, as 
it was a safe distance to the rear of our line of battle. The in- 
cident he mentioned might have occurred, under similar cir- 
cumstances, to any small stream. Our troops made no stand 
anywhere on tliis branch. 

The battle of Monocacy did not, at the time of its occur- 
rence, attract general public attention. Unlike, and perhaps of 
far less importance in many respects than Vicksburg, Gettys- 
burg, Chattanooga, any of the great battles of the Wilderness 

(14) 



210 

and along the mountainous path to Atlanta, or Winchester and 
a score of other engagements at different points in the wide 
field of conflict, yet as a factor in maintaining the prestige of 
the Union arms, and the political ascendency, if not for the time 
being the integrity of the nation itself, it was equal in impor- 
tance and results to any of them. The battlefield was a mere 
speck of crimsoned earth, on the broad theatre of our vast mili- 
tary operations — not a field for masterly maneuvers and display 
of strategic skill. It was not remarkable for the number of 
Federal troops engaged, only seven States of the Union being 
represented tliere. It called forth no thanksgiving proclamation, 
neither induced Congress to pass congratulatory resolutions, nor 
to confer medals of honor upon any of its participants, while 
the field was red with their blood. It did not aflfect the price of 
gold, as did Sheridan's battle of Winchester. 

Army correspondents gave it little space ; not one of these 
rcportorial gentlemen observed the fighting, although a New 
York Herald correspondent, sitting in Barnum's hotel in Balti- 
more, reported that " Wallace had a skirmish with the enemy 
at Monocacy bridge, on the 9th instant and got whipped." But 
the dispatch was written the day before the battle occurred. 
There were conditions surrounding this whole affair that for the 
sake of public policy and the military reputation of several high 
officers of the government, rendered it advisable, no doubt, to 
suppress some of the facts in the case, which, had tliey been 
generally known, would have created enthusiasui for the blue- 
clad veterans who got themselves whipped instead of running 
away when they saw Early unfold his battalions in sufficient 
numbers to completely envelope and overwhelm them. The 
Government, or some of its officers, apparently did not care to 
have the battle discussed and so have it known that so large a 
rebel force had been permitted to approach so near the capital 
and threaten the nation with a calamity which this battle pre- 
vented, and in fact without fully discovering it until General Wal- 
lace imcovered its strength and purpose. There was a woeful 
lack of enterprise at Washington in obtaining information of 
the movements and designs of the enemy, or of withholding it 
from commanders in the field when it was obtained, when com- 



211 

pared with their swift detection of all of our movements designed 
to counteract their advance. General Kicketts had not embarked 
his division at City Point on the 6th of July, before General 
Lee had dispatched a mounted messenger to Early to inform 
him of his probable destination and to " put him on his guard." 
To have published this discreditable ignorance would have been 
likely to create embarrassment in the War Department and in the 
office of the Chief of Staff, and they sought rather apparently to 
shield themselves by summarily removing General A¥a]lace from 
command in the field on the night of the 9th of July, without 
a hearing, or an opportunity to report the circumstances of the 
battle, except in such meagre items as he had telegraphed dur- 
ing its progress. This act of the Government, or whoever was 
responsible for it, was a gross injustice to a brave and skillful 
officer, for as heroic and patriotic service as Major-General 
ever rendered to his Government. Instead of this, he should 
have been promoted to higher station and the country congratu- 
lated upon his invaluable success at a critical hour in its struggle 
with the abhorrent forces of treason. 

The Confederates gained no honor in this action, and 
had nothing to show for their inconsequent victory. Seek- 
ing to surprise and capture Washington, then without de- 
fenders, before it could be succored, they lost prestige in 
suffering so small a force to defeat the objects of their 
campaign, and prevent the magnificent prize from falling 
into their hands. They should have walked over our lines in 
two hours. Surely they had no reason to boast of, and spread 
abroad their achievement, which after all was a failure, and so 
give fame to the battle. Kather the language which General 
Early applied to General Sheridan, in regard to the battle of 
Winchester, should be affixed to him, if to either, where he says, 
" Instead of being promoted, Sheridan ought to have been cash- 
iered for tliis battle." He should not have spent a day fighting 
General Wallace and not destroyed him. He could have crossed 
Ramseur and Rhodes as well at 9 o'clock a. m. as at 5 p. m. 
Probably, as the Tenth Vermont was the only New England 
regiment in the action, the fact may account to some extent for 
the lack of widespread interest in, or knowledge of it generally, 
in the Eastern States. 



212 

Beside, our soldiers who fought and survived the battle 
hardly knew, at the time, what invaluable services they had ren- 
dered the Government, They knew they had fought hard, even 
desperately, and stubbornly resisted overwhelming numbers of 
the enemy, with vastly superior resources, for a long time after 
hope of success had vanished. They also knew they had inflicted 
serious loss and consequent damage upon that enemy and com- 
pelled him to suspend his movement upon the capital for many 
hours. But my recollection of the feeling at the time, is that it was 
principally of indignation against Colonel Staunton, who had stayed 
with a part of the Second Brigade at Monrovia all day, and of 
grief because the other divisions of the Sixth Corps could not 
have been with them in the fight — " then," they said, " Early 
would have been thrashed." 

The Hon. L, E. Chittenden, Register of the Treasury under 
President Lincoln, has published two chapters on this invasion 
of Early in his remarkably interesting and valuable book on 
" Recollections of President Lincoln and his Administration." 
He says : " The importance of a battle is determined by its 
ultimate consequences rather than its immediate results. If that 
fought on the Monocacy did delay General Early so as to save 
the capital from his assault and probable capture, it was one of 
the decisive battles of the world." 

General Grant says, speaking of Early's retreat from before 
Washington, in his Personal Memoirs, Yol. II., p. 306 : " There 
is no telling how much this result was contributed to by General 
Lew Wallace leading what might well be considered almost a forlorn 
hope. If Early had been but one day earlier, he might have 
entered the capital before the arrival of the reinforcements I had 
sent. Whether the delay caused by the battle amounted to a 
day or not. General Wallace contributed on this occasion by the 
defeat of the troops under him a greater benefit to the cause 
tlum often falls to the lot of a commander of an equal force to 
render by means of a victory." 

But there is something to be said about the number of Con- 
federate troops present, and that participated in this action. 
Their two principal reports — Generals Early's and Gordon's — are 
apparently intended to convey the impression that they engaged 



213 

a force equal in number to their own, if not superior. But there 
are no detailed reports or tables to show whether there were 
more or less ; and so seldom do we find anything of this kind 
in the Confederate accounts of their battles, in regard to their 
own numbers engaged, that one is almost forced to the conclu- 
sion that there existed a motive for withholding them. General 
Early reported that he encountered between eight and ten thou- 
sand and that his force did not exceed " ten thousand infantry." 
Now, we gather from meagre general reports, or casual state- 
ments of the condition of his army from May to July, the fol- 
lowing information : There were at the Monocacy at least 
twelve general officers — Generals Early, Breckenridge, Gordon, 
Khodes, Ramseur, Echols, Evans, York, Terry and McClausland ; 
Long commanding artillery, and Bradley T. Johnson command- 
ing cavalry. Several Colonels and Lieutenant-Colonels are men- 
tioned as commanding brigades. There were four or five divis- 
ions of infantry, twenty brigades, and representatives from about 
ninety regiments were among the sick and wounded next day 
after the battle in the hospital and in private houses at Frederick. 
They also had forty pieces of artillery or more. But all this 
does not give us the number of Confederate troops in this engage- 
ment. Other facts, however, will enable us more nearly to 
approximate the number. On the 11th of July General Early 
reported that he had " about ten thousand, or that he did not 
exceed that number of muskets," by which it is presumed he 
meant infantry. He stated his losses on the 9th at "between 
six and seven hundred." General Gordon reported a loss of 
six hundred and ninety-eight in his own division at Monocacy. 
There were left in the hospital and in private houses in Freder- 
erick four hundred and thirty-five severely wounded, who 
could not endure transportation. There were buried on and 
near the battlefield two hundred and seventy-five, making seven 
hundred and ten accounted for among his losses. How many 
in the other divisions were killed, and of the less severely 
wounded were carried away in his ambulance train, we do not 
know, but the number must have been nearly equal to that of 
the otherwise disabled. Therefore, one thousand would be a 
fairer estimate of the Confederate losses than seven hundred. If 



214 

their losses did amount to this larger number, then we were 
confronted by at least eleven thousand at the Monocacy. 

But General Early says in his " Memoirs " that on the 13th of 
June, when he left the lines around Cold Harbor, the Second 
Corps, Army of Northern Virginia, which he took with him, 
" numbered a little over eight thousand muskets." Soon after 
he was joined by Breckinridge's corps, which that officer, in 
a communication to General Lee, on the 4th of May, reported 
to be with Generals Jones' and Jenkins' commands and subject 
to his orders, nine thousand six hundred. He also picked up 
on his way north, other troops, operating with Generals McClaus- 
land, Vaughn, Jackson and Imboden, which according to their 
statements numbered between four and five thousand. Imboden 
alone reported three thousand. Of course, the ninety-six hundred 
under Breckenridge's command had been reduced somewhat 
since the itli of May; but allowing for more losses than the 
Confederates concede, which was about one thousand, and taking 
General Early's lowest estimate of the forces he started with on 
the 13th of June, there could not have been with him an army 
of less than twenty thousand men when he reached Winchester. 

General Lee supposed that Early had a large army with him 
when he crossed the Potomac. Writing to him just before the 
battle — for he anticipated there would be a battle somewhere 
between Winchester and Washington — he expressed the opinion 
tliat the entire Union forces, both those under General Wallace 
and those of General Hunter's command, the troops of the lat- 
ter being estimated at twenty thousand, although he never had 
over eighteen thousand — he assured Early that if these forces 
should unite, " they would be unable to successfully oppose him." 
General A. McD. McCook estimates, on what he deems to be 
reliable sources, that the Confederates had thirty thousand men. 

Colonel Benedict, in his account of the battle of Monocacy, 
says in a note : " The exact strength of Early's column is not 
easily determined. General Early states that he moved down 
the valley with twelve thousand muskets, which is evidence that 
lie had more, as he always underestimated his force. General 
Badeau, collecting the statements of Early's subordinate generals, 
estimates that Early's army exceeded twenty thousand men after 



215 

he had detached a force to operate in West Virginia. Colonel 
Ciitts of Genei'al Halleck's staff made a careful computation of 
Early's force, which footed up twenty-two thousand four hundred 
and twenty-three men and sixty guns." General Barnard pro- 
duces records to show that Early had ninety-nine regiments of 
infantry and thirty-six of cavalry. None of the federal officers 
estimated his force at less than twenty thousand. Surgeon G. 
K. Johnson, Medical Inspector, U. S. A.rmy, who was within the 
Confederate lines on tlie day of the action and the day following 
in Frederick City, said in a report made to the head of the de- 
partment at the time that there " were twenty-five or thirty 
thousand troops with General Early." The citizens of Fred- 
erick, who had witnessed the presence of large armies in and 
passing through the city, said that there were thirty thousand. 
But if he had fifteen, or even twelve thousand that participated 
in the battle, all things considered, the preponderance of vet- 
eran infantry and of cavalry and the immense weight of his artil- 
lery, his strength was three times greater than that of General 
Wallace. Assuming that General Early's statement in regard 
to the number of troops taken from the Army of Northern Vir- 
ginia, " gight thousand muskets," is correct and that the forces 
of Breckenridge, McClausland, Jones, Jenkins, Vaughn, Jackson 
and Imboden amounted to the strength they reported, at least 
twelve thousand six liundred — twenty thousand six hundred — 
which does not include artillery, what had become of them, 
if, as he reported on the 11th of July, he had only ten thousand 
men ? He was not seriously opposed anywhere between Lynch- 
burg and Frederick ; bis forced marches, he says, lost him fifteen 
Inmdred men, but he does not tell us that he left any large num- 
bers at different posts in the Valley of Virginia. The force 
detached, of whicli General Badeau speaks, to operate in West 
Virginia, consisted of only a few hundred men kept on the Bal- 
timore & Oliio Raih'oad in the vicinity of Martinsburg to pre- 
vent the repair of damages he had wrouglit upon its property. 
Therefore, the acceptance of General Early's statement in re- 
gard to the number of troops he had at Monocacy is a heavy 
tax upon ordinary human credulity, and it cannot be accepted. 



216 

But this battle lay upon the threshold of two great mili- 
tary schemes — deliberated for months and carefully plan- 
ned. The provisions made for their accomplishment were 
deemed to be amply sufficient, or else it were folly to 
have undertaken either. One of these schemes, or objects, 
as we have tried to show, was the capture of "Washing- 
ton. In connection with this was the release of twenty thou- 
sand rebel prisoners of war, held at Point Lookout, on the Mary- 
land side of the Potomac, just where it enters the Chesapeake 
bay, arm them from the arsenals about Washington, clothe them 
from the public stores and raise the siege of Richmond by 
occupying the federal capital. It was a magnificent dream, 
but spun too fine for the break of day. The release of 
these prisoners was a matter discuBsed in Richmond as 
early as the last of June. On the twenty-sixth General Lee, 
replying at length to a letter from Jefferson Davis of the 
25th instant, which must have contained allusions to this subject, 
says : " Great benefit miglit be drawn from the release of our 
prisoners at Point Lookout, if it can be accomplished." Then, 
discussing the plans for its accomplishment, he says that he can 
" devote to this purpose the whole of the Marylanders of this 
army." Again, on the twenty-ninth, he speaks of the matter in 
the same terms. And does not Early hint at, and yet withhold, 
this part of his plan, when, on the sixteenth, he telegraphs to 
Breckenridge from Charlottesville, " my first object is to destroy 
Hunter, and the next it is not prudent to trust to telegraph." 
His plan of campaign had been matured in Richmond and 
marked out for him, which was not changed until he found Gen- 
eral Wright with the other two divisions of the Sixth Corps in 
the defenses of Washington on the morning of the 12th of 
July ; and up to this time, there is no doubt he proceeded on this 
plan. On the 29tli of June, General Lee, in the communication 
to Jefferson Davis referred to, said that "his (Early's) gen- 
eral plan of action is in conformity with my original instructions 
and conversation with him before his departure. There will be 
time to shape Early's course or terminate it when he reaches the 
Potomac, as circumstances require." They were not terminated 
at the Potomac, and if the previous steps in the campaign were 



217 

in accordance with General Lee's orders, it is rational to suppose 
that General Early's subsequent movements were not independent 
of the General-in-Chief. And yet General A. L. Long, Early's 
Chief -of- Artillery, in the March number, 1877, of Southern His- 
torical Society Papers, says that Early's " instructions were dis- 
cretionary " and he treats the whole campaign as a military farce 
— " a diversion." General Early says in the face of the same dec- 
laration of General Lee, " It was not General Lee's orders or 
expectation that I should take Washington." Yet General Early 
uses this language in reference to his attempt to capture it : 
" After dark on the eleventh, I held a consultation with Major- 
Generals Breckenridge, Rhodes, Gordon and Kamseur, in which 
I stated to them tlie danger of remaining where we were and 
the necessity of doing something immediately, as the probability 
was that the passes of the South Mountain and the fords of the 
Upper Potomac would soon be closed against us. After inter- 
changing views with them, being very reluctant to abandon tlie 
project of capturing Washington, 1 determined to make an 
assault, etc." How long had General Early entertained such 
a project if there was no expectation that he would capture 
Washington ? 

All this correspondence refers to the objects of this expedi- 
tion — the capture of Washington and the release of the prison- 
ers at Point Lookout — and there would be no need of saying 
anything about it if there had not been an elaborate attempt 
made to turn the affair into a farce sixteen years after its failure. 
" Circumstances " did not require a change in Early's course, 
and we have seen how he endeavored to carry out one part of 
the plan. Now let us see how he undertook to execute the 
other part. Perceiving that there was little necessity for the 
use of cavalry in the pending battle, he dispatched Genernl 
Bradley T. Johnson with five thousand cavalry toward Point 
Lookout, where the twenty thousand Confederate prisoners were 
confined, guarded only by a few colored troops. Johnson moved 
out of Frederick on the Liberty pike, which, passing through a 
toll-gate a short distance out, then branches northward to 
Harrisburg and southeast to Baltimore. General Early's ac- 
count of the movement is as follows : " Early on the ninth, Jolm- 
son with his brigade of cavalry and a battery of horse artillery 



218 

moved to the north of Frederick witli orders to strike the rail- 
roads from Baltimore to flarrisbnrg and Phihidelphia ; burn 
the bridges on the Gunpowder, also to cut the railroad between 
Washington and Baltimore and threaten the latter place and 
then to move toward Point Lookout for the purpose of releasing 
the prisoners in case we should succeed in getting into Wash- 
ington." This force accomplished its railroad cutting, its bridge 
burning and its plundering — in fact everything except the main 
purpose of the expedition. A Baltimore daily newspaper of that 
period, well acquainted, it appears, with the Confederate plans, 
thus describes the effect of Johnson's approach to that city on 
Sunday morning, July 10th : " The alarm bells of Baltimore rang 
out the call to arms. A large Confederate force was reported to 
be near the city and universal consternation prevailed. The news 
of a daring movement to break the prison gates at Point Look- 
out on the shores of Maryland, between the Potomac and the 
Chesapeake bay, created additional alarm. The prison con- 
tained a good sized army of Confederate prisoners of war and 
there was a plan on foot to send a force of Marylanders, from 
Lee's army in Petersburg, to cross the Potomac in boats and 
charge on the prison from the beach." 

The purpose and manner of releasing the prisoners, here 
described, so near the time of its contemplated execution, ac- 
cords precisely with the plan suggested by General Lee to Jefier- 
son Davis on the 26th of June, as apart of Early's expedition. 
General Early himself says in his report, made to Lee on the 
14th of July, from Leesburg, giving his reasons for his failure 
to capture Washington : " Johnson was on his way to Point 
Lookout, when my determination to retire made his recall neces- 
sary. « * I am sorry I did not succeed in capturing Wash- 
ington and releasing our prisoners at Point Lookout, but the lat- 
ter was impracticable after I had determined to retire from be- 
fore Washington." 

The veterans of the Third Division have ever believed that 
the following result issued from this bloody engagement — a re- 
sult commensurate with the sacrifices they made ; and it will 
certainly be pardonable if one who had the honor to be identi- 
fied with them, though in a capacity that partook of a nature 



219 

eminently peaceful, should record their convictions and defend 
their claims. They believed that Washington was saved — per- 
haps from the torch and destruction — certainly from assault, 
with tiie extreme probabilities of capture and temporary occu- 
pation, and other evils less or greater averted by their heroic 
struggles at the Monocacy ; and the Tenth Yermont claims an 
equal share of the honor that shall be accredited to this division. 
It has been said that Early, had he pushed on by a forced march 
after the battle, might have captured Washington before any 
force sufficient to successfully resist him could have been inter- 
posed. That is just what he did do, and so wearied his men that 
they were unfit for further service when he arrived. The credit 
of having saved the capital when it was threatened has been 
accorded to the Sixth Corps, meaning the two divisions that 
threw themselves into its defenses on the twelfth. To be sure, 
these divisions must be credited with the inestimable service of 
averting whatever catastrophe awaited it after their arrival. But 
Early having reached the city, or approached within a few 
miles of the White House, where the sharp crack of his rifles 
could be heard in the council-rooms of the President and at the 
War Department, had they not hurried from the landing to the 
point threatened, they would have been too late to have ren- 
dered the service most needed. Now, if it is readily conceded that 
this timely arrival and ever prompt and vigorous action of these 
divisions prevented the rebel assault and drove him away, sorely 
punished for his audacity, what ought to be said of the other di- 
vision of this corps, and the troops with it, that encountered 
the invader, arrested him within twelve hours' march of the city 
and detained him twenty-four or thirty hours, at an awful sacri- 
fice of life, while he was pressing eagerly on to seize it, then un- 
guarded, or at best, wretchedly defended ? Bear in mind that 
the force defending, or that assumed to defend, the capital up 
to this time was extemporized for a mere show of resistance. 
The only force, therefore, that Early needed for one moment to 
fear, and that was only possible to have been interposed, was 
thrown in after these twenty or thirty hours' detention. It is a 
sacrilegious hand that would undertake to pluck a feather from 
the plumes of these divisions, whose deeds are immortal, but 



220 

Washington was saved, not on the 12th of July, before the 
parapets of Fort Stevens, but on tlie ninth, vplien the Third Di- 
vision, encouraged and steadied by their brave commander, defied 
tlie solid battalions of the enemy, from eight o'clock in the 
morning until five o'clock in the evening, and bruised them so 
that they could not stir until the next day at noon. 

Nor was this a needless sacrifice, assuming that "Washington 
was in danger. General Wright, with the first and second di- 
visions of his corps, reached the city on the morning of the 
twelfth. Early had arrived at Rockvillc the afternoon before, 
although a squad of his cavalry had approached even nearer, 
some time during the tenth. Like a prudent general, he did not 
choose to attack our works until they had been reconnoitered. 
The lateness of the hour and the weariness of his troops at the 
time of his arrival, doubtless determined him to defer this until 
the morrow. The morning came, and he had begun slowly to 
feel his way up to Fort Stevens, when a heavy skirmish line, and 
finally a line of battle from the First Division, deployed in his 
front and forbade further progress. Unless, therefore, it can be 
shown that General Wright could have arrived some time before 
he did — General Grant says he could not — it was necessary that 
Early be detained somewhere beyond striking distance of the 
capital, or he would have had ample time to have tested the 
spirit and pluck of the clerks and government employes, who 
alone manned the defenses of Washington. 

The ofiicers and men of the Tenth Yermont have ever enter- 
tained sentiments of just pride for the part they took in this bat- 
tle, which has been shared, no doubt, as they were equally entitled 
to praise, by other regiments of the division present and the 
other troops engaged — Colonel Clendenin's battalion of cavalry, 
Alexander's battery and the Maryland and Ohio militia — for the 
assistance rendered by them. Even at this distance of time, it 
causes a shudder to think that only these few brave men, fight- 
ing with heroic fortitude and holding back from three to five 
times their own number for ten consecutive hours, averted a 
national disaster. If this be true, and the facts in the case for- 
bid any other conclusion, the Tenth Regiment, as a very essen- 
tial part of this force, bequeaths to the Green Mountain State a 



^21 

measure of glory unsurpassed by tlie proud distinction attained 
by any of her noble sons. 

Let us conclude our account of the battle of Monocacy by 
the relation of a romantic episode, which, however, is entirely 
germane to the sterner action. In the foregoing account the 
Thomas house has been occasionally referred to. It was a nota- 
ble feature of the battlefield. Our lines extended up to it on 
the southeast, and the Confederate lines came down to it on the 
northwest. It was, several times during the day, literally be- 
tween the opposing lines of battle. Near it Brigadier-General 
Evans was severely wounded, and young Colonel Lamar of the 
Sixty-first Georgia Regiment was instantly killed — shot from 
his horse. The dead and wounded covered the estate. The 
house still bears the scars of rifle and cannon shot that fell upon 
it from every point of the compass during the conflict. It was a 
fine old residence, embowered in ancient shade trees and orna- 
mental shrubbery. Surely this home of peace and plenty needed 
no ruthless shock of war to render it attractive or to connect it 
with the romance and history of tliose domestic clianges that are 
continually occurring in all civilized society. But it became a 
central object of far different scenes, and now rises amid the his- 
toric associations of a great national combat. 

At the beginning of hostilities between the North and the 
South, Colonel Thomas was a well-to-do citizen of Baltimore, 
living in the city with his family, and doing a prosperous mer- 
cantile business. Dreading even the shadows of war, he be- 
lieved that the city of Baltimore would become an object of 
fierce contention between the two armies, or, at least, on account 
of the struggle, that the citizens would be made to suffer in their 
estates, if not put in peril of their lives. Thereupon he called 
a family council, and it was determined to sell out the business 
to some one ready to take all the risks of all such possibilities 
for the already increasing profits of trade, and purchase a home 
in some quiet country side, away from tlie track of armies and 
the noise and the sights of the conflict. So he moved back into 
the interior, forty miles from Baltimore, and settled here on the 
banks of the Monocacy, in one of the pleasantest neighborhoods 
of Maryland. But how fallible is human foresight ! He moved 



222 

away from what he supposed would be a bloody theatre of the 
war, but really was but little disturbed during its prosecution, 
and soon found himself settled upon land that actually became a 
battlefield. The house he bought as a shelter for his family, 
and, as he hoped, remote and secluded from the sanguinary 
strife, became a tarojet for the artillery of both armies. 

For a while, however, the Colonel lived here without mo- 
lestation, although probably not without anxiety, as the thunder 
of great battles was heard both north and west, and nearly all 
around him. But at length the deadly elements surged around 
him and swept over his household with all the suddenness of an 
electric storm, and with dangers vastly more dreadful to contem- 
plate. Perhaps the old gentleman might have endured all that 
thus threatened him, and that will be readily understood men- 
aced the existence of his home, with less alarm, had it not been 
for the peculiar conditions of his family at that time. 

It appears that he had an unmarried daughter who resided 
with him, and a son, whose business was in Baltimore. There 
was also a friend of Miss Thomas, a Miss Tyler, temporarily 
abiding in the family. The son and brother frequently came 
out into the country to visit his parents, and as frequently 
brought other young men with him to enjoy his father's hospi- 
tality and other attractions of the place. He had come up about 
this time with two young gentlemen, Getchel and Anderson by 
name, who accompanied him, ostensibly to spend the Fourth of 
July, but really to visit the young ladies — Getchel to see Miss 
Tyler, and Anderson to visit Miss Thomas. 

It may as well be stated at once that the young men were 
entirely successful in their mission. Later on Miss Tyler be- 
came Mrs. Getchel and Miss Thomas, Mrs. Anderson. But it was 
by strange fortunes, whose paths we cannot trace, that the young 
men were spared to consummate whatever pledges of affection 
they had hitherto made, or the young ladies escaped their im- 
pending perils to accept them. The General commanding at 
this point did not know of the attractions that held these gay 
fellows in this neighborhood, or if he did, chose to disregard 
them ; and he accused them of lingering in this vicinity with a 
desire to enter the Confederate array, then known to be ap- 




I*^m?i^i^^ 






'^j^^ 



223 

preaching. He saw in them only the enemies of his country, 
and he arrested them, procured for them United States uniforms, 
formally enrolled them in the Union army and forced them into 
the ranks. " If they were innocent of rebel sympathies, let 
them fight for Uncle Sam," appeared to be General Tyler's sen- 
timents, and he acted upon them. Thus the morning of the 
battle found them with feelings that one may better imagine 
than describe. But wliatever they were, probably their fare 
was slight in comparison with that of the young ladies, who 
were in the greatest anxiety over the possible fate of young 
Thomas and their betrothed. Their distress could not have been 
more acute had they seen tlieir bodies stretched upon the battle- 
field, pierced by a score of wounds. Of course the direst mis- 
fortunes of war awaited them, and they sought their release with 
all of woman's courage and the persistency of love's devotion. 
But the heart of General Tyler showed no pity. Up to the last 
moment of time before the battle, and after the skirmish line be- 
gan to flame and crackle, still urged on by their devotion, they 
were making loyal efforts for their deliverance. They were seen 
hastening across the field and through the Union camp, toward 
General Wallace's headquarters, and though weighted with the 
absorbing affairs of that critical hour, he might have heard their 
prayer, but it was too late for him to act and the poor weeping 
girls returned to the Thomas house well-nigh overwhelmed with 
despair, and secluded themselves, with the rest of the family, in 
the cellar the remainder of the day, although it is a marvel if 
they did not occasionally steal a glance into the outer world and 
bend their eager gaze, through the smoke, toward the Union 
lines, and wonder whether the hearts w^ere still beating under 
three blue jackets over yonder. The battle rolled around them 
and above them during long and bitter hours. Minie balls 
slashed the shrubbery, cut blooming roses for useless adorn- 
ing of the turf beneath, patted up against the old house, some- 
times clinging to the walls, ugly rosettes of lead, and pierced the 
windows, while the larger missiles of war's fearful instruments 
twisted huge limbs from the trees, which fell with a crash, leveled 
down a chimney, knocked out an angle of the house and plowed 
up the lawn. Still there came no friendly message to relieve 
them of their oppressive sorrow or to release them from prison. 



224 

Meantime we had fought and lost the battle. Then the three 
young men walked into the house unharmed by the shooting 
that had blighted a thousand other homes, but spared that one 
whole. It has been said that " the boys stuck to the fight 
to the end, and longer. They afterwards had their pictures 
taken in a group, and under this wrote: "The only Un- 
ion soldiers at Monocacy who were not killed nor captured, or 
who did not run away." 

It gives me pleasure to call attention to the following arti- 
cle on the battle of Monocacy, by Captain L. A. Abbott, omit- 
ting such portions only as are rendered unnecessary by the fore- 
going account : 

CAPTAIN ABBOTT ON MONOCACY. 

Washington, D. C, Dec. 24, 1891. 

My Deak Comrade : — Pretty much all the effective fighting 
done was by the half dozen regiments belonging to the Third Divis- 
ion, then greatly depleted by the Rapidan and Petersburg cam- 
paign, stationed near but to the southwest end of the Monocacy 
bridge. We staid there and contested every inch of ground with an 
overwhelming foe, nearly all day and until both our flanks had been 
enveloped by it, and the enemy was fast getting in our rear, all 
round, when, rather than aid him by being taken prisoners and, of 
course for other reasons, we ran with all the haste possible through 
the only narrow avenue of escape left us, up and through a woods 
and cornfield, located on a gently sloping hillside, for several 
hundred yards, and then over a lidge, all the time exposed to the 
severe artillery fire of the enemy, and with its infantry in over- 
whelming numbers close behind. Our retreat by the railroad 
track, as well as all other traveled routes, had been cut off by 
the enemy, and there was no other way of extricating ourselves. 

General Early's command, according to history, was com- 
posed of four divisions, or twenty brigades, made up of the very 
sinew, or hardened veterans, made so from constant fighting, of 
sixty-five depleted regiments of infantry, three brigades of cav- 
alry and three battalions of artillery. This does not include the 
brigades of infantry composing Breckenridge's division, as its 
composition is unknown to me, but all of which confronted us 



225 

on some part of the field or other, together with the other fore- 
going mentioned organizations. According to General Earlj's 
own statement since, his entire command amounted to about 
11,000 men ; but I have always supposed it was somewhat 
larger. At one time, to mj knowledge, and as history also 
proves, our depleted half dozen regiments of the Third Division 
were fighting a command of forty-five regiments of infantry, as 
well as most of Early's artillery, and one brigade of cavalry, for 
about ten consecutive hours before giving up the fight, but 
while in a fairly naturally strong position, I admit. Of course his 
regiments were depleted, some of them, but so were ours, for we 
had each been confronting the other for over a year in every en- 
gagement fought by the two great armies in Virginia. Our di- 
vision confronted Gordon's men here in this fight the same as it 
generally had in nearly every one it had been in, his division be- 
ing the one that made the final charge against us on the south- 
east, on our side of the Monocacy. At this time our line of bat- 
tle, from the railroad bridge to our left, formed the base and 
perpendicular sides of a nearly right angle triangle, as it had 
during most of the day. That portion of our line here, facing 
about northwest, was confronted by Ramseur's division of four- 
teen regiments, and Nelson's artillery; and the one facing 
southwest by Gordon's division of thirty-one regiments, King's 
artillery and McCausland's probably dismounted cavalry. This 
statement is so astounding I am aware it may be questioned and 
even doubted by some, and possibly even by some who were 
there who do not read history, and in order to substantiate it I 
will quote what General Early says in his " Memoirs," published 
since the war. In speaking of this battle, he says : 

" McCausland,* crossing the river with his brigade, dis- 
mounted his men and advanced rapidly against the enemy's left 
flank, which he threw into confusion, but he was then gradually 
forced back. McCausland's movement, which was brilliantly 
executed, solved the problem for me, and orders were sent to 
Breckenridge to move up rapidly with Gordon's division to 
McCausland's assistance, and, striking the enemy's left, drive him 
from the position commanding the crossings in Ramseur's front, so 

*This name is sometimes spelled McClausland, probably incon-ectly. 
(15) 



226 

that, the latter might cross. The division crossed under the per- 
sonal superintendence of General Breckenridge, and, while Ram- 
seur skirmished with the enemy in front, the attack was made by- 
Gordon in gallant style, and with the aid of several pieces of 
King's artillery, which had been crossed over, and Nelson's ar- 
tillery from the opposite side, he threw the enemy into great 
confusion and forced him from his position. Ramseur imme- 
diately crossed on the railroad bridge and pursued the enemy's 
flying forces ; and Rhodes crossed on the left and joined in the 
pursuit. Between six hundred and seven hundred unwounded 
prisoners fell into their hands, and the enemy's loss in killed and 
wounded was very heavy. Our loss in killed and wounded was 
about seven hundred. The action closed about sunset." Although 
General Early admits that it took until about sunset to fairly dis- 
pose of us, it being then the 9th of July, when the days are about 
the longest of the year, what he says as a whole, in some respects 
is misleading. He did not at once route us as soon as Gordon's 
assault commenced, which, I think, was about 3 o'clock p. m. It 
took some time, even then, to do it. Ramseur engaging us in 
his front did not mislead us. "We saw Gordon's magnificent solid 
lines, one after another, with guns brilliantly flashing in the bright 
July sunlight, half a mile or more away to the southwest, on 
our side of the river, grandly charging in double time down a 
long open, gentle slope from out of the woods skirting the hills 
running along the Monocacy at that point, thence down through 
a quiet little valley out of sight, and then up again in full view, 
nearer and nearer, all the time shouting their defiant battle cry, 
until finally they were close upon us, thirty-one regiments and 
more, to about six ; and we were as well prepared to meet their 
assault as we could be with the few defiant men we had when 
they should strike our line, and still attend to Ramseur's division 
of fourteen regiments, Nelson's artillery and more, in our other 
front across the Monocacy. The suspense was terrible, and I can 
find no words to describe the shock of battle when it came. Our 
killed and wounded were about the same as Early's. Inasmuch 
as our line was very much attenuated, and was generally tolera- 
bly well protected in our fairly naturally strong position, one 
can imagine with what desperation we fought to lose as many 



22f 

> 

men in killed and wounded as the enemy. I invoke attention in 
this connection to the fact that about two months later, at Sher- 
idan's battle of Winchester, September 19, 1864, it took three 
strong infantry corps of our army, their artillery and two strong 
cavalry corps, in order to route virtually this same enemy. 
Probably in any other country but this in the world, when the 
facts were known, the battle of the Monocacy would be a subject 
for song and verse for all time, and especially as it saved the 
capital of the nation. It doubtless would be here if the facts 
could be generally known, but they never have been, and proba- 
bly never will be, for no one can adequately describe this battle 
at certain stages. 

Our retreat was a most painful and difficult one for me, 
much more so than I would admit at the time. When support- 
ing a battery, some time before the retreat began, a shell from 
the enemy had exploded, and the butt end of it had struck me 
viciously on the extreme end of my right hip joint, making a 
most painful contusion. After hitting me the piece of shell 
glanced and buried itself in the soft ground underneath me. 

We were in a partially harvested grain field at the time, 
and feeling exhausted from the repeated changes, etc., from one 
part of the field to another, 1 was reclining for the moment on 
my right side, with my elbow on a sheaf of grain and my head 
resting on the palm of my hand. This position caused my vest 
pocket, which was filled with several hard substances, such as 
a pen-holder, etc., to slip down over the extreme end of my hip 
joint. A piece of the exploded shell flew viciously forward and 
struck the hard substances in my vest pocket and my hip, crush- 
ing everything in the pocket, rolling me partly over and making 
an ugly and painful bruise. It was fully as large as the hollow 
of my hand, and the flesh resembled a tolerably well beaten 
piece of beefsteak before cooking, and very soon turned quite 
black. As soon as the numbness disappeared it was very pain- 
ful. Several of the officers advised me to go to the rear, as it 
was then known we should have to retreat, and it was exceed- 
ingly doubtful if those not disabled even, would escape from the 
enemy. I did not go to the rear, in fact I could not make up 
my mind to, as much as I desired to do so, our situation was then 



228 

so precarious. I felt that every man who could should encour- 
age the others by his presence, and especially the officers, by 
remaining at their posts up to the last second. Finally, Major 
John A. Salsbury, a very just man and fine officer, noticing, I 
suppose, as he had seen the wound, that I was silently suffering 
great pain, came to me and advised that I go to Colonel Henry 
and get permission to go to the rear, but I declined to do so. 
He then said he should go in my behalf if I did not go myself, 
and did ; but his request was not granted. My boyish pride was 
then hurt, as I had never once been to the rear during the war, 
whether feeling unwell or slightly hurt, and so thereafter I se- 
cretly nursed the wound myself, until after a few days it ceased 
to seriously trouble me. Since the war it has been one of the 
most troublesome wounds I received, and was one of the causes 
of my retirement from active service in the regular army. 

It seems unaccountable to me, from a professional stand- 
point, that the Confederate commander, to whom .our, strength 
must have been known, should have allowed our^.i«a,gnificent 
command to have detained him for an entire day at the Monoc- 
acy, and especially when he had such a prize ahead of him as the 
national capital, which he must have known was then in a de- 
fenseless condition, but necessarily would not remain so for any 
length of time, owing to his presence in that neighborhood. It 
is equally surprising, too, that he did not wholly cut off our only 
means of retreat and make us all prisoners, for we were helpless 
to prevent it, and it would have been an easy matter for him to 
have done so. A little more dash and better generalship would 
have very soon used us up. It is true we were in a naturally 
strong position until the enemy crossed the river and flanked us 
both to our right and left, but even then their progress was slow, 
as of course we intended it should be if we could possibly make 
it so. However, even then, there was nothing to have prevented 
an enterprising commanding officer from having completely de- 
molished us even before noon. As it was, it took him all day 
and even then, as a whole, we largely escaped capture. 

General Wallace was most ably assisted by General James 
B, Ricketts, our division commander. His large experience, in- 
domitable courage and good judgment were invaluable in any 
tight, and especially in this one. 



229 

Your most able, excellent and fascinating description of this 
battle, in your original history, leaves nothing more for me to 
say. I am, sir, 

Yery respectfully, 

L. A. ABBOTT, 

Dr. E. M. Haynes, Captain U. S. Army. 

Late Chaplain Tenth Yt. Yol. Infantry. 

On the eleventh, the division, with the exception of the 
Tenth, was transported to Baltimore by rail. The defeat at the 
Monocacy had " set all the city in an uproar," but the pres- 
ence of veteran troops somewhat reassured the inhabitants. The 
Ninth New York was ordered into one of the forts, of which 
there were several commanding the approaches to the city ; the 
balance of the division in that vicinity went into camp at Mount 
Clare Station and at Druid Hill Park. Thus they remained 
until the fourteenth, as it was supposed at the time, in readiness 
to meet or guard against any attack of cavalry which had fol- 
lowed up our retreat. But none came nearer than Magnolia 
Station, on the Baltimore, Wilmington & Philadelphia railroad. 
There a detachment under Major Harry Gilmore burned the 
depot and the Gunpowder bridge near by. It is told of him, 
also, that he stopped the morning train moving northward and 
personally superintended the robbing of the passengers and the 
United States mail. This, however, he has since denied. Major- 
General "William B. Franklin, who was on the train, was cap- 
tured, but soon after made his escape. Other frightful stories 
were told as incidents of this raid, some of them very likely 
true. It was said that some lady-friends of Major Gilmore went 
out to meet him on this unfortunate train, carrying provisions 
and wine, and pointed out those whom they knew to be sympa- 
thizers with the Union, for his brigands to rob. Whether trne 
or not, all this at least was characteristic of the Confederates 
while in Maryland, in July, 1864. One of the Frederick news- 
papers of the period, The Examiner, affirms that "during their 
occupancy of that city, whicli lasted from Saturday to Sunda}^ 
morning, many atrocities were committed. Besides levying a 



230 

contribution of $200,000, many of the stores were rifled of their 
contents and many of the citizens were robbed of their horses, 
and in many instances were compelled to give up their money." 
It is well known that they burned Governor Bradford's subur- 
ban residence and Postmaster-General Blair's house at Silver 
Springs. Chambersburg and Williamsport they laid in ashes. 

On the fourteenth, all the regiments and detachments of the 
division were again brought together and started for Washington 
by rail, arriving at the city station about 4 o'clock p. m. That 
night we occupied barracks just north of and under the shadow 
of the Capitol. It was a wretched place. At this day it seems 
as if the brave men who had done so much to save this magnifi- 
cent city from plunder and the torch should have had at lea^t a 
comfortable place, free from the stench of offal and the annoy- 
ance of vermin, for one night's lodging within its limits. Few 
of the regiment had been in the city since they had joined the 
army,and then only for twenty-four hours, and many were inclined 
to improve some of the advantages accessible to them from their 
dirty quarters. Strongly desiring to refresh the inner man, it 
is well remembered that a number of officers, in small groups, 
found their way to a French restaurant, upon the evening of our 
arrival, and planned a very agreeable campaign upon the stores 
of that famous hostel. I do not recollect how many were 
present — Colonel Henry, Lieutenant-Colonel Chandler, Major 
Dillingham, Adjutant Lyman, Captains Salsbury, Sheldon, Bar- 
ber, Bogue, Kingsley, Surgeons Childs and llutherford and 
Chaplain Haynes were tliere, and. probably some others. One 
of the company invited all of the others to consider themselves 
his guests. *' Eat lieartily, gentlemen, this is my treat," was his 
generous greeting, and he ordered the restaurateur to bring on 
all he had. Very likely we did ample justice to that meal, after 
being restricted to army rations for more than a year past, and we 
ate with the freedom of welcome guests. But no banquet is entirely 
free from the alloy of interruption, disappointment or surprise, 
and there came an embarrassing climax to this. It occurred when 
the bill was presented, as it was then discovered that our host 
had no means of liquidating the claims of the proprietor, and 
the general consternation was not diminished when, as it soon 



231 

appeared, the other members of the party were little better 
off. Suffice it to say, however, the bill was somehow paid, and 
we left the place, some wiser and all happier men. 

The next day we marched through the city to Georgetown, 
and on the Tennallytown road to Offutt's Cross Roads. The 
other two divisions and the other troops, consisting of a part of 
the Nineteenth Corps, had gone over the same route the day be- 
fore, in pursuit of Early. We were grandly cheered and ten- 
dered many marks of favor as we marched up Pennsylvania 
avenue. Many of the citizens escorted us far on our way, eager 
to show their appreciation of the great service this division had 
rendered their city by its stubborn resistance of the enemy at 
the Monocacy. 

On tlie sixteenth, we moved on and forded the Potomac 
about two miles below Edwards' Ferry and at night, wet and 
blistered, camped on the Leesburg pike, half a mile from Goose 
creek. At Leesburg, next day, we overtook the Nineteenth 
Corps, just from Louisiana, and not at all reconciled to their 
experience in Virginia. Here we found Colonel, since General, 
Thomas and afterward Lieutenant-Governor of Vermont, in com- 
mand of our Eighth Kegiment, doing guard duty in the town. 
He was a sort of military Governor, and the people were very 
quiet under the firm, vigilant rule of the General, who knew 
how to govern in a cii^il capacity as well as he understood the 
performance of daring maneuvers on the battlefield. Passing 
through this place, a nest of guerillas during the war, we rejoined 
the Sixth Corps on the evening of the seventeenth. General 
Wright now had an army of probably twenty -five thousand men of 
all arms, consisting of his own corps, and two divisions of the Nine- 
teenth, under General Emery, and Crook's command, a body of 
troops numbering from five to eight thousand, more or less, that 
had always operated in Western Virginia and the Shenandoah Val- 
ley. In the movements now under consideration, however, this 
command turned out to be little more than an army of observa- 
tion in the field, if such a term is allowable. In explanation, it 
may be added, we were now- only to watch and not to fight the 
enemy, unless compelled to do so. 



232 

On the eighteenth, this army marched through Snickersville, 
and the gap from which the straggling village takes its name, 
slowly moved down the rough, winding road of the mountain- 
side into the valley, and reached the Shenandoah river at Island 
Ford at 6 o'clock p. m. On the opposite shore, Early, now hav- 
ing safely gained the line of his communication with Richmond, 
confronted ub, and was guarding all the fords between Harper's 
Ferry on the north, and Berryville on the south. This one 
seemed to be more feebly defended than the rest, and in order 
to know precisely what the strength and purpose of the enemy 
were. Crook's command was thrown over the river, but his ad- 
vance was furiously attacked and the whole command hurled 
back in confusion, just as the Third Division had taken a posi- 
tion to support him. Many of his men were drowned while 
hastening through the stream from the enemy's fire. The scene 
closed for the night with an artillery duel, conducted from two 
commanding ridges on opposite banks of the river, very much 
to the annoyance of our infantry, which had been dropped in an 
open field stretching back behind the ridge occupied by our bat- 
teries. In this position we lay during the nineteenth. On the twen- 
tieth, the enemy having entirely disappeared, this army crossed 
the river at two points — Island Ford and Snicker's Ferry — and 
moved half way up to Berryville, say three miles from the river, 
finding no sign of an enemy. It was supposed that he had re- 
treated south. That night, at 10 o'clock, the Sixth and Nine- 
teenth Corps started back, reforded the river, reclirabed the 
mountain, and sped on, wet, hungry and sore, toward Washing- 
ton, under orders, since learned, for Petersburg. We returned 
via Leesburg, Drainsville, Lewinsville and Chain Bridge, arriv- 
ing and halting just outside of its northern defenses, on the 
twenty-third. Here ordnance stores, clothing, etc., were issued, 
the trains refitted, and most of the troops paid off. 

But Early did not go far south after withdrawing from 
Wright's front at Snicker's Ferry, probably not above Strasburg, 
and when Crook advanced to Kernstown on the twentj'-tliird, he 
was attacked and driven back upon Martinsburg with haste and 
loss. On the twenty -sixth he retreated across the Potomac, and left 
that part of Maryland opposite and down to the Monocacy, and 



233 

Southern Pennsylvania, open to Early's merciless raiders. They 
barbarously improved their opportunity, and went forth into the 
defenseless country, laying large contributions of gold upon the 
cities and towns, and giving them to the torch when it was im- 
possible to respond to their immense demands. McCausland 
had written orders from General Early to demand five hundred 
thousand dollars in currency or one hundred thousand dollars in 
gold of the people of Chambersburg, Pa., and if they did not 
pay it to burn the town. It was impossible to raise so largo a 
sum, and the town was burned. McCausland speaks of " re- 
gretting " the order that compelled him to apply the torch to 
Chambersburg, and how he " felt more like weeping," but he 
ordered Harry Gilmore, the next day, to demand thirty thou- 
sand dollars of the little town of Hancock, and if it was not 
paid to lay it in ashes. Gilmore, to his credit, declined to do it. 
They robbed the panic-stricken inhabitants of cattle, horses, pro- 
visions and grain, in a manner that never can bo justified, since 
the inhabitants made no hostile sign against them. 

These demonstrations developed the necessity for a larger 
force upon the Upper Potomac than had been left there on the 
twenty-first. Consequently the Sixth and Nineteenth Corps, on 
the twenty-sixth, were moving on the Rockville pike, en route 
for Harper's Ferry. The twenty-eighth found us at Monocacy 
Junction. Crossing the battlefield so long and so bravely con- 
tested by the Third Division on the 9th of July, now and for- 
ever anointed in our memories, we discovered several of our own 
and of the enemy's dead still unburied. These were all carefully 
interred. 

We also visited the hospital at Frederick, where three hun- 
dred of our severely wounded had been placed by the rebels 
after the battle, and a larger number of their own, which they 
were compelled to leave behind. In the hospital there were 
Sisters of Charity, kindly caring for all the wounded alike. We 
were struck with the remarkable devotion of these most amiable 
ladies, as they moved with noiseless steps, with mercy in their 
very looks, speaking warm, sympathizing words of cheerful en- 
couragement and Christian love, while in gentle hands they bore 
nourishing food and soothing cordials to the invalids. They ap- 



234 

peared perfectly unconscious of all those circumstances from which 
delicate and sensitive natures are supposed to shrink, and we saw 
them bending tenderly over patient sufferers, to speak words of 
comfort, to loose or adjust a bandage, to replace a compress, 
or bathe a fevered limb, and, in fact, to do the work of men, for 
men, with woman's gentleness. Many of our men had died of 
their wounds, and among them was Willie Peabody, a noble fel- 
low, First Sergeant of Co. C, from Fittsford, Vt. They told us 
how they " loved the boy," and how sad it seemed to see his bright 
face pale in death. 

At 4 o'clock p. M., we hurried away on the Harper's Ferry 
pike, and reached that place at noon on the twenty-ninth, halt- 
ing at Halltown Heights, just north of the ruins of the United 
States Armory. The next day the army started back, recross- 
ing the Potomac at the ferry. Although the column was in 
motion long before noon of the thirtieth, yet the Sixth Corps 
did not reach Petersville, sixteen miles distant, until sunrise the 
next morning, so great was the jam of artillery, trains and troops, 
in the narrow pass at Sandy Hook. Five hours later, we were 
again on the march, sweltering along the pike to Frederick. 
The weather was now so oppressively hot, and our marches so 
fatiguing, that, notwithstanding the men had been so long and 
so well inured to hardships, many of them died from sunstroke. 
We remained in the vicinity of Frederick, and at Monocacy Mill, 
near Buckeystown, five days. While here, several officers of the 
Tenth Vermont took occasion to visit old friends at the mouth 
of the Monocacy, ten or twelve miles distant, whom we had 
known in the early part of our military existence, and we saw 
how woefully the farmers in Frederick and Montgomery counties 
had suffered in the sweeping raids of Early's and Mosby's men. 
Neither foe nor friend escaped ; if in sympathy with the rebel- 
lion, they paid tribute with what they had, and if enemies, all 
was taken and deemed a just reprisal. 

When the regiment left Washington for the last time hith- 
erto mentioned, Captain John A. Sheldon left us, to assume the 
position of A. C. S. of U. S. Volunteers, to which he had been 
appointed on the 30th of June, 1864, 



235 

CAPTAIN SHELDON. 

John Alexander Sheldon, eldest son of Charles Sheldon and 
Janet Reid Sheldon, was born in Tro}", N. Y., August 14th, 
1839. When he was five years of age his father removed to 
New York city and engaged in the lumber business until 1850, 
when he came to Rutland, settling in that part of the town known 
as the West Side. Here lie embarked in the marble business with 
D. Morgan, Jr., & Co., the new firm assuming the title of Shel- 
don, Morgan & Co. During these changes in his father's busi- 
ness and place of residence and for some time longer, Jolm was 
kept at school. He attended a select school in New York city for 
three years, then was sent to Sand Lake Academy, Sand Lake, 
N. Y., and later on to the Williamstown Academy, Williarastown, 
Mass. At Williamstown lie fitted for college, intending to pur- 
sue the full college course, but ill health and apparently a weak 
constitution prevented the consummation of this ardently cher- 
ished purpose. In J 854 he left school and came to Rutland — 
now West Rutland — and entered the store of Sheldons, Morgan 
& Slason, as a clerk or salesman of general merchandise. In a 
very short time, however, his marked abilities recommended him 
to a higher and more responsible position, and he entered the 
office of the same firm as bookkeeper, where, with great satis- 
faction to his employers, he remained until the breaking out of 
the War of the Rebellion. 

Upon the first call of the President for 75,000 volunteers 
to suppress the rebellion, and recover the public property that 
had been seized by traitorous hands, the patriotic sentiment of 
the North was stirred from the sea to the mountains and rolled 
like a flame over the prairies of the West ; and this spirit that 
thrilled the hearts of so many young men, induced young Sheldon 
to join the quota deemed suflicient for Vermont to send into 
the field in those first days of our underestimated strength of 
the treasonable purposes of the South. He already belonged to 
a militia company, of which General William Y. W. Ripley was 
Captain — the Rutland Light Guard — and was a Sergeant in 
this company. This organization enlisted nearly in a body, and 
became Co. K in the First Regiment Vermont Infantry, Sergeant 




\ ]'r IMjT V A «1) I. T I'll iXT 




CAPT. JOHN A. SHELDON. 



237 

serious was the effect of this artificial thunder that he was unable 
to join in conversation pitched in any key, and he could not distin- 
guish the orders of his commanding officer from the sounds of the 
battle. For this very good reason he was ordered to the field hospi- 
tal for such poor relief as a short distance from the immediate front 
might aiford. But he returned to duty at the crossing of the 
James river, and went up to Bermuda Hundred, when the Sixth 
Corps was ordered there for the assistance of General Butler, 
and was with these troops when they were sent to Ream's Sta- 
tion, on the Weldon railroad, and continued in command of his 
company during the remainder of the time the division was de- 
tained around Petersburg, before being detached to meet Gen- 
eral Early's invasion of Maryland and his attempt to capture 
Washington. Captain Sheldon commanded his company with 
conspicuous ability in the now famous battle of Monocacy, July 
9th, 1864, where each man and officer was obliged to cube him- 
self for the emergency. 

He was appointed Captain and A. C. S. of United States Yol- 
unteers on June 30th, 186-1:, but did not receive his commission 
until the last of July, and he continued with the regiment, as 
before stated, until that time, and while General Wright com- 
manded the troops sent from the Army of the Potomac for the 
defense of Washington. 

Captain Sheldon began his duties as A. C. S. in the Army 
of the Potomac, where, however, he remained barely three 
months. He was then ordered to City Point and for a short 
time was a member of General Grant's staff, and, as he says, 
"' had nothing to do." He therefore asked to bo relieved, and his 
request being granted, he was assigned to duty in a brigade of 
General Perrero's division, at that time in the Army of the 
James. He resigned and permanently retired from the United 
States service, March 18th, 1865. As a volunteer officer Cap- 
tain Sheldon is remembered as a most intelligent and highly re- 
spected gentleman. He was exceedingly poinilar with his men, 
and ever maintained the pleasantest of relations with his fellow 
officers ; a man possessing sterling traits of character, of a char- 
itable disposition, a frank adviser and a warm friend. He quickly 



238 

won the confidence of his associates and was universally trusted. 
While he was brave and efficient as a soldier, shrinking from 
none of the duties required by an active campaign in the field, 
his business training and habits also made him eminently suc- 
cessful in the subsistence department of the army. 

Returning to Rutland, he purchased an interest in the mar- 
ble business and became a member of the firm of Sheldous & 
Slason, which, a few years later, became Sheldon & Sons, and 
later still, the Sheldon Marble Company, of which he was made 
the Treasurer, and he still holds that position. 

Captain Sheldon has filled the ofiice of Selectman of the 
town of Rutland for three years, of Trustee of the village of 
Rutland for two years and was one year President of the Board. 
In 1876 he represented the town in the State Legislature, and 
was senior Aide-de-Camp on the staff of Governor Horace Fair- 
banks during his term of ofiice. Upon the incorporation of the 
city of Rutland, Captain Sheldon was chosen a member of its 
first Board of Aldermen. He is Vice-President and a Director 
of the Merchants National Bank of Rutland. His present resi- 
dence is this city. 



239 



CHAPTER VI 



IN THE SHENANDOAH VALLEY. 



THERE were several military reasons no doubt, from the 
Confederate view of affairs, for the retention of a strong 
force in the Shenandoah Valley. General Lee, writing to Jef- 
ferson Davis in regard to the campaign northward and of mili- 
tary operations generally, said that " Early could not be with- 
drawn from the valley without inviting the return of Hunter's 
expedition. To retain him there inactive would not be advan- 
tageous. As before stated, ray greatest present anxiety is to 
secure regular and constant supplies." This was on the 29th of 
June. The question of supplies did not materially change 
in the next four weeks, as the crops had not then matured, but 
a month later the wheat began to ripen and was ready for har- 
vesting. It therefore became the settled policy of the Confed- 
erate Government to hold on to this great producing territory, 
as it alone would furnish a large part of Lee's much needed 
subsistence. As Early could gather these supplies, subsist his 
own army and fill the depots at Richmond, so long as Lee could 
maintain himself behind his trenches, against General Grant, it 
was better to have this large force away and thus employed than 
to have it with him. And also, while Early was in the valley 
he would keep all the country north and west within striking 
distance, stirred up to a panic pitch, and be a constant menace to 
Washington, besides compelling the Government to maintain a 
strong force between him and the national capital. With these 
ends apparently in view. Early seemed determined to maintain 
his ground, and when a serious attempt was made to drive him 
south, he was heavily reinforced and showed himself a daring, 
if not always a skillful adversary. 

This policy, of course, determined the action of the Gov- 
ernment and the Lieutenant-General found it necessary to place 



240 

another army in the field to meet this left-handed maneuver, 
which he did, and finally shattered Early's column into uncollect- 
able atoms, which went a long way toward the settlement of the 
Richmond problem. From the 13th of July, Major-General H. 
G. Wright had commanded all the troops employed in the pur- 
suit of Early in his precipitate retreat from Washington, until 
the return of General Hunter, about the 1st of August ; in the 
meantime, reporting to General Halleck, who seems to have 
given very few directions, and such as he did give, aimed simply 
to the retention of this large force somewhere between the 
enemy and Washington — a little nearer to that city if possible 
than to the enemy. General Wright could do little except to 
march in circles up the Potomac on the east side, cross at one 
of its upper fords and then down on the west side and recross at 
Chain Bridge, and then repeat the route to Harper's Ferry and 
return by way of Frederick. General Hunter was subjected to 
the same annoyances after he resumed command and he reported 
to General Grant " that he was so embarrassed with orders from 
Washington, moving him first to the right aad then to the left, 
that he had lost all trace of the enemy." Lieutenant-General 
Grant determined to put a stop to all this and utilize the troops 
here collected against the enemy. He therefore came to Monoc- 
acy Junction directly from City Point on the 5th of August, 
where the troops were assembled, and here issued the following 
order : 

MoNOCACY Bridge, Md., ) 
August 5, 1«64. ) 

General :— Concentrate all your force without delay, in the vicinity of 
Harper's Ferry, leaving only such railroad guards and garrisons for public 
property as may be necessary. Use, in this concentration, railroads, if by so 
doing time can be saved ; if it is found that the enemy has moved north of 
the Potomac in large force, push north, follow them, and attack them wher- 
ever found ; follow them, if driven south of the Potomac, as long as it is safe 
to do so. 

If it is ascertained that the enemy has but a small force north of the 
Potomac, then push south with the main force, detaching under a compe- 
tent commander a sufficient force to look after the raiders, and drive them 
to their homes. In detaching such a force, the brigade of cavalry now en 
route from Washington via Rockville may be taken into the account. 

There are now on the way to join you, three other brigades of cavalry, 
numbering at least five thousand men and horses. These will be instructed, 
in absence of further orders, to join you on the south side of the Potomac; 
one brigade will start to-morrow. 



241 

In pushing up the Shenandoah Valley, where it is expected you will have 
to go first or last, it is desirable that nothing should be left to invite the 
enemy to return. Take all provisions, forage and stock, wanted for your 
command, and such as cannot be consumed destroy. It is not desirable that 
the buildings should be destroyed ; they should rather be protected, but the 
people should be informed that as long as an army can subsist among them, 
recurrences of these raids must be expected, and we are determined to stop 
them at all hazards. 

Bear in mind that the object is to drive the enemy south, and to do this, 
you want to always keep the enemy in sight. Be guided in this course by 
the course they take. Make arrangements for supplies of all kinds, giving 
regular vouchers for such as may be taken from loyal citizens in the country 
through which you march. 

U. S. GRANT, 
Lieutenant-General U. S. Armies. 
Major-General David Hunter. 

These instructions, it will be seen, were issued to General 
Hunter, who was still in command of the department in which 
the Shenandoah Yalley was embraced. General Sheridan had 
previously been selected to command the troops in the field. 
But General Hunter, feeling that he had not the confidence of 
General Halleck, asked to be relieved, and these orders were 
turned over to his successor, although they were considerably 
modified in the course of the campaign. About this time, also, 
a new department was created. Hitherto there had been four 
geographical districts, known as the Department of Washington, 
the Middle Department, the Department of the Susquehanna 
and the Department of West Virginia ; these were consolidated 
or merged into one, called the Middle Military Division, and 
placed temporarily under the command of General Sheridan. 

The army with which he began the campaign was composed 
of the Sixth Corps, two divisions of the Nineteenth Corps, the 
Army of West Virginia, more frequently called the Eighth 
Corps, and two divisions of cavalry and a plenty of artillery. 
Later on, the other division of the Nineteenth Corps and a divis- 
ion of cavalry were added to the original force. 

On the 6th of August these troops were concentrated at 
and in the vicinity of Harper's Ferry, moving by rail from Mo- 
nocacy Junction ; and the force about to commence the memo- 
rable campaign that finally redeemed the Valley of Virginia 
from the curse and terror of perambulatory armies and vagrant 

(16) 



24:2 

Lands of irregular soldiers, and retrieved every former disaster 
to our arms, numbered probably thirty thousand men, well 
equipped in every way. According to all estimates the rebel 
force did not vary much from these figures. 

We remained in the vicinity of Harper's Ferry four days. 
The enemy were in the neighborhood of "Winchester, threshing 
wheat, as ascertained by a reconnoisance by the cavalry. At 5 
A. M., on the tenth, the whole army moved out and pressed vig- 
orously up the valley, with every foot of which we were des- 
tined to become familiar, in the three succeeding months, from 
Harper's Ferry to Mount Crawford, by an experience at once 
weary, sad and triumphant. At 8 o'clock we reached Charles- 
town, the place made famous as the scene of the imprisonment, 
trial and execution of John Brown. The soldiers had not for- 
gotten this thrilling page of history — perhaps the introductory 
chapter to the annals of the rebellion ; and as they marched 
through the town, everywhere decaying, everywhere seared by 
what seemed to be more the work of retributive justice than acts 
of vengeful retaliation, for the injustice and mockery it had 
heaped upon an old man who, maddened by the wrongs he and 
his countrymen and his kindred had endured, and inspired by a 
devotional sense of right, had dared to defy a line of the statute 
book, under whose license the people of the Slave States had 
usurped human rights for a hundred years — as they marched 
through these streets, it seemed as if every soul was touched 
with the memory of the old hero, and ten thousand voices broke 
forth into singing — 

" John Brown's body liea mouldering in the grave." 
A dozen bands played the air to which these words were set ; 
and what with the music, the singing, and tlie measured tread 
of tliirty thousand men, with their very muscles, as well as their 
vocal organs, in time and tune, afforded a spectacle that time 
cannot erase from the memory of the participant or the be- 
holder. Surely, his soul is " marching on," was the unavoidable 
impression created by this spontaneous tribute to his memory. 

This was one of the real battle hymns of the republic, and 
its ringing chorus had a mysterious inspiration, that ever brought 
quickened pace to weary feet, and awakened fresh zeal in de- 




CAPT. RUFUS K. TABOE. 



243 

sponding hearts. I have marched with onr troops through 
Charlestown a dozen times and I do not remember that this 
song was on any one of these occasions omitted. 

We pursued a course through forests and across fields, 
whose shade and soft matting of leaves afforded a delightful 
shield to our heads from the rays of the sun and a relief to our 
feet from the hard road- ways of the usual routes. Between Ber- 
ryville and Winchester, we camped at night, in line of battle 
facing west at Clifton. Early the next morning the army was 
again moving forward on the Millwood pike and the Senseny 
road, this day the Tenth Vermont guarding the wagon train. 
On the twelfth, we passed Newton and Middleton, arriving at 
Cedar Creek at 6 p. m., where we found the enemy posted on 
the opposite bank, having retreated from Winchester on the 
tenth. Some day Cedar Creek will border a famous battlefield 
and flow through pages of history. A small force of Crook's 
men was sent over, and a brisk skirmish ensued, which lasted 
until dark, but without material results. The next morning, 
Early was well posted on Fisher's Hill, and our line was conse- 
quently advanced, the army following to a ridge, just north of 
Strasburg, with the picket line extending through and east of the 
town along the railroad. It may not have been General Sheri- 
dan's purpose to attack the enemy at this time, even had he 
been found in a less difficult position. Whether it was or not, 
certainly it was a wise judgment that forebore. That night he 
withdrew to the opposite or northern bank of Cedar Creek, 
where he maneuvered for a day or two, apparently inviting a 
battle on the ground he had chosen. But the enemy was not 
ready to fight. He was awaiting a combination which meant 
something very serious for General Sheridan, and had it suc- 
ceeded, would have deferred the complete Confederate disaster 
in the valley for a long time. General Early was expecting 
heavy reinforcements that were to approach through Chester 
Gap and the Luray Valley and fall upon Sheridan's rear, cut his 
communications with Winchester and Harper's Ferry, while he 
would move from Fisher's Hill and attack his right. It was a 
pretty scheme. But Sheridan had heard rumors of these rein- 
forcements and while awaiting developments, he received in- 



24:4 

formation from General Grant that two divisions of infantry, 
some cavalry and tvs^enty pieces of artillery were on the way to 
join Early, and "he must be cautious and act on the defensive." 
Tiiese troops turned out to be Anderson's corps and two brigades 
of Fitzhugh Lee's cavalry. On receiving this intelligence, Sheri- 
dan was not ready to fight ; and the order he received with it 
changed the plan of the campaign, at least for the time being. 
His forces were not strong enough to insure success against his 
antagonist, for at that time Grover's division of the Nineteenth 
Corps and Wilson's division of cavalry had not joined him. The 
only counter movement that could now be made was to withdraw. 
So, sending a cavalry force under General Merritt to Front 
Royal, where he encountered Kershaw's division of infantry and 
two brigades of cavalry, commanded by E'itzhugh Lee, at the 
crossing of the Shenandoah, he hastened his withdrawal. That 
night we moved toward Winchester, and marched on with little 
delay until we reached Summit Point, near Charlestown, on the 
evening of the eighteenth. The enemy followed closely and 
overtook our rear guard at Winchester, where Torbert and Wilson, 
the latter having now come up, and the Jersey brigade of the 
Sixth Corps had quite a spirited engagement. The results, how- 
ever, were indifferent, and the retreat was not otherwise disturbed. 
At Charlestown our trains came up ; rations were issued, but 
not too soon, for three days' rations had already been stretched 
out to five. Here also we began to establish, somewhat, a regu- 
lar camp, and lay very quietly, and we supposed securely, until 
Sunday, the twenty-first, when the picket line of the Second 
Division was driven in, while the troops were making prepara- 
tions for morning inspection. So rapid was this movement of 
the enemy, that their bullets whistling through the camp was 
almost the first warning of their approach. The Vermont Bri- 
gade was immediately sent out to reestablish the line, which they 
did ; and they did it with so much show of mettle that they be- 
came involved in a smart little fight which lasted all day, and 
came very near bringing on a general engagement. Our Third 
Division was promptly put into line of battle, slight works were 
thrown up, and an irregular fusilade kept up at our end of the line 
all day. On our part this affair could hardly be called a fight; only 



245 

two me!i in the division were killed, and eleven wounded in our 
brigade. But the losses of the day fell far heavier upon the 
Vermont Brigade, and quite severely upon the Sixth and Eleventh 
Regiments. Lieutenant-Colonel Chamberlain, of the Eleventh, 
was mortally wounded in the early part of the action, and died 
a few hours after. He is spoken of as an exceedingly brave, 
accomplished, and pure minded officer, worthily beloved by all 
who knew him. 

At dark the army withdrew to its old position at Halltown, 
Sheridan himself, it was said, personally conducting the rear 
guard. We remained at Halltown six days, in comparative 
quiet, although the cavalry kept a close watch upon the enemy, 
often tempting him to fight by dashing saucily through his lines, 
capturing his videttes, and now and then, from a respectful dis- 
tance, hurling a score of shells into his camp. Finally, after 
making an unsuccessful endeavor — the last he ever made — to 
cross the river again at Williamsport, he fell back behind 
Charlestown, scattering his forces across the country from 
Smithfield to Berry ville. On the twenty-eighth, Sheridan fol- 
lowed, pursuing so closely with Torbert's cavalry and our Third 
Division pushed up on to his left flank, that Early was compelled 
to show his strength. In the evening, just as General Crook 
was going into position near Berryville, all at once and without 
warning, a full division of infantry with artillery stumbled — 
" blundered," as Sheridan said, into his lines. The result was a 
very sharp extemporized fight, in which the enemy was badly 
whipped and drew off. It turned out that Kershaw's division 
of Anderson's corps had been ordered to Petersburg, and was 
returning by way of Ashby's Gap, wholly unconscious of the 
presence of Union troops in that neighborhood. Probably if Gen- 
eral Sheridan had known what was going, on in the Confederate 
mind, he would have allowed Kershaw to proceed to Kichmond 
over any rente he saw fit to pursue, unmolested. For he had 
been withholding an attack upon General Early, hoping for a 
depletion of his army in this way, for several weeks, and this 
affair detained Anderson's troops fifteen days longer. Slicridan 
now sat down at and in the vicinity of Clifton, for fifteen days, 
with his army compact and well in hand. Early was just beyond 



246 

the Opeqnan, with his army stretched across the country, so that 
his front presented the short side of an acute angle, facing east 
with the Berryville pike on his right, and the Martinsburg pike 
on his left, forming the two long sides; its apex lay behind him 
at Winchester, where the two roads intersect. The two armies 
were, perhaps, five or six miles apart, vigilantly observant of 
each othej-'s movements. And yet so quiet was our camp, it 
would have been difiicult for one to have affirmed that our old 
foe, foiled in every purpose of legitimate warfare, since he came 
into the valley, yet strong and watchful, even defiant, lay so near. 

On the sixth, the men of the Tenth Kegiment, as legal 
voters in the State of Vermont, held a town meeting, or rather 
an election, town-meeting fashion, and did what they could 
toward electing John Gregory Smith, Governor of the State, 
and it is presumed the other regiments from the State did the 
same thing. On the fifteenth, the Second Division, with a bri- 
gade of cavalry, made a reconnoissance toward the Opequan ; a 
part of the Vermont Brigade, deployed as skirmishers, crossed 
the creek, exchanged a few shots with the enemy, and then re- 
tired, having accomplished, as was usual with that organization, 
all that was expected or desired of them. 

Thus a fortnight passed. No other hostile operation was 
undertaken by the infantry, although the cavalry was exceed- 
ingly active, most of the time, visiting vengeance upon the guer- 
illas, and making reprisals of forage and supplies upon the dis- 
loyal inhabitants. The rest was needed, and most gratefully 
welcomed. A careful estimate at this time shows that our 
division had marched seven hundred miles since landing at Bal- 
timore on the 8th of July, and the result had told heavily upon 
the troops. Many of our men were sick, and several officers were 
sick in the field hospital and some were absent on sick leave ; 
among the latter, Colonel Henry, Lieutenant-Colonel Chandler, 
and Captain, since Major, Salsbury. Most of the other divisions 
had marched nearly the same distances. But the hour had come 
when all must march again — this time to victory. 

SHERIDAN'S BATTLE OF WINCHESTER. 

The official designation of this battle is " The Battle of the 
Opequan." Y"et the battle opened in plain sight of Winchester 



24:7 

and was continued within the gates of the town. The battle of 
Winchester, or Sheridan's battle of Winchester, to distinguish it 
from other engagements taking place near there, seems far more 
appropriate. 

The author is thoroughly aware that he can say little if 
anything new of either of the three actions, next described in 
these pages. They excited universal interest and enthusiasm at 
the time of their occurrence, and there seems to have been no 
limit to the number of books and papers they have called forth. 
Half a score of different elaborate descriptions of the actions are 
now lying before me, all of which have been studied with care, and 
as many more not now at hand have been examined with much 
attention. Several diaries, concurrent with the battles, are also 
in my possession — one of ray own. The chiefs, on both sides? 
have become the historians of their own parts in the engage- 
ments and many of tlieir subordinates in command have also re- 
counted their main features and supplied many details and 
incidents, necessarily omitted by those who directed the general 
movements throughout the campaign. The quantity of litera- 
ture on these battles is confusingly large. The only excuse for 
attempting to add another to these accounts, is, perhaps, being 
an observer, where several hundred men regarded as personal 
friends were engaged, that the ideas and impressions of their 
importance in the general result maybe more accurately and fully 
described than they yet appear to have been. 

The traveler of to-day in the Shenandoah Valley, were he 
to follow the turnpike from Berry ville across the Opequan creek 
and pass through Winchester and so on to Strasburg and a mile 
or two beyond, a distance of thirty-six miles all told, would cross 
not less than six noted battlefields. They might not now appear 
the same, even to those who trod them under the veiling smoke 
of deadly action ; the sediment of time may have changed their 
aspects and somewhat choked the flow of memory, but on three 
of them at least the lingering light of victory would still be in- 
tensely focused. These three engagements occurring here, Win- 
chester, Fisher's Hill and Cedar Creek, were fought between 
the 19th of September and the 19th of October, 1864. And of 
these three, far the most importance, at the time they severally 



24:8 

occurred, was attached to Winchester, although it was deemed 
to be only the first part of a single battle, which indeed was be- 
gun at Winchester, but finished at Fisher's Hill, wliicli was the 
second part. Winchester being the main proposition, Fisher's 
Hill was its corollary or the overplus of the first day's victory. 
General Grant ordered one hundred shotted guns fired from his 
batteries around Petersburg for the result at Winchester, and 
before their reverberations had ceased the Secretary of War 
ordered a salvo of fifteen hundred for the route at Fisher's Hill. 

The victory on the 19th of September was interesting 
in point of time, occurring as it did after two months of 
harassing uncertainty as to General Early's continued presence 
so near to our lines of communication with both the north 
and west. It was also not less satisfactory in its instant 
dissipation of all fears of another invasion of Maryland and 
Pennsylvania, and as it was confidently believed, relieved both 
public and private property in those sections and in the lower val- 
ley from further waste and destruction from his merciless hand. 
In addition to all this, the battle of Winchester secured great 
and timely political results, vastly reducing the premium on 
gold and forecasting the triumph of the war party throughout 
the country, in its approaching State and national elections. 

But it is time to speak of the battle. Little need be said 
of the topography of the field. It was bounded by three streams, 
as one might say, and the Martinsburg pike, and in shape some- 
what like a trapezium — Opequan creek forming the shorter and 
eastern boundary, and the pike the western ; Abraham's creek 
and Kose Bud run being the longer lines respectively on the 
south and north. Both of these latter streams flowing east join 
the Opequan less than three-fourths of a mile apart and be- 
tween them the Berryville and Winchester pike crosses the Ope- 
quan near the confluence of Abraham's creek. Leading up from 
the ford, the pike runs through a wooded canon, two and one- 
half miles long and debouches, within two miles of Winchester, 
into a rolling country, cloven by ravines and patched with woods 
and pimpled with knolls. As you approach Winchester the land 
changes somewhat. Between Abraham's creek and Rose Bud 
run, not far from the city for much of the way across, bluffs rise 



249 

out of the lower ground, forming a plateau that stretches back 
to Apple-pie ridge and the hills on the west. On the south 
are two highways running from the Berry ville pike, east and 
south of Opeqnan creek, into the Winchester pike, south of the 
city ; the Senseny road, just below Abraham's creek, and farther 
away, the Millwood pike. On the north, a branch of the Balti- 
more & Ohio Railroad rnns parallel with the Martinsburg pike, 
from Stephenson's Depot into Winchester, and coming down 
from the northwest the Welltown road, and perhaps some others, 
join the pike not far from the city. All these were lines of 
approach to the battlefield and were factors in the fight, although 
most of the fighting took place between Rose Bud run and Abra- 
ham's creek, in the open field west of the canon. The general 
positions of the two armies on the night of the eighteenth were 
the same as they had been for many days ; Sheridan with his 
infantry occupying the Clifton- Berry ville line, with cavalry at 
Summit Foint on the right and on the Millwood pike on the 
left. Early was on the Martinsburg pike, north of Winchester 
and across the Berryville pike on the east of the city. Their 
relative strength, however, had undergone some change within 
the last few days. Kershaw's division of Anderson's corps, and 
Anderson himself, with Catshaw's artillery had returned to Rich- 
mond, this time choosing a route farther south ; and hence General 
Sheridan had a slight advantage over his antagonist in numerical 
strength. Farther than this General Early, on the morning of 
the nineteenth, was occupied in a favorite pastime of his — he was 
away destroying the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad, of which he 
had constituted himself the evil genius. He seemed to be mad 
and insane over this railroad. He could not rest so Ions: as he 
knew or imagined it to be unbroken. As often as he had torn 
it up, and with all the damage he had done to it, the moment he 
heard of its being repaired he would gather up his troops and 
dart away as if the whole Confederacy depended upon a break, 
somewhere along this thoroughfare. It was to him the mata- 
dor's red mantle in a Spanish bull-fight ; it angered him, it made 
him furious to know that it was in working order. So, on the 
seventeenth, hearing that the road was again in use, he took two 
divisions of infantry, some cavalry and artillery and hastened 



250 

away from Sheridan toward Martinsburg in order to again strike 
this inanimate foe. Therefore, on the nineteenth, while his great 
adversary, before the morning star began to grow dim, was 
swiftly moving upon his position at Winchester, his army was 
scattered along the pike — Fitzhugh Lee's cavalry at Martinsbiirg, 
Gordon at Bunker Hill, Rhodes near Stephenson's Depot, Whar- 
ton with King's battery at Stevenson's and Ramseur with Nel- 
son's battery across the Berryville pike. 

In the meantime, Lieuteuant-General Grant came to Charles- 
town in order to confer with Slieridan on the condition of affairs in 
his department, which resulted in the famous order " Go in," and 
that has so much disturbed some Southern writers. Mr. Pollard, 
tlien the editor of the Richmond Exa7nintr^ who has attempted to 
perpetuate the memory of the great crime of the South, in a ful- 
some work entitled The Lost Cause., describes this order as " in- 
elegant " and much in accordance " with that taste for slang 
which seems to characterize the military literature of the North." 
General Early finds fault with this " military literature," and 
speaks of it ironically as a " classic phrase." Doubtless these 
" two words of instruction" were not eminently classical, still 
they will stand a very fair comparison with that miserable patois 
of which " you uns," " we uns," " right smart distance," " whar 
yer at," etc., are samples, peculiar it is true to the lower classes, 
but by no means ignored in conversation by the upper class of 
the South. 

On the eighteenth, orders were sent out directing tlie troops 
to be ready to march at a moment's notice, reaching our brigade 
about 4: o'clock in the afternoon. The officers and men of the 
Tenth were waiting all prepared for the church call, notice hav- 
ing been given that divine service would be observed at that 
hour ; but instead of the bugle note that usually summoned to 
worship, the instrument in clear, shrill notes rang out the more fa- 
miliar " Tallin." Tents were immediately struck, blankets folded, 
knapsacks packed, and all were ready to march within a short 
space of time. Probably this call was premature, for detinite 
instructions soon reached us directing us to be ready to move at 
12 o'clock, midnight. Ordnance stores and five days' rations 
were issued, the sick were sent off and all felt that a movement 



251 

of more than usual importance was on the tapis. Thoughts of 
an impending battle forced themselves upon us. The soldiers 
instinctively felt that the hour had arrived when Karlj's army, 
that had twice invaded the North within the past two mouths, 
and constantly threatened Washington during this period of 
time — who had so often and so haughtily thrown down the gage 
of battle, should receive the chastisement it deserved. Although 
the line of march had not heen indicated to the troops, none 
entertained a doubt in regard to the direction we would take — a 
contest was certain. Officers at the mess table spoke in subdued 
voices of what the issue might be to them ; and there came to 
some of them a presentiment that the impending battle would 
be their last. This was particularly true of Major DilHngham 
and Lieutenant Hill. The conversation of the men, gathered 
here and there in groups around the smouldering camp-fires, was 
of tliat serious and solemn nature, which to those frequently con- 
templating danger marks the eve of great personal events. 

Twelve o'clock midnight came at last, but we did not move 
until three hours later. Then the Sixth Corps struck off across 
the fields, and by cross roads reached the Berryville and Win- 
chester pike, and before daylight were at the crossing of Ope- 
quan creek, not far from which we passed the Nineteenth Corps, 
halted upon the high ground east of the stream. 

The Eighth Corps, having been at Summit Point for a few 
days, came up a little later behind the Nineteenth. Quickly over- 
coming the usual annoyances of crossing a stream, the Sixth 
Corps pressed speedily on, the Second Division taking the lead, 
and passed through the narrow gorge hitherto described, and de- 
ployed in the thin woods just at its mouth. The day was just 
awaking, but Wilson's cavalry was there and had cleared the 
way for the infantry, surprising tlie enemy at the Berryville 
crossing of the Opequan, and charging through the gorge. He 
met with little resistance in this defile, but found a strong earth- 
work almost directly in front of the opening, which was hotly 
defended, still he rode into it, and held it, although the enemy 
made a desperate attempt to recover it. Wilson therefore was 
in possession of the ground selected for the formation of our 
infantry lines, and Sheridan was there to direct the disposition, 



252 

as fast as the troops arrived. The cavalry was then relieved andi 
moved to the south, beyond Abraham's creek, and stationed on' 
the Senseny road. The line of battle v^as formed by deployinj^- 
the Second Division on the left and at a little distance from the- 
pike, facing v^cst ; the Third Division was placed so as to fill the; 
space between the right of the Second and the left of the pike,, 
at the same time extending across the pike. The First Division 
was placed in the rear of the Third and a little to the right and 
was to be held in reserve. The First Brigade was formed in 
two lines, the Second Brigade on the right of the First ; the 
Fourteenth New Jersey Regiment and the One Hundred and 
Sixth New York in the first line and the Eighty-seventh Penn- 
sylvania and the Tenth Vermont in the second line. The One 
Hundred and Fifty-first New York was thrown forward as skir- 
mishers for the purpose of driving back the enemy's skirmishers, 
that a battery might be placed in our immediate front. This 
being accomplished, the fighting was confined to the skirmish 
line and the artillery until 11.40 a. m., with inconsiderable loss 
on our side. In nearly all of the accounts of this formation — 
even in General Sheridan's report among the rest, it is stated 
that the Third Division was placed on the right of the pike. 
This, however, was not our position, as the colors of the Tenth 
and those of the Fourteenth New Jersey, in the front line of our 
brigade, were in the middle of the road. Corporal Alexander 
Scott, one of the color guards and Corporal F. H. Hoadly, a 
member of the color company, both say that this was the case, 
and no doubt they are correct. This formation was completed 
with four batteries in position under charge of Colonel C. H. 
Tompkins, chief of the corps artillery, probably by 8 o'clock, 
and the troops ready to advance ; but there were no other troops 
on the ground and no others arrived until nearly noon, when 
the Nineteenth Corps came up and went into position on the 
right of the Sixth, Grover's division connecting with our Third 
Division. It has been claimed, and no doubt with justice, too, that 
an ammunition train impeded General Emory in his passage 
through the gorge, and thus rendered it impossible for him to 
get his troops into line at an earlier hour. 

It may be here stated that it was not General Sheridan's 
original plan to attack General Early at this point. He had in- 



/ 




FRANCIS H. HOADLEY. 



253 

tended to move all his force by the White Post and Millwood 
pikes to the south of Winchester across the enemy's line of com- 
munication and fight him somewhere between Newtown and 
Winchester. But learning that Early had drawn off nearly one- 
half of his army in order to drive General Averill out of Mar- 
tinsburg and again break the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad, Sheri- 
dan instantly changed his purpose and resolved to attack and 
destroy him in detail if possible, north of Winchester. These 
hours of delay, however, lost to the Union commander all the 
advantages he had hoped to gain from his latest information of 
the condition of the Confederate forces; for, during the time lost 
in the early morning in waiting for the Nineteenth Corps, Early 
had concentrated and by the time Sheridan was ready to ad 
vance, he found the enemy ready to meet him at all points. 
Finally, about 12 o'clock, noon, all was ready and the signal 
for the advance was given. The line quickly emerged from the 
woods, or trees which had partially sheltered it, into the open 
field, and started toward the enemy. The movement instantly 
attracted his attention and perceptibly increased his artillery 
fire along his whole front and also brought us under the range 
of other batteries farther to the right, not hitherto in action. 
The enemy's artillery seemed to have been trained so as to sweep 
the first hundred yards over which we must necessarily advance, 
and every foot of ground immediately before us fostered fright- 
ful possibilities. An iron surf, rolling in from the enemy's bat- 
teries, broke over us, and the men made a rush forward to escape 
this fatal range and then the whole line halted and the men threw 
themselves upon the ground. It was some minutes before they 
could be prevailed upon to move, but they soon saw there was 
no alternative and again moved forward, the Second Division 
setting the example, and the Vermont Brigade taking the lead. 
It must be borne in mind that the Third Division on the 
right and left of the pike, in two lines, was the Union center. 
The original order for the forward movement was for us to 
guide on the pike, and we were to give the direction of attack 
to the troops, both on our right and left. But the pike trended 
to the left, a fact probably not known when the order was given. 
Therefore, in the literal execution of orders, we crowded over 
on to the Second Division as we advanced, which some of our 



254 

troops joined, and shared its fortunes in the first part of the bat- 
tle ; at the same time we drew away from Grover's division on 
our right. All this, it will be seen, was inevitable, unless the 
troops on either flank had obliqued sufficiently to conform to 
our movement. Everything was drifting into misdirection and 
confusion. But this was only a threatened and not an accom- 
plished evil. Still, its consequences on the right became very 
dangerous and invited a catastrophe at a later hour on that part 
of the line. The Second Division dashed forward, the " Old 
Brigade " darting ahead, breaking away from all of its connec- 
tions and obliquing far to the left, and at length, after varying 
and brilliant fortunes, struck the right of the enemy in position, 
broke up his line, capturing a number of prisoners numerically 
greater than their own numbers. The Third Division, now 
turning somewhat to the right, followed the example of the 
Second, and soon found a considerable force of the enemy in 
their front, which was at once driven away. Colonel Aldace F. 
Walker of the Eleventh Vermont Regiment, the brilliant author 
of " The Vermont Brigade in the Shenandoah Valley," describ- 
ing the operations of this brigade at this point says : " We saw on 
our right at short pistol range, at least a full regiment of the 
enemy drawn up in line, near the point where the road crosses 
the hollow, in anticipation of our taking precisely the course we 
did and firing coolly as rapidly as they could load, directly along 
our line, thus enfilading us completely." Continuing his account 
of the brigade in this dilemma and the enemy on their right, he 
says : " The Third Division approached them and they filed 
away." At the time this force " filed away " from our front tliere 
appeared just ahead of us and a little to the right, the abrupt 
termination of a ridge which divided the low ground on the east 
from a marshy ravine on the west, leading up to the north be- 
tween the two lines of battle. Captain Abbott calls it " the 
divide." This depression, or ravine, ran out so as to leave the 
ground in front of Grover's division comparatively level. Cor- 
poral F. JET. Hoadly, referring to the force mentioned by 
Colonel Walker, says : " A considerable body of rebels were 
driven from the Second Division front by our brigade and filed 
into this ravine, as they could not retreat directly to the rear 



255 

without being exposed to our fire for quite a distance." We 
shall shortly hear from them again, and they will be doing mis- 
chief. Our division had been advancing some time without con- 
nections on either flank, in the face of the heaviest fire along the 
whole line. The Second Division had obliqued far to the left, 
and we had been drawing away from our supports on the right. 
General Sheridan says that " Getty and Ricketts made some 
progress toward Winchester in connection with Wilson's cav- 
alry." In the meantime, Grover had gone far ahead, and had 
made a most brilliant charge upon the enemy in his front, " en- 
tirely breaking up Evans' brigade." Our division had suffered 
fearfully from the enemy's incessant shelling. Major Dilling- 
ham had been mortally wounded and borne dying from the field- 
Captain Davis had been also wounded ; one of his men had been 
hit by a shell and pieces of his skull hurled into the side of Cap- 
tain Davis' head, half blinding him with blood and pain. Major 
Vredenburg of the Fourteenth New Jersey had his heart torn out 
while riding his horse in the front line of the battle, saying with 
his last breath, " guide on me, boys, I will do the best I can." 
Many officers of the division and brave men had fallen, and see- 
ing this ridge just referred to, the men veered to the right, as 
one might suppose, in order to seek shelter behind it. But they 
moved up over the brow of the ridge and as they showed them- 
selves to the enemy a shower of missiles met them, knocking 
down Captain L. A. Abbott of Co. E and wounding him most 
distressingly in the face and jaws while he was lying upon the 
ground. Lieutenant Daniel G. Hill of Co. H was mortally 
wounded, beside many men were killed and wounded in this 
one moment of exposure. The enemy's fire fairly scalped this 
ridge. Then the line dropped back into shelter. Let the men 
rest there awhile. On the right, Grover's division of the Nine- 
teenth Corps up to this time had been remarkably successful. 
He had driven back the enemy in confusion and was following 
up his advantage. But the gap between him and Ricketts had 
not been closed. General Ricketts had seen it, and earlier in 
the day had detached three of Colonel Keifer's right regiments 
— the Sixty-seventh Pennsylvania, One Hundred and Thirty- 
eighth and One Hundred and Tenth Ohio to fill it, and they 



256 

had gallantly checked one attempt of the enemy to crawl into 
the intervale. Just about the time the balance of the division 
reached the ridge, to which it is feared tiresome reference has 
already been made, the Confederates saw their opportunity to 
gain a move upon us, and Gordon's and Hhodes' divisions were 
driven like a wedge into this opening ; beside these two divis- 
ions, the force that left our^ front a moment ago coming out of 
the ravine at this instant, wheeled into the charging column, 
thus swelling its weight and apparently increasing its momentum. 
Nothing in front of them could stand against this impetuous 
charge. Nearly the whole of Grover's division was forced back 
and the three regiments of our Second Brigade, who had so 
heroically repulsed one charge of the enemy on this ground and 
held him back for an hour, were crumbled off and pushed to the 
rear. It was the enemy's supreme effort and skillfully executed. 
It was the crisis in the battle. General Early claimed the result 
as a victory. " A splendid victory had been gained." " The 
enemy were pushed back and we were successful." This self 
assurance seems uncandid. For whatever the misfortune to the 
Union troops amounted to in this momentary reverse, it was 
instantly met and overcome by the skillful action of General 
Eussell, who, waiting with the First Division in reserve, until 
tlie enemy in pursuit of Grover presented his flank, struck him 
with such a vigorous and well-directed charge as to drive 
back, in utter disorder, the whole Confederate force, as quickly 
as it came, and our line was at once reestablished and now per- 
fected. It was the last spirited charge of the enemy during the 
day. But it had cost the Union army the life of Brigadier-Gen- 
eral David A. Russell, the gallant and beloved commander of 
our First Division, who was not only an invaluable officer, but a 
trusted friend of Sheridan. Early in this affair he received a 
gunshot wound in his right breast, but directed the movements 
of his division until a fragment of a shell pierced his heart. We 
lost several other officers and many men in killed and wounded, 
but none were captured from our brigade. 

General Early mourned a loss no less severe. " On our 
side," he said, " Major-General Rhodes had been killed in the 



25Y 

very moment of triumph,* while conducting the attack of his 
division with great gallantry and skill, and this was a heavy 
blow to me. Brigadier- General Godwin of Ramseur's division 
had been killed and Brigadier-General York of Gordon's divis- 
ion had lost an arm. Other brave men and officers had fallen 
and we could illy bear the loss of any of them." 

In the restoration of the line, the Third Division was 
moved further to the right and Grover's division brought to our 
left and rear. None of the troops of our corps had been de- 
moralized, and the line which very naturally became disarranged 
in the capricious surges of the battle soon " knit itself into cohe- 
sion." General Wright, in his report of the action, says : 
" Getty, on the left, with part of Ricketts' division, not involved 
in the break, maintained their front, and fell back only to secure 
their lines and preserve their connection on the right." Only 
the three regiments of Keifer's brigade, which had been detached 
from the rest of the Third Division to fill the interval between 
the right and the Nineteenth Corps, were driven back ; and Gen- 
eral Kicketts says : " These three regiments most gallantly met 
the overwhelming masses of the enemy and held them in check 
until successful resistance was no longer possible." It is true 
this break should not have occurred, but the responsibility for 
the misfortune must no longer be charged in any particular to 
the Third Division. As to the First Brigade, it never broke on 
any occasion, or fell back except as ordered to do so. As soon 
as this temporary derangement had been overcome, the whole 
line moved forward again, and in spite of fierce resistance 
regained all the ground we had originally held and advanced 
about one hundred yards beyond, driving the enemy from the 
Dinkle house, where he had some batteries and sharpshooters 
posted. There was now a lull in tlie battle, perhaps two hours 
or more. We had advanced over a mile, forced the enemy from 
strong positions, and the attack had been altogether successful. 
These two hours were spent in issuing ammunition and in 
making combinations for another attack. General Crook's com- 
mand, which had crossed Opequan creek, was moved up through 

*It was like the triumph of Montcalm at Quebec in 1759. 

(IT) 



258 

the gorge, and now sent around to the right of the Nine- 
teenth Corps, across the morass of Red Bud run, and to the rail- 
road. Merritt's division of cavalry was placed on tlie right and 
rear of Crook, extended up to the Martinsburg pike, while 
Averill's division was still farther to the right on the west of the 
pike. They were instructed to advance in conjunction with the 
infantry in a combined attack upon the enemy's front and left 
flank. General Sheridan gave personal attention to the details 
of this formation, riding along the entire length of his line amid 
the ringing cheers of the men, the whistling bullets and screech- 
ing shells of the enemy, saying to them, " hold on here, boys, 
Crook and Torbert are on their flank and rear ; we've got 'era 
bagged." To Crook he turned, after he had started to the left, 
expressing his confidence in his usually emphatic way, " Press 
'em, General, press 'em hard, I know they'll run." General 
Thomas, with the Eighth Vermont, out near the right, was say- 
ing to his regiment : " Steady, Old Vermont. If any of you 
pray, now is your time. We are going at yonder rebels, and 
intend to give 'em Ethan Allen." The additional troops put 
in on our right overlapped the Confederate left for some dis- 
tance. Therefore, by making a left half wheel, the right of our 
infantry would strike the enemy's left flank at the same time 
his front would become engaged. The cavalry, by driving 
straight ahead, would envelope his rear. About 5 o'clock p. m.^ 
the movement began and was most successfully carried out. 
The moment Crook and Torbert approached the Confederate 
left the front line advanced with a steady, determined push. 
The eifect can be easily imagined. Without going further into 
details, it may be said that this was an unwavering, resistless ad- 
vance, although it met with considerable resistance. But the 
enemy soon gave way and fled in confusion. " Never were our 
troops in such confusion before," wrote a Confederate officer. 
" It was a sad, humiliating sight." It was not a retreat, but a 
helpless rout, our army pursuing and shouting with an impetu- 
osity and vigor that would have been impossible to restrain. 
Infantry, cavalry and artillery vied with each other in the 
speed of pursuit and every man felt that he was a victor. 
The combined and harmonious movement of all arms of the 




PLAN OF SHERIDAN'S BATTLE OF WINCHESTER, SEPTEMBER, 19th, 1864. 



259 

service, struggling through the storm of death that howled 
around them, was a sight for a painter. But when they be- 
held the yielding lines of the enemy, saw their battalions dis- 
solve in their fire, and rolling them up by their onward surg- 
ing column, the certainty of victory impelling them on, the scene 
was grand beyond description. It was a panic pursued by a 
wild rush. No victory of the war, even the last, inspired such 
hopes throughout the country and awakened such a thrill of gen- 
uine patriotic joy in every loyal heart. Probably no troops tak- 
ing part iu this battle rejoiced in the enemy's defeat more than 
those of the Third Division of the Sixth Corps. The enemy 
liad done this very thing, on a smaller scale, for us on the 9th 
of July, and we were ever afterward willing to stake Winches- 
ter on Monocacy. 

The Union losses in this battle, every way, are now officially 
reported at five thousand and eighteen, and of these, forty-three 
hundred were killed and wounded. General Early reported his 
casualties, not including his cavalry, at thirty-six hundred and 
eleven. But if the loss in his cavalry reached an average of 
that of our own, at least another thousand must be added, mak- 
ing a total of forty-six hundred and eleven. Sheridan estimated 
the Confederate losses as fully equal to his own. We captured 
two thousand prisoners, five pieces of artillery and nine battle- 
flags, and a very large number of small arms. 

The casualties in the Tenth were twelve killed and forty-six 
wounded. The total losses in the Third Division were six hun- 
dred, with only seventeen missing. Our loss was much greater 
than that of either the First or Second Division, while it was 
also much the smallest division in the Sixth Corps, but the 
enemy's artillery seemed concentrated upon our part of the line, 
and a large number were killed and wounded by the large ammu- 
nition of their guns. 

The battlefield of Winchester was favorable for the use of 
artillery. General Wright incidentally speaks of this in his re- 
pert of the action as affording a " rare example among the 
many hard fought fields of the war in which all arms of the ser- 
vice cooperated with full eifect. Infantry, cavalry and artillery 
had their full share in the operations of the day and their move- 



260 

ments were in entire harmony. The artillery of this corps alone 
expended eighteen wagon-loads of ammunition, and all with 
good effect upon the results of the conflict," 

After the fall of Major Dillingham the command fell to 
Captain, since Major, L. T. Hunt, who reported both oflicers 
and men as having nobly performed their part in the operations 
of the day. Conspicuous among the brave, was Adjutant, since 
Major, Wyllis Lyman, who, by his admirable soldierly conduct, 
became a stimulating example to others, and what is said of him 
may be said of both officers and men. Speaking of the gallant 
conduct of his command Colonel Emerson says : " The brigade 
pressed on, passed through Winchester, and had the honor of 
placing our flags first upon the heights beyond the town." 

Darkness alone prevented the complete destruction of Early's 
army. At what hour of the night he ceased his flight we do not 
know ; but following our cavalry, which moved at dawn the next 
morning, we pursued along the Strasburg pike and did not come 
in sight of his rear guard until we approached the high ground 
beyond Cedar creek. Crossing this stream, we went into camp 
on the night of the twentieth, upon the same ground we had 
occnpied just four weeks before, and the enemy, now as then, 
was in the same relative position. 

The wounded were taken from the field to the Taylor House, 
in the city, and the next morning those taken off during the 
progress of the battle and conveyed to field hospitals in the rear, 
were brought up. Many wounded officers were taken to private 
houses ; the churches also, and other public buildings, were used 
as hospitals. The Confederate wounded were distributed in the 
same way and their own Surgeons remained with them, but it 
was difficult to find suitable places for all the wounded. My 
recollection is of an exceedingly crowded city at this time. There 
were accommodations for about four thousand inhabitants, and 
they were stretched so as to shelter at least ten thousand in a 
few hours. There were our own wounded and the hospital force 
for their attendance, beside eight hundred and fifty odd of the 
enemy's wounded tliat had fallen into our hands, two thousand 
rebel prisoners. Colonel Edwards' brigade of the First Division 
guarding the prisoners and acting as a provost guard, and in an 



261 

incredibly short time came the Sanitary and Christian Commis- 
sions, and vohinteer nurses in large numbers, all of which more 
than doubled the census of the city. One of our severely 
wounded officers, Captain L. A. Abbott, was provided for at the 
home of Miss Rebecca M. Wright, the young lady who so 
greatly assisted General Sheridan by furnishing important intel- 
ligeuce concerning the strength and condition of Early's army 
at a most critical period in the history of the valley campaign. 
Miss Wright was a most intelligent lady, intensely patriotic and 
loyal in spite of the bitter secession spirit of most of her neigh- 
bors. The Misses Griffiths and Meridiths were true heroines in 
the same cause. To all sick and wounded soldiers of the Union 
these young ladies were constant in their sympathy and attend- 
ance, to the extent of their means and ability, and to captives in 
the hands of the Confederates, when they were in possession of 
the town, they often ministered with brave fidelity, sometimes 
breaking through rebel guards to perform their merciful mission. 
When Miss Wright was asked to take Captain Abbott into her 
house she readily assented, and she provided such food as he 
required while he remained there, and also at my instance fur- 
nished Lieutenant Hill with nourishment suited to his dangerous 
condition, taking it to tlie Taylor House every day while he 
lived. Among the noble women of America then living, it 
would have been difficult to find any more noble and true to the 
flag and to its defenders than these loyal young ladies of Win- 
chester. 

The following names comprise the list of killed and wounded 
of the Tenth Regiment in the battle on the nineteenth instant : 

KILLED. 

Major Edwin Dillingham, Feter Bingham, 

Ira J. Badger, Dan. B. Fuller, 

Edwin S. Battles, Aaron P. Knight, 

Owen Bartley, John Louiselle, 

Duncan Carron, Orcemer R. McGowan. 
Josiah Clark, 



262 



WOUNDED. 



Captain L. A. Abbott, 
Lieut. Daniel G. Hill, 
Lieut. George E. Davis, 
Jerome Ayers, 
Ambrose Allard, 
George Burnell, 
Heman D. Bates, 
Alfred Boucher, 
George W. Bennett, 
Dawson Burt, 
William H. Crossett, 
Chas. J. F. Cushman, 
"William S. Dingman, 
Norton Danforth, 
Newel F. Daton, 
John Daley, 
Daniel Foster, 
Daniel B. Freeman, 
Emerson C. Foy, 
Bishop C. Guilder, 
David Gochey, 
Francis H. Hoadly, 
Freeman J. Hale, 



Maschil Hunt, 
Henry C. Irish, 
Ira L. Johnson, 
David W. Jilson, 
Nelson King, 
Daniel Keating, 
John H. Lewis, 
John Lerose, 
Ezra L. Litchfield, 
Zophar M. Mansur, 
George A. Parker, 
Sylvester H. Parker, 
Thomas L. Phelps, 
Allen Rogers, 
Homer W. Ring, 
Levi H. Robinson, 
John H. Rublee, 
William Low Smith, 
Lucius Shephard, 
William A. Sloane, 
Joseph F. Tyler, 
Joseph White, 
Lyman Weeks. 



In closing this narrative of Sheridan's battle of Winchester, 
attention is called to another account of the action, or so much 
of it as came under his observation, by Captain Lemuel A. Ab- 
bott, U. S. Army, and particularly to his highly interesting per- 
sonal experience. 

Washington, D. C, I 

January 4th, 1893. 5 

Dr. E. M. Haynes^ late Chaplain Tenth Vermont Volunteer 
Infantry^ Rutland^ Vt. : 

Dear Comrade :— The part taken by me in Sheridan's bat- 
tle of Winchester, fought September 19th, 1864, has been a 
memorable one for me, and probably will not be forgotten in a 
lifetime. 




2nd LIEUT. GEO. P. SHEDD. 



263 

1 will take you as faithfully as possible up to the point 
where twice wounded, as I remember it vividly up to the time of 
leaving the field, for it was like a most horrible nightmare, only 
it was a reality. We will first, however, examine the ground 
carefully I went over. The trees in the narrow belt of timber 
in ray front were not very thick, and from the opposite edge, 
about five hundred yards away, more or less, to the north of the 
turnpike, there was quite a wide depression, or ravine, running 
in a northerly course along our front with quite a wide wedge- 
shaped bottom, spreading out quite rapidly in the direction the 
ravine runs, and possibly forty feet deeper opposite where we 
struck it than the immediate surrounding country, and with 
irregular and generally quite abrupt grassy banks. The approach 
to this depression from the edge of the woods for possibly five 
hundred yards or more, was slightly ascending or rolling where 
I passed over it, when a tolerably flat divide was reached, and 
just beyond its extreme summit, and in sight from it, on the east 
edge of the depression, next to us, there was a line of the enemy's 
infantry, posted in a naturally strong position. This position 
here was most admirably chosen by the enemy, as the formation 
of the ground was such at this point as to admit of the use, at 
the same time, of both artillery and infantry, as our lines ad- 
vanced over the highest point of the before-mentioned divide. 
It was the ugliest place I ever got into. The enemy's line was 
not, however, as a whole, wisely chosen for several reasons. This 
was another brilliantly and successfully fought battle, where the 
Sixth Corps was given the hardest position in the whole line to 
confront, and our Third Division the hardest of all, it being op- 
posite the center, to the right of the turnpike, which was the 
strongest part of the enemy's position, its artillery being advan- 
tageously stationed here, and strongly protected by its infantry, 
80 stationed in its line of battle some distance in the right front 
of its artillery as to enable the latter to shell us over its own 
line most severely and effectually, at least where 1 was. 

At about noon our lines moved forward. The shelling as 
we advanced was most severe and trying. Before through the 
woods Major Dillingham was mortally wounded by a shot from 
the enemy's artillery, and at about the same time Lieutenant 



264 

Hill received a similar mortal wound from the same source. 
Both were most excellent officers, and each had been hit in the 
leg. Captain G. E. Davis was also wounded, but at what stage 
of the battle T do not know. After emerging from the woods a 
short distance, being on somewhat high, and then perfectly open 
ground, I glanced to my right and left, and beheld the grandest 
battle scene of my life. Our lines were then unbroken and I 
saw too, with dismay, that Emory's great, long, glistening blue 
line of battle, with its colors at stated intervals gayly flying in 
the bright sunlight, was steadily pulling away from the right 
flank of our division, by an oblique movement to its right, mo- 
mentarily increasing the interval between its left and our right 
flank, and thus leaving a wide, dangerous gap for the enemy to 
take advantage of, which it did later on, and but for the reliable 
and gallant General Russell's promptly moving forward his divis- 
ion of our corps, which was in reserve, to fill the gap at a criti- 
cal moment, there would not, in my opinion, have been as much of 
the Third Division left after the battle as there was, and to say 
the least, it is possible Sheridan's victory, if won at all, would 
have been less complete. It cost General Russell his life. He 
was one of the very best division commanders in the army, and 
he had one of the very best figliting divisions. The fighting 
members of Sheridan's army, and especially of our division, will 
probably never realize how much they owe to this brave and 
true man. There is one who does. 

As regards the movement of troops, the same thing was 
happening on the left of our division on the part of the crack 
Second Division of our corps, and to which the Vermont Brigade 
belonged. It had pulled completely away from us, thus leaving 
both flanks of our plucky little division not only exposed, but all 
to itself to crack the hardest nut in the whole line of battle, 
which was the center of the enemy's line to tlie right or north 
of the turnpike, where it had been made the strongest, both with 
artillery and infantry, and which was largely in our front and 
immediate right. 

Perhaps an old veteran, both of the volunteer and regular 
service, now past flfty, who was twice wounded in this battle, 
and probably in one of the hottest places in it, will be pardoned 



265 

for saying that it seemed to him like as clear a case of shirk on 
the part of the troops both to our right and left, as any he ever 
saw. However, it was not necessarily so. 

But the situation couldn't be helped, and we continued to 
advance until on top of a slight swell or divide heretofore men- 
tioned as being swept by both the enemy's artillery and musketry 
fire at once, and where, close in front, the enemy's infantry was 
lying in wait for us on the edge of the big hollow or ravine. 

Here on this divide, a piece of shell, partially spent, amid 
a shower of such, hit me square in the chest, and in falling I 
partially turned on one heel and struck on my back with my 
head toward the enemy's line. The back of my head struck a 
slight depression such as a horse might make in the ground after 
a hard rain, and thus my forehead was somewhat lower than my 
lips or mouth. Corporal Walker and another man from the 
right of the company seeing that I was hit, at once dropped to 
the ground to take me to the rear as soon as a lull should occur 
in the firing, it then being terrible. It was a most devoted, 
brave thing in them to do, for it required more nerve to stay on 
that high point in the divide, then being swept by both bullets 
and shells, than to advance. 

Corporal Walker, the instant I fell, called out to me to lie 
close to the ground and not move, but simultaneously with his 
caution a musket ball just grazed my forehead and striking my 
upper lip and jaw at the right corner of my nose, went tearing 
and crushing through both, splitting and leaving a triangular por- 
tion of my lip hanging by a small shred, crushing the upper jaw 
and eleven teeth, and driving those in front on the lower jaw, 
which had acted as so many wedges, through and splitting it, and 
altogether leaving me in a most wretched condition, and espec- 
ially as my tongue and the whole lower part of my face was for 
some time after paralyzed, and I could not even indistinctly 
utter a word. It was a most inconvenient and painful wound. 
I could not eat for a long time, and could only take liquids 
through a tube, and I actually went hungry until finally I got 
sick. The wound was much worse than any one knew. No 
one would suspect now I am so maimed, as my beard fortunately 
hides the scar, but the misery is still there. I was First Lie u- 
tenant of Co. E, and entered the fight with that company. 



266 

I was never in any assault during the war where the men 
of my command, as a whole, so generally followed my lead, and 
under such trying circumstances as here. When under the most- 
severe combined fire of both artillery and musketry at close 
range, and at the most critical time when within a short distance 
of the enemy's line in a protected position, although my men 
were scattered, as I wanted them to be, they did not skulk, but 
stood right up to the rack and did their best as a company, man- 
fully. In consequence, I had the satisfaction just as I was 
wounded and fell, of seeing we had routed tlie infantry in our 
front, and a moment later when I arose to my feet in the lull of 
the battle, whicli came almost immediately, with my flesh torn 
and bleeding, unable to speak, and with my whole system all in 
a tremor from the double shock it had received, I noticed with 
indescribable satisfaction that the enemy's artillery from which 
I had received my first hard knock and wound, was hastily get- 
ting ready to retreat too, and I left the battlefield feeling that 
Co. E had honored me as well as itself and the community from 
whence it came as well as its State ; and such constancy, efii- 
ciency and courage should not go unnoticed in your history or 
any other. What I have said in regard to this company in this 
fight, as far as I know, can be said of the whole regiment. The 
Tenth Vermont, when it took part in any general assault, in- 
variably routed the enemy in its front. I wonder how many of 
the regiment, even those who were constantly with it, have even 
thought of this, or how many people, if any, in Vermont, even 
suspect that such was the case. I speak from personal knowl- 
edge, as I was in every general assault the regiment made except- 
ing two. Did any regiment from Vermont, or elsewhere, do 
more % So much has been said about the Vermont Brigade 
of our corps, and deservedly so, too, that individual regiments 
have been lost sight of. Justice^ either in history or otherwise, 
has never been accorded them. At any rate, I know the Tenth 
Vermont does not occupy the place in history that it should, 
after having done its part so grandly as it did in the Sixth Corps, 
and which the Vermont regiments therein, including our own, 
helped to make the very best in the whole army. Major WylMs 
Lyman, U. S. A., then our Regimental Adjutant, was in my 



267 

immediate neighborhood in this battle. To my personal knowl- 
edge he deserves by his presence alone in that place, the compli- 
ment you give him in your history, and more. The day follow- 
ing the battle I was moved to Winchester, and for several days 
remained at the house of Miss Rebecca Wright, the heroine of 
Sheridan's most brilliant and successful Shenandoah Valley cam- 
paign, and especially of this battle of Winchester. 

I was most considerately, sympathetically and devotedly 
nursed and cared for by her family, and although I was not 
orally profuse in my thanks at the time, as it meant excruciating 
pain to attempt to even indistinctly utter a word, 1 have always 
felt doubly grateful for their sympathy and anxious care of and 
attention to me. 

Miss Wright, sometimes accompanied by another delicate 
but brave little lady, whose name I have forgotten, each as mod- 
est, tender and sympathetic as ministering angels, and with 
cheery words and bright smiles, went daily with delicacies to 
Lieutenant Hill as long as he lived, and to others, to my per- 
sonal knowledge, at the old hotel in Winchester, which had been 

temporarily turned into a hospital for the wounded. 

******* 

I am sir, very respectfully, 
L. A. ABBOTT, 
Captain U. S. Array, retired. 

MAJOE DILLINGHAM. 

Edwin Dillingham was born at Waterbury, Washington 
county, Yt., on the 13th of May, 1839. He was the second son 
of Hon. Paul Dillingham and Julia C. Carpenter. He came of 
noble lineage. Members of his family have been prominent in 
this and in other States, both in public and in official life, and 
noted for many private virtues. His father, the late Hon. Paul 
Dillingham, was Lieutenant-Governor and Governor of Ver- 
mont, and before and since a distinguished lawyer. His brother, 
Hon. William P. Dillingham, has for one term filled with great 
ability the gubernatorial chair of his honored father, and is at 
present widely known for his eminent legal attainments. An- 



268 

other brother, Charles Dillingham, rendered valiant service to 
his country as Lieutenant-Colonel of the Seventh Vermont Vol- 
unteer Infantry, and his brother-in-law, the Hon. Matthew II. 
Carpenter, was an able judge and a distinguished Senator in 
Congress from the State of Wisconsin. Edwin Dillingham 
spent his earlier years with his parents and was reared accord- 
ing to New England's revered manual for the training of her 
sons, which has alwa3^s developed the highest forms of intellec- 
tual and moral manhood. His opportunities for an education 
were all that he desired and were diligently improved. Choos- 
ing the highest advantages afforded by the common school and 
the academies of his native State, he received the instruction 
deemed essential as a preparation for entering successfully upon 
his professional studies. He chose the profession of the law, as 
one affording a sphere best suited to his tastes and his talents, 
and began his preparations for the bar in 1858, in the office of his 
brother-in-law, the Hon. Matthew H. Carpenter, in the city of 
Milwaukee, Wis., where he remained however but a short time. 
Upon leaving the office of Judge Carpenter, he entered the law 
school at Poughkeepsie, N. Y., where he graduated with honor 
in the autumn of 1859. He finally finished his law studies in 
the office of Dillingham & Durant, at Waterbury, Vt., his father 
being the senior member of the firm. In September, 1860, he 
was admitted to the Washington county bar, and it is said, " al- 
though the youngest, he was considered one of the most promis- 
ing members." Subsequently he became the law-partner of his 
father and apparently began a professional career of more than 
ordinary promise. Thus associated he continued with increasing 
success until July, 1862. 

Major Dillingham often spoke of this arrangement, around 
the camp-fire, reverting to this supposed settlement in life as one 
most suited to his taste and entirely filling his ambition. He had 
expected to reap much from the great ability, experience and 
wide reputation of his father as an advocate and a statesman, 
and so enrich his own mind for the largest duties of the profes- 
sion. But whatever hopes of success he might have hitherto 
entertained in any pursuit, none of these high anticipations were 
destined to be realized. How hard it was to relinquish them. 



269 

we do not know ; but his nature was not one to remain undis- 
turbed, however strongly wedded to well-matured purposes of 
life, bj the bloody contest that had been waged now for nearly 
two years, with success to the Union arms, yet varying and inde- 
cisive. On the contrary, before the one great national issue, 
like thousands of his compatriots, he saw his own cherished 
plans dwindle away, and to join the battle became the first duty 
of patriotism and the only course of honor. 

Upon the President's call for three hundred thousand troops, 
in July, 1862, he actively engaged in recruiting a company in 
the western part of Washington county. At its organization he 
was unanimously chosen its Captain. This was really the first 
company raised for the Tenth Kegiment ; but when the regi- 
ment was organized it was found that Captain Edwin B. Frost 
had raised a company intended for the Ninth Regiment, but 
was crowded out with the understanding that he should have the 
A company in the next regiment organized. Hence Captain 
Dillingham's recruits became Co. B. Soon after the regiment 
was fairly in the field Captain Dillingham was appointed Assis- 
tant Inspector General on the staff of Brigadier-General W. fl. 
Morris, then commanding the First Brigade, Third Division, 
Third Army Corps. In the capacity of aide-de-camp to this 
officer in the battle of Locust Grove or Payn's Farm, Nov. 27th, 
1863, while carrying an order from the brigade commander to 
his own regiment, his horse was shot under him and he was 
taken prisoner. He was marched to Richmond and incarcerated 
in Libby prison, where he was kept a prisoner four months. In 
the following March he was paroled and some time later ex- 
changed, when he immediately returned to his old command. 
Lieutenant-General Grant was at this time conducting his cele- 
brated campaign from the Rapidan to Petersburg, and conse- 
quently rendered approach to the army from Washington ex- 
tremely difficult. Captain Dillingham finally obtained command 
of a battalion of exchanged prisoners and enlisted men being 
sent to the front, and at last after marching the whole distance 
and fighting the irregular bands in the rear of the army, some 
of the way, he reported for duty at Cold Harbor on the 3d of 
June, 1864, having been absent from the regiment seven months. 



270 

Colonel Jewett had resigned, Lieutenant-Colonel Henry and 
Major Chandler had been promoted respectively to the first 
ranks in the command. Captain Frost, the ranking line officer, 
was breathing his last the hour he arrived ; one-third of the 
regiment were lying dead on the field and wounded in the hospi- 
tal, and the rest, begrimed with dirt and powder, within close 
range of the enemy, were looking down into the Chickahominy 
fiwamp, within steeple view of Kichmond. Colonel Henry had 
been wounded on the first instant, and Lieutenant-Colonel Chand- 
ler soon afterwards became sick, and Captain Dillingham took 
command of the regiment, although he held it but a short time, 
Lieutenant-Colonel Chandler returning to duty. The remaining 
awful days until the twelfth, he was with his regiment. On the 
17th of June, 1864, he was commissioned Major, and went with 
the troops to the James river and Bermuda Hundred, where, with a 
large part of the corps, they were ordered into action by General 
Butler. But General Wright delayed obedience to the order, 
and his corps was finally extricated by General Meade, after re- 
maining under a most distressing artillery fire from the enemy's 
battery for several hours. From this time until his death he 
was constantly with the regiment, and some of the time in com- 
mand. 

On the 6th of July, 1864, the Third Division of the Sixth 
Corps was detached from the Army of the Botomac, and the 
two remaining divisions soon afterwards, and were sent into the 
Shenandoah Valley, under General Sheridan. Arriving at Fred- 
erick City, Md., on the eighth, he was second in command 
at the battle of Monocacy, fought on the ninth, Lieutenant- 
Colonel Chandler being detailed to command the skirmish line, 
and Colonel Henry in command of the regiment. 

The story of the regiment after the battle of Monocacy, 
recounting its long marches and one or two skirmishes, need not 
be here told. It is now the 22d of August. On the twenty- 
first, the wliole corps was attacked vigorously by the enemy, 
drawing in the pickets in front of the Second Division, while 
the troops were lying quietly in camp or preparing for Sunday 
morning inspection. Here, for the first time, Major Dillingham 
was ordered to lead his command to battle. The regiment, how- 



271 

ever, was not prominently enpjaged, and he had no opportunity to 
distinguish himself. When asked how he felt, invested with the 
full command at such a time, he replied : " I felt as if we should 
make a good fight, but I rather wished that Henry had been 
there." From this time he commanded the regiment until he 
fell at the glorious field of Winchester on the 19th of September. 

We may not here describe that battle. It was a decisive 
victory for our arms and the country. 'Twas a golden victory. It 
lifted higher the national banner than any other single battle of 
the year. 

Washington County Court was in session, and attorneys 
were contending by peaceful process for the civil rights of a few 
clients. In Yirginia, its youngest and most promising member, 
who had thrown his sword into the vaster scale of justice, was 
contending for the civil rights of the nation. Under orders to 
charge the enemy, whose front was ablaze with cannon and 
abatised with fixed bayonets, he was firmly pacing back and 
forth along his battle line, steadying its formation and awaiting 
the final signal to advance. Those who saw him say he heeded 
not the missiles of death that fell thick around him and his 
brave men. " Keenly he eyed the foe — anxiously he awaited 
the onset." To him it never came. About noon, while in this 
position, he was struck by a solid shot on the left thigh, and 
borne bleeding and dying to the rear. In two hours he was no 
more. The regiment nobly avenged the death of its Major, in 
more than one desperate charge upon the enemy and in a most 
ardent pursuit when his lines were broken. Though he never 
recovered from the nervous shock produced by this wound, he 
did not lose consciousness until his noble spirit departed. He 
conversed occasionally with those around him. Among his last 
words was the utterance : " I have fallen for my country, I am 
not afraid to die." Both the division and brigade commanders 
make honorable mention of this valuable officer in their reports 
of the action. General Ricketts says : " Among others, the divis- 
ion mourns the loss of the gallant Major Dillingham of the Tenth 
Vermont Volunteers. 

Once before in these pages it has been mentioned that the 
soldier often has a prevision, or an impression that amounts al- 



272 

most to a certainty, that he will fall in an approaching battle, or 
some particular action. This was strikingly and obviously the 
impression of Major Dillingham a few hours preceding the battle 
of Winchester. He was naturally gay and cheerful, of a most 
buoyant disposition. Of course, he had his moments of serious 
meditation, as every thinking man does ; but this morning he 
seemed as one absorbed in deep and even sad contemplation, and 
it was with considerable effort that he could arouse himself. He 
ate nothing at the mess-table, and joined little in the conversa- 
tion of the hour. He spoke of the impending battle and of cer- 
tain wounds and mangling of the body which would be less 
acceptable than instant death. He thought that this would be 
his last battle, yet this thought did not cause him to swerve a 
hair's breadth from his duty. He desired to exchange hats with 
me as his was a heavy, broad brimmed one and mine a light one, 
and then bidding me good-bye, rode away at the head of the 
regiment as if going to assured victory- — and he did. 

LIEUTENANT HILL. 

Daniel Gilbert Hill, oldest son of Arnold Hill and Matilda 
E. Adams, was born in Hubbardton, Rutland county, Yt., on 
the 25th of July, 1844, and at the time of his death was about 
twenty years old. Some years previous to the war of the rebel- 
lion, his parents settled in Wallingford, a town in the northeast- 
ern part of the county, where his father engaged in agricultural 
pursuits, and later, in the mercantile business. Gilbert was 
reared upon the farm tilled by his father. 

His home was situated in one of the pleasantest villages in 
Vermont. Wallingford is nestled down between the hills that 
rise to varying heights, both on the east and west. On the west 
they are broken and cultivated, but on the east they form a high 
seriated wall, picturesque in the wild tracery of nature's own 
hand. Between them flows the Otter creek. The valley is open 
both to the north and south and in natural scenery is one of the 
most beautiful sections of the State. 

Here, Gilbert had his home and here is his last resting 
place. The conditions of nature's art, no doubt, enter largely 
into all the processes of intellectual and physical development 




1st LT. D. G. HILL. 



2^3 

and if so, he owed something to the nurture derived from the 
lights and shadows, the life giving stream and the rugged scenery 
of the Otter Creek Valley for his admirable physique and his ro- 
bust constitution. At the beginning of the war, he was in the em- 
ploy of Messrs. Lewis & Fox, druggists in Rutland. Here it may 
be supposed he acquired habits of carefulness and method so nec- 
essary to success in business and uniformly essential in the details 
of military life. o 

He enlisted with Brevet-Major Henry W. Kingsley and 
Captain John A. Hicks, in the company of which John A. 
Sheldon was chosen Captain and John A. Salsbnry was First 
Lieutenant, W. H. H. Sabin Second Lieutenant, and engaged 
in recruiting service until the company was full. Upon the 
organization of the Tenth Regiment he was appointed Com- 
missary Sergeant and so served for three or four months 
from the time the regiment was mustered into the IT. S. ser- 
vice. His soldierly appearance and his ability soon attracted 
the attention of Captain L. T. Hunt, and there being a va- 
cancy of the Second Lieutenancy of his company. Commis- 
sary Sergeant Hill was selected to fill it, his commission bearing 
date Jan. 19th, 1833. He was aide-de-camp on the staff of 
Brigadier General W. H. Morris during much of the time of 
1863-4, and as such was complimented for gallantry in the 
actions at Kelly's Ford and Locust Grove. In the reorganiza- 
tion of the Array of the Potomac, the old Third Corps was 
broken up, and Lieutenant Hill was returned to his company, 
but was promoted First Lieutenant of Co. H, June 17th, 1864. 
He was one of the youngest officers in the regiment, but efiicient, 
brave, and he became greatly endeared to his men and was 
highly respected by all of his fellow-officers. He endured the 
Wilderness campaign without apparent fatigue and seemed to 
enjoy the terrific fighting and hardships of the march. His 
physical constitution and his courage were equal to every emer- 
gency required of him. Lieutenant Hill received his death 
wound, as is already known, at Winchester, Sept. 19th, 1864. 
He was wounded in the first part of the action, about the time 
that Captain Abbott was wounded and near the same place in 

(18) 



274 

the position of the line of battle, receiving a part of the contents 
of a case shot in his thigh ; one of the small cast-iron balls of this 
terrible missile splintered the bone and necessitnted amputation 
very near the body. The limb was skillfuUv removed the next 
morning and he was placed in the hospital at Winchester, under 
the most diligent nursing, where he seemed to I)ein a fair way of 
recovery. He was another of Miss Rebecca M. Wright's patients, 
who faithfully prepared such simple food as his condition re- 
quired, and he rallied so speedily under his treatment that his 
friends and attendants thought him out of danger a few days 
before he died. But the healing process was slow after all, and 
deceptive. He was obliged to submit to a second amputation, 
which, in such cases, frequently had to be done after the most 
skillful operation in the first instance, and it so reduced his only 
partially recovered vitality that he soon died. This officer pos- 
sessed many qualities to be admired. Under age, he might have 
escaped military service ; but he was eager to forego the com- 
forts of home and fair business prospects, to encounter the ex- 
posures of the camp, the trials of the march and the deadly 
shock of arms — thus to give up all and himself a victim upon 
his country's altar ! Such men should be honored. He never 
shrank from any kind of military service. Always cheerful and 
eager to be foremost in positions trying to men of larger expe- 
rience, he never thought himself unequal to any task assigned him. 
Ever kind, and considerate of the lives of his men, when no sacri- 
fice was called for, and he asked them to do no more than he did, 
nor venture where he did not lead. So he fell in the fore-front of 
the battle for the country beloved, and that demanded so many of 
the best offerings her patriotic people had to give. His com- 
rades will recall the gallant bearing of this young soldier, and think 
of the sacrifice that he so cheerfully made, with tearful mem- 
ori s, while emotions of patriotic pride will swell the heart, when 
they reraL'mber that with their own equal struggles, his was one 
of the lives that the nation sought for its redemption. 



Mention should also be made of other officers and men who 
were wounded in this engagement. In the official returns of 
casnaltics of the Union forces at Winchester, the names of only 
three officers appear among the wounded of the Tenth Kegi- 



275 

ment — Abbott, Davis and Hill. To these should be added that 
of Captain Daniel Foster of Co. B, who was among the sliglitly 
wounded. 

Daniel Foster enlisted from "Waitsfield, Yt., July 14th, 
1862. He was appointed a Sergeant in Co. B, at the time 
of the organization of the company. He was promoted Second 
Lieutenant of Co. B, June 6th, 1864, and First Lieutenant in 
December following, and Captain April 6th, 1865. He was a 
model soldier in his personal appearance and military bearing ; 
brave, efficient and faithful. He served in the same company 
throughout his term of service, with great credit to himself and 
to his associates, and was mustered out June 29th, 1865. At 
the close of the war he moved to Bloomingdale, 111., where he 
now resides. He is at present serving his third term as Mayor 
of the city. 

Jerome Ayers, who was also among the wounded, enlisted 
from Waterbury, July 14th, 1862. He was appointed a Cor- 
poral in Co. B, in March, 1864, and soon after a Sergeant, and 
First Sergeant May 20th, 1865. He was wounded at Cold Har- 
bor, June 1st, and at Monocacy, July 9th, and for the third time 
Sept. 19th, 1864. He was commissioned Second Lieutenant in 
Co. B, June 15th, 1865. He was a typical Vermont soldier, 
and engaged in nearly every action in which the regiment par- 
ticipated. 

Daniel B. Freeman enlisted from Randolph, Aug. 4th, 1862. 
He was wounded at the battle of Locust Grove, Nov. 27th, 1863, 
and again, severely, at Winchester. He was appointed Corporal 
in Co. G, Aug. 18th, 1864. He was among the best of the non- 
commissioned officers of his company and one of the bravest of 
men. Since the war he has studied dentistry, and is at the pres- 
ent time successfully pursuing his profession in Chicago, where 
he resides. 

F. H. Hoadly, Corporal of Co. C, was born in Middletown 
Springs, Rutland county, Yt., April 6th, 1846. He enlisted 
July 19th, 1862. Previous to this time, August, 1861, he bad 
enrolled in a company designed for the One Hundred and 
Twenty-second New^ York Yolunteers, but was thrown out be- 
fore muster on account of his age, being at that time only fifteen 
years old. One year later, however, he was accepted as a sol- 



276 

dicr and became a member of Co. C, Tenth Regiment, then six- 
teen years and three months old. He was in all the battles of 
the regiment previous to the 19th of September, 1864, and was 
engaged in this action in the first advance of the regiment, until 
the division halted at the ridge near the Diukle house. During 
this momentary suspension of the general advance. Corporal 
Hoadly says " that he found himself with sixty or seventy men 
fioui the Second and Third Divisions somewhat in advance of 
the main line, in plain sight of a two gun battery, which was 
doing mucii damage to our troops." They at once organized a 
ch;irge and attempted to take it ; they succeeded in silencing 
the guns and driving the gunners away. But just then the Con- 
federate infantr}' gained an apparent success over the troops on 
our right and the gunners of this battery returned to their pieces 
and opened upon their daring assailants, in turn driving them 
back, wounding a large number, and Hoadly severely. He says 
that he " believes that this force was without a commissioned 
officer and was acting without oi*ders." Corporal Hoadly was 
a good soldier and a worthy representative of our fighting men ; 
he never was voluntarily off duty or absent from a fight. He 
was one of Captain Davis' seventy-five Yermonters who held the 
skirmish line against Ramseur's division at the battle of Monoc- 
acy. Upon the withdrawal of the line, and when tiie main force 
had reacht'd the railroad bridge, Hoadly, with four others, among 
whom were Peter Avery of Co. C and John W. Bancroft, was 
stnt back in order to hold the enemy in check while they crossed. 
Hoadly and his companions were the last to cross, barely escnp- 
ing capture. After the war he settled in Walliiigford, where lie 
still ret-ides, and is engaged in manufacturing. 

Henry C. Irish, in the list of severely wounded, enlisted 
from Burlington, Aug. 2d, 1862, and was a member of Co. D, 
He was appointed a Corporal upon the organization of the com- 
pany and First Sergeant Jan. 1st, 1864. He was commissioned 
Second Lieutenant of Co. E, Dec. 19th, 1864. He was dis- 
chaiged on account of wounds. May 9th, 1865, with a record as 
a soldier unsurpassed by any of his comrades. 

Zupliar M. Mansur was severely wounded at Winchester, 
losing his right arm near the shoulder. He was born in Morgan, 




ZOPHAR M. MANSUR. 



277 

Orleans county, Yt., Nov. 23d, 1843. He was educated in the 
common schools and at the Derby Academy. But before com- 
pleting his studies preparatory to entering upon any business or 
professional calling, he was confronted by the agitation caused 
by the breaking out of the civil war. This agitation raised 
questions that all patriotic young men had to meet at that time? 
and decide for themselves in one way or another. And not un- 
like a great many others, he settled the controversy in his own 
case by seeking the humblest place in the ranks of the country's 
defenders, while he was but nineteen years of age. He enlisted 
from Charleston, Vt., Aug. 11th, 1862, and became a member of 
Co. K, Tenth Vermont Volunteers. He was appointed a Cor- 
poral upon the organization of the company. He could not have 
been other than a faithful soldier, serving bravely and intelli- 
gently in all the battles and skirmishes where the regiment was 
engaged. After the battle he was taken to the Taylor House 
hospital at Winchester, where his arm was amputated. He was 
discharged for wounds received in this action, Aug. 31st, 1S65. 
At the close of the war he engaged in teaching school for a year 
or two, or until he was appointed postmaster at Island Pond, 
Vt., in 1867. This position he held for nineteen years. In the 
meantime he studied law in the office of Lieutenant-Governor 
Dale and was admitted to practice in 1873. Upon leaving the 
postoffice in 1885, he was elected State's Attorney for Essex 
coanty, which office he held for two years. He also represented 
the town of Brighton in the legislature of 1886, and was a State 
senator from Essex county in 1888. While a member of this 
body he served on a number of important committees as chair- 
man and otherwise. He was a member of the select committee 
on the part of the State to examine and consider a series of text 
books treating the subject of stimulants and narcotics, and their 
effects upon the human system. September 1st, 1889, he was ap- 
pointed Deputy Collector of Customs at the port of Island Pond, 
Vt., and continued in the office four years. In 1890 he was cho- 
sen Department Commander of the Grand Army of the Republic, 
Department of Vermont. He is at the present time a Trustee 
of the Soldiers' Home, situated at Bennington, Vt. Commander 
Mansur has filled all of the high positions to which he has been 



278 

appointed with conspicuous ability and exemplary fidelity. His 
present residence is Island Pond, Yt., where he is engaged in 
the successful practice of his profession. 

.FISHER'S HILL. 

Coming in between Winchester and Cedar Creek, in the 
order of time, the battle of Fisher's Hill at this distance seems a 
mere brilliant episode to vaiy the grand monotony of Sheridan's 
victories in the Shenandoah Valley. It was a " hurricane bat- 
tle " — a flash of white lightning and everything was over. Yet 
it was a battle won by strategy. The enemy was completely 
deceived and then overwhelmingly defeated. The height, the 
scene of the battle, is situated twenty-tive miles south of Win- 
chester, within a mile of and south of Strasburg, on what they 
there call the Staunton pike. There is a sharp rise in this pike, near 
the mouth of the Luray Yalley, which debouches into the Shen- 
andoah Valley, a little to the east of Fisher's Hill, as one stream 
flows into another. Here the width of the Shenandoah Valley, 
averaging, below, flfteen miles, is pinched up to four miles, be- 
tween what are called theMassanutten and the Little North Moun- 
tains, the former on the left as you go south, and the latter on 
the right. The river washes the broad foot of the Massanutten, 
and borders the eastern edge of the valley. Fisher's Hill is so 
formed that it appears somewhat like a huge high-fronted billow 
of earth and rocks, which had some time been rolling down the 
valley, and become strangled between these two mountains and 
held still, with its frowning crest looking northward, where it 
now sternly faced our advance. 

The enemy was posted upon this crest, immediately behind 
fortifications, with his front protected by a lower range of hills, 
ploughed between by ragged ravines. The railroad, also run- 
ing generally north and south, facing the lines of either army, 
gashed these hills, crossed, at a considerable elevation, a brook 
called Tumbling run, that found its crooked way here, along 
down to the river. All these furnished good shelter for our men 
from the enemy's sharpshooters and his artillery, when we lay 
in position. But there were many exposed points to be crossed, 
and ditficult acclivities to climb, as well as some broad, open 




PLAN OF THE BATTLE OF FISHER'S HILL, 22nd SEPTEMBER, 1764. 



279 

spaces to traverse, in gaining his position. The soldiers, though 
now trusting implicitly in Sheridan, thought that our passage up 
the valley was successfully disputed. 

On the evening of the twentieth, when the Sixth Corps filed 
into the woods north of Strasburg, the Nineteenth deployed into 
the meadows just south of the town, in battle line across that 
part of the enemy's front. So we rested over night. The 
twenty-first was spent in reconnoitering and putting the army in 
position for definite and determined operations. The Sixth Corps 
was placed upon the right of the Nineteenth ; most of the cavalry 
was sent np the Luray Valley, and so expected to reach New 
Market in the rear of the enemy, which it unfortunately failed 
to do. Crook's two divisions were not brought into service, but 
concealed in the woods northwest of Strasburg. There was 
little fighting on this day, and little advance made, if we except 
one brigade of Getty's division, and the Second Brigade of our 
Third Division. These two brigades fought for an advanced 
position, which the enemy seemed unwilling to relinquish, and 
gained it just as night fell. They cleared a splendid elevation 
of ground for artillery, which was at once occupied by Lamb's 
Rhode Island Battery. During the night the balance of the 
Second Division moved up, and threw up entrenchments. The 
First Brigade of the Third Division also went forward and joined 
the Second Brigade. This division now constituted the extreme 
right of the army. 

Although Sheridan here occupied a line a mile and a half 
in extent, it was not a continuous line. He seized and held 
prominent points, easy of defense, and affording protection ; nor 
did his divisions, brigades and detachments face the same paral- 
lel throughout, but here bent back around a hill or jutting point, 
and there dropped forward into a ravine, as the case required. 
The Third Division curved back toward the left, a proper de- 
fense of the right, and the high ground, requiring this con- 
formation. 

Thus the morning of the 22d of September found the oppos- 
ing armies of the valley fronting and frowning at each other, 
apparently with all the probabilities of success in favor of the 
enemy, although three days before they had been wofully beaten. 



280 

The strencrth of their position defied assault in front, but the 
hopes of our ariny were now too high to leave possible success 
unattempted. The first business of the morning was a thorough 
in8pecti<jn, by Generals Sheridan, Wright and Emory, of the 
enemy and his works, and the ground stretching far away to his 
left ; to penetrate, if possible, his purpose, and learn what new 
disposition he had made during the night. They were satisfied 
that he only purposed to defend himself against a direct assault, 
that probably appearing to be all that was necessary for him 
to do. 

General Crook now started upon an expedition similar to that 
performed so successfully at Winchester, although this was sus- 
ceptible of being conducted in entire secrecy. In the meantime, 
to divert attention from Crook's movement, and to gain a posi- 
tion fiom which we could move rapidly to his assistance at the 
decisive moment, the Third Division swung out from the right, 
brushed away the enemy's skirmishers, and formed a line imme- 
diately threatening his left flank. To make tlie deception still 
more complete, Averill's division of cavalry was moved to our 
right and rear, as if that was the extent of operations in this 
direction. The enemy faced his lines and turned his guns to 
meet any further advance from this quarter, went to work with 
the spade, and seemed content. 

Say now it is 4 o'clock. Crook has toiled witli his com- 
mand westward, up the steep side of the North Mountain, and 
then moved south far enough to gain the rear of the rebel works; 
then facing east, crawled stealthily yet rapidly to his assigned 
position. He is now in the edge of the timber, his whole column 
lapping the enemy's flank, ready to rush upon his rear. An 
instant more, wholly unexpected by them, he dashes out and 
leaps forward. At tlie same time Ricketts' division, seconding 
Crook's command from the position taken in the morning, and 
in anticipation of this very thing, sprang forward, quickly trav- 
ersed the field before them, mounted the rebel woiks in front 
and cleared them instantly. The work here was done. The 
Confederates, those who did not at once yield themselves as pris- 
oners, fled terrified, leaving everything that might encumber their 
flight. In the meantime the troops on our left were nobly car- 



281 

ryinoj out their part of the programme. Under a heavier storm 
of deadly missiles — and they were under it, for it was quite im- 
possible that the rebels should keep a perfect range on this 
uneven ground — they rapidly closed in and helped to complete 
the victory. For the enemy it was a terrible rout. The strong 
position at Fisher's Hill gave Early an advantage, probably 
equal to five thousand men, over Sheridan. It was wrested from 
him, however, by superior strategy. We captured twenty pieces 
of artillery, sixteen stand of colors, and eleven hundred prison- 
ers. Our division alone captured four hundred prisoners and 
six pieces of artillery. Colonel Emerson, commanding the First 
Brigade of the Third Division, says in his report of the action : 
" The credit of capturing three of these pieces belongs to the 
Tenth Vermont Volunteers and the One Hundred and Fifty- 
first New York Volunteers. The One Hundred and Sixth New 
York Volunteers claim to have captured one Farrott gun." But 
it was only because they happened to be on that part of the line 
which we attacked. Everybody captured prisoners and guns 
that day. The Tenth Kegiment lost only five wounded and less 
than that number killed. 

Two days after the battle, in a dispatch to General Grant, 
General Sheridan thus sums up the partial results : " The result 
of the battle of Fisher's Hill gives us twenty pieces of artillery, 
eleven hundred prisoners of war and a large amount of artillery 
ammunition, caissons, limbers, etc." Beside prit;oners captured 
two hundred and fifty men and officers were killed and wounded, 
making the enemy's total loss thirteen hundred and fifty. 

EEPORT OF CAPTAIN LUCIUS T. HUNT, TENTH VERMONT IN- 
FANTRY, OF OPERATIOMS SEPTEMBER 22. 

Headquarters Tenth Vermont Infantry, ) 

Camp near Harrisonburg, Va., September 26, 1864. j 

In the action which took place on the 22d instant at Fisher's Hill, the 
regiment, upon the formation to attack, was posted upon the left of the bri- 
gade in the second line of battle. In the advance to the ridge, next that on 
which the enemy was entrenched, it met with a trifling loss in wounded, 
and after lying in line of battle upon the rising slope of the ridge until near 
5 p. M., took part in the general movement, and marched in line of bat- 
tle, under a threatening fire of shot and canister for a time, to attack the 
enemy's works, with admirable steadiness. On reaching the open, upon the 
the ridge, it moved by the right flank until uncovered by the first line, 
then forming upon its right, when the brigade broke into a rushing charge 



282 

down the slope and up the height, which the enemy scarcely waited to re- 
ceive. The regiment entered the works among the first, and in this charge 
tooii two brass field pieces and fifty-eight prisoners, following the rout- 
ed enemy up the pike until dark. My loss was small, viz.: One enlisted man 
killed, one commissioned officer and seven enlisted men wounded. 

I respectfully congratulate the brigade commander upon the results of 
these engagements, of incalculable value to our cause, and inspiring increased 
confidence among officers and men of the brigade in themselves, each other, 
and their brigade commander. 

I remain, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

L. T. HUNT, 
Captain, Commanding Kegiment. 
Capt. C H. Leonard, 

Assistant Adjutant-General. 

The followiuj^ clipping from a series of most entertaining 
articles, covering the entire period of the Tenth Regiment's ser- 
vice, by Lieutenant T. H. White of Co. G, illustrates the en- 
thusiasm shown by the men in this action : 

It was about 4 p. m. when our lines commenced advancing with the 
Tenth Vermont in front. We had a level plateau to pass over with slight 
depressions about every forty feet that extended clear across the plateau. 
The enemy's guns could rake every foot of the ground between the brow of 
the hill and the works we were expected to carry at the point of the bayo- 
net. Colonel Emerson was in command, and he would wait until the rebel 
guns were loaded and ready to be discharged when his bugle would call a 
halt, and the troops would drop flat upon the ground. The movements were 
so timed that we would reach the depressions just in time, and the enemy's 
grape and canister would go screeching harmlessly over our heads. It was 
one of the well executed movements on the battlefield and saved the troops 
from what must have been a severe loss. 

Just before reaching the deep cut in front of the enemy's works we were 
greatly cheered by seeing the head of Crook's column approaching the ene- 
my's works some four hundred yards to our right. It was some forty feet to 
the bottom of the deep cut and an almost perpendicular bank on the opposite 
side. We succeeded in climbing to the top and found ourselves facing the 
rebel guns. Some of our boys were directly in front of one gun that was 
loaded and Johnny reb stepped forward to insert the tube of the lanyard 
when one of the boys brought his musket to bear on him and he went down 
before he had had time to fire his piece. 

A moment later and we were piling over the works. The rebel soldiers 
had dropped to the ground and indicated their determination to surrender 
by taking their belts and cartridge boxes and throwing them to the ground. 
It was a great day for the Tenth Vermont. The brigade had already captured 
the enemy's strongly fortified position with all their guns and ti-oops used in 
defense of the works. 

Lieutenant Daniel Foster of Co. B was in command of our company. He 
was a fighter from away back, and he lost no time in pushing forward after 
that portion of the enemy who had escaped. The enemy were making a show 
of resistance and were firing as they retreated. Lieutenant Foster was some 
three feet in advance of me and I had turned my head to see the other troops 



283 

as they came over the works when a bullet cut the shoulder strap from the 
Lieutenant's left shoulder, passed under ray chin so close that it pulled the 
long beard and passed to the rear. It was a close call for us both, but neither 
was hurt. 

The Union loss was, in every way and from all arms of the 
service, five hundred and twenty-eight. The Tenth had but one 
man killed, Plummer B. Hall of Co. A, and four wounded — Al- 
bert N. Nye of Co. F, Leroy Dodge and Thouaas F. Dwyer of 
Co. B and John C. George of Co. K. Captain John A. Hicks 
of the Tenth, acting on brigade staff, was severely wounded. 

John A. Hicks was a son of Rev. Dr. Hicks, formerly rec- 
tor of Trinity church, this city. He enlisted from Rutland and 
was appointed by General William Y. W. Kipley Sergeant-Ma- 
jor of the Tenth Kegiment. He was promoted Second Lieuten- 
ant of Co. B, Dec. 17th, 1862 ; First Lieutenant, June 6th, 1864; 
Captain Co. E, Dec. 19th, 1864. In the early part of his term 
of service he suffered a great deal from sickness, but finally 
regained robust health and served until discharged for disability 
on account of wounds. May 2d, 1865. He was away from his 
company for a considerable period on staff duty and was often 
complimented for gallant and meritorious conduct in action. 

Albert N. Nye enlisted from Highgate, Vt., and was ap- 
pointed Corporal in Co. F upon the organization of the com- 
pany, promoted Sergeant and First Sergeant and Second Lieu- 
tenant in the same company. Discharged June 22d, 1865. 

Without waiting to see the results of tliis victory, Sheridan 
sent what cavalry he had at hand in pursuit. He immediately 
followed with the Nineteenth and Sixth Corps, nor halted until 
he reached Woodstock, twelve miles away. The pursuit was 
resumed on the afternoon of the twenty-third, and continued as 
far as Harrisonburg, which point we reached on the twenty-fifth, 
where Early took to the mountains, whither cavalry and artil- 
lery could not pursue. 

During the time required for making this distance, we were 
almost constantly skirmishing witii the enemy, so closely was he 
followed. At Mount Jackson and at New Market he enacted 
the farce of resistance, turned about, displayed something like a 
line of battle, and hurled railroad iron at us from his Rodman 



284 

guns, but it only lasted a short time, like a spasm brought on bj 
over-taxation of the nervous system. 

From Harrisonburg, Sheridan pushed out on the twenty-ninth 
as far as Mount Crawford, with the Sixth Corps, and sent the 
cavalry to Staunton and Waynesborough, where thoy destroyed 
vast amounts of public property. Here the pursuit ceased, and 
the troops returned to Harrisonburg. The supply train came 
up, and several paymasters, issuing provisions and greenbacks, 
the former being in much the greater demand, at least a supply 
of coffee and sugar. Colonel Henry also rejoined the command 
at this point. On the 6th of October, the army started back 
toward our base of supplies at Harper's Ferry, a hundred miles 
away, and reached Strasburg on the afternoon of the eighth. 

In retiring down the valley, General Sheridan literally 
obeyed the- instructions of General Grant, delivered to General 
Hunter on the 5th of August and soon after turned over to his 
successor in command.* He reports this terrible business as 
follows : 

" In moving back to this point the whole country from the 
Blue Ridge to the North Mountain has been made untenable for 
a rebel army. 1 have destroyed over two thousand barns, filled 
with wheat and hay, and farming implements, over seventy mills, 
filled with flour and wheat, have driven in front of the army 
over four thousand head of stock, and have killed and issued to 
the troops not less than three thousand sheep." 

He also went beyond the instructions above referred to, 
and burned a lar^e number of dwellings, but assigns the follow- 
ing reasons for his action : 

" Lieutenant John R. Meigs, my engineer ofiiccr, was mur- 
dered beyond Harrisonburg, near Dayton. For this atrocious 
act all the houses within an area of five miles were burned. Since 
I came into the valley from Harper's Ferry, every train, every 
small party, and every straggler, has been busiiwhacked by the 
people / many of whom have protection papers from command- 
ers who have been hitherto in the valle3\" 

This, every living soldier who was in this campaign knows 
to be true. The people were meek-faced citizens by day, and 

* See page 240. 



285 

in the presence of any considerable body of TTnion troops ; but, 
as soon as the troops were out of sight, when darkness carae on, 
they became desperate and bloodthirsty guerillas ; and in this 
character they stole upon our men like savages, and shot them 
down or dragged them away to the woods, where some of them 
were found hung up by their heels with their throats cut. Col- 
onel Toles, Ciiief Quartermaster of the Sixth Corps, and Cap- 
tain Buchanan, Commissary Officer of our division, were thus 
waylaid and shot. Major H. W. Kingsley, who was with Cap- 
tain Buchanan just before he was killed, gives the following 
account of his assassination. They were both accompanying the 
supply train to Harper's Ferry, and at night the train was halted 
near Summit Point, and Captain Buchanan suggested that they 
take a square meal and occupy a civilized bed, as there was a 
commodiously appearing mansion near by. Kingsley, fearing 
mischief, declined, preferring to sleep under one of his wagons ; 
and tried to persuade his chief to remain with the train and 
take an early start the next morning. But the Captain would 
not be persuaded, and took his orderly and went to the house, 
obtained his supper and retired for the night. During the night, he 
and his orderly were taken out of the house and foully murdered, for 
no crime in the world, and their dead bodies werefouud next morn- 
ing in the woods near by, stripped of everything valuable. Con- 
cealed in their houses, or in the guise of friends, they made bloody 
capital of our conversation, counted our files for the Confederate 
chief, and pounced upon the weary soldier who, lame and pant- 
ing, lia 1 fallen a few ro Is behind the colami, to drag him away 
a prisoner, or butchered him on the spot. Could anything justify 
their course ? Could any punishment be too severe ? 

A Confederate force, somehow collected, pursued Sheri- 
dan down the valley. On the eighth, their cavalry charged 
spitefully upon the rear of Custer's division, that was covering 
the march. So tlie next day, Torberfc, with all of our cavalry 
force, turned upon them, and in a very short but decisive en- 
gagement, defeated them, capturing three hundred prisoners and 
all of their " rolling stock " exc3pt one piece of artillery, and 
then chased them back to Mount Jackson. It might have been 
supposed now that either Early had withdrawn from the valley? 



286 

or that his force Was so reduced and demoralized that a less nnrii- 
ber of troops could take care of him. Therefore, the Sixth 
Corps, under orders for Petersburg, took up the line of march 
for Washinjyton, via Ashby's Gap, on the 10th of October. 
Halting at Front Royal until the thirteenth, the corps then 
moved on a dozen miles or so, and was in the act of crossing 
the Shenandoah river, when it was ordered back to Middletown, 
and into a position on the right of the army we had left four 
days since. 

CEDAR CREEK. 

The morning of the 19th of October was exceedingly foggy. 
With a little effort, apparently, water could have been wrung out 
of the chilly, vaporous atmosphere. There was no wind, but 
tlie density of the mist made the heavy, sombre air visible, and 
it moved in restless folds toward all points of the compass. 
Men followed the flag by instinct, as the bright flame of its 
folds was extinguished by the low creeping clouds that misted 
and mizzled over everything. These were conditions to make 
an army alert and watchful and to prompt its sentinels to chal- 
lenge even the darkness around them. And it seems as if Gen- 
eral Wright, temporarily in command, had taken the usual pre- 
caution to guard against any common or extraordinary perils of the 
situation. Previous to the nineteenth inst., daily reconnaissance 
had been sent out; and on the evening of the eighteenth, scarcely 
eight hours had elapsed since it had been reported to hitn that 
no enemy was near. General Wright says : " About 9 o'clock 
of that evening, I was called upon by Major-General Crook, 
commanding the Army of West Virginia, who reported that the 
reconnaissance of a brigade sent out by him that day to ascer- 
tain the position of the enemy, had returned to camp and re- 
ported that nothing was to be found in his old camp and that he 
had doubtless retreated up the valley. *»*♦**** 
but anxious to place the truth of the report beyond a doubt, I 
at once ordered two reconnaisances to start at the first dawn of 
the morning, one of a brigade of infantry to move out upon and 
follow the general direction of the pike leading up the valley ; 
the other, also a brigade, to take the Back road, some three 
miles to the westward and nearly parallel to the former, with 



287 

instructions to move forward till the enemy was found and 
strongly felt, so as to clearly ascertain his intentions." While 
these troops were preparing to go out, and General Thomas of 
the Eighth Vermont, in command of McMillan's brigade of the 
Nineteenth Corps, had this brigade in line, and on the instant of 
moving to confirm or dispel the doubt of General Wright as to 
the report he had received late in the evening before, just at the 
blush of dawn, the shock of the enemy's assault fell upon both 
flanks of his army. It is diflicult to see what more General 
Wright could have done to prevent a surprise, as the circum- 
stances did not appear to warrant him in keeping the troops 
under arms all night, and it is doubtful whether any other com- 
mander would have acted differently or with greater precaution. 
The Union army, now called the Army of the Shenandoah, at this 
time consisted of the Sixth Corps, three divisions ; the JMine- 
teenth Corps, two divisions ; one battalion from the One Hun- 
dred and Eighty-fourth New York had been added to the First 
Brigade, Third Division, Sixth Corps, and one brigade from the 
First Division had been left at Winchester. The Array of West- 
ern Virginia, two small divisions ; a provisional division com- 
manded by Colonel J. Howard Kitching, of which only the 
Sixth New York Heavy Artillery and a detachment from one 
other regiment were in the battle, and three divisions of cavalry. 
The artillery numbered about fifty pieces, although less than this 
number engaged in the action. All were encamped on the north- 
ern bank of Cedar Creek. This stream, flowing southeast, cuts 
the pike about three and three-fourth miles south of Middletown, 
and joins the Shenandoah river a mile to the east of it. It was 
fordable at almost any point, although its high banks made it 
difficult, for teams to pass, except at the usual crossings wliere 
the banks were leveled down to the water's edge. The Win- 
chester and Staunton pike is the main traveled road of the val- 
ley, and from Middletown to Strasburg it runs nearly parallel 
with the river, averaging a mile or two miles from its west 
bank, until it reaches Strasburg, where the pike and the river 
approach each other. Three miles west there is a road run- 
niiig up the valley parallel with the pike as far south as Mid- 
dletown, where a branch road turns to the east and crosses it, 



288 

going down to the fords on the river and the creek and so finds 
its way into Strasburg. This is called the Old road and the 
Back road. 

Our lines began at a point near the river, not far from the 
confluence of the creek, and extended three miles, more or less, 
along the creek in a northwest direction. General Crook's two 
divisions, commanded respectively by Colonel Joseph Tlioburn 
and Colonel Kutherford B. Hayes, since President of the United 
States, were on the left, overlooking the junction of the two 
streams and a ford just above. Colonel J. Howard Kitching 
was in the rear and to the nortli of Crook's corps, facing due 
east. The Nineteenth Corps was jnst across the pike on the 
west of it, its two divisions in a single line somewhat conformed 
to a deep bend in the creek, and facing it. Still further 
to the right and rear were the camps of the Sixth Corps, 
the Third Division on the left and sepai-ated from the Nine- 
teenth Corps by Meadow run, a small stream flowing south into 
Cedar Creek, the First Division on its right, and the Second in 
the rear of the First, refaced and consequently facing west. Be- 
yond and on the extreme right Merritt's and Custer's divisions 
of cavalry were posted. The Union line was positioned accord- 
ing to military phrase en echelon, and considering the manner 
and point of the enemy's attack was a fortunate formation. 

It may be seen by the accompanying sketch of the battle- 
field, that the cavalry and most of the Sixth Corps, while they 
were considerably west of Middletown, were also north of the 
village. This fact should be remembered while studying those 
accounts of the battle that speak of the Sixth Corps as being 
"driven nortli of Middletown." It is quite obvious that this 
corps could strike the pike north of the town and the enemy 
more quickly by moving east in a straight line than by going 
south, or in any other direction. This, however, was not the 
exact course taken. 

Our forces have been estimated at twenty-five thousand, 
including all arms of the service and were under the command 
of Major-General H. G. Wright. General Sheridan was away, 
having stayed at Winchester on the night of the eighteenth, on 
his return from Washington. Winchester is only fifteen miles 




PLAN OF THE BATTLE OF CEDAR CREEK, 19th OCTOBER, 1864, 



<? 



289 

from Cedar Creek, and General Sheridan came up with his 
troops in line of battle after riding less than twelve miles. The 
enemy was in his old position at Fisher's Hill with his main 
force, but a considerable force had been pushed out to Hupp's 
Hill, between Strasburg and Cedar Creek. Here a sharp action 
occurred between this advance and a detachment of Thoburn's 
division of the Eighth Corps and the First Vermont Cav- 
alry, on the thirteenth, without advantage to the latter, although 
the enemy withdrew. It was supposed that the force of the 
enemy was about equal to that of General Slieridan, although 
General Early says with monotonous formality that he had 
about eight or nine thousand muskets. It seems as if the Gen- 
eral never could be trusted with a sufficient number of troops to 
cope successfully with his antagonist. He certainly had with 
him the troops with which he fought the battles of Winchester 
and Fisher's Hill, excepting those eliminated in the battles, and 
he had been reinforced by Kershaw's division of infantry and a 
large force of cavalry under General T. W. Rosser. These ar- 
rived about the 5 th of October. 

General Early's plan of attack was to make a feint against 
our right with his cavalry, move three large divisions with several 
batteries against our left center, and the balance of his army, 
three divisions, around our left flank and strike us in tlie rear. 
As soon as this flank and rear movement should become success- 
ful, and the attack begun, it was to be followed by a stunning 
blow upon the Nineteenth Corps. His own and other accounts 
of his plan may be interesting. 

" The plan of attack on which I determined was to send 
the three divisions of the Second Corps, to wit, Gordon's, Ram- 
seur's and Pegram's, under General Gordon, to the enemy's rear, 
to make the attack at 5 o'clock in the morning, which would be a 
little before daybreak ; to move myself with Kershaw's and 
Wharton's divisions and all the artillery along the pike through 
Strasburg and attack the enemy on the front and left flank as 
soon as Gordon should become engaged, and for Rosser to move 
with his own and Wickham's brigade on the Back road across 
Cedar Creek and attack the enemy's cavalry simultaneously 

(19) 



290 

with Gordon's attack, while Lomax should move by Front Royal, 
cross the river and come to the valley pike, so as to strike the 
enemy wherever he might be, of which he was to judge by the 
sound of firing." 

Here is an account of the manner in which the plan was 
executed by a Confederate officer in Gordon's column : 

" It commenced a little past midnight. While demonstra- 
tions were made against the federal right, where the sound of 
musketry already announced a fight on the picket line, the 
flanking column of the Confederates, toiling along seven miles 
of rugged country, crossed the north fork of the Shenan- 
doah by a ford about a mile east of the junction of Cedar Creek 
with that stream. The march was performed in profoand silence. 
Many places had to be traversed by the men in single file, who 
occasionally had to cling to the buslies on the precipitous sides 
of the mountain to assist their foothold. At dawn the flanking 
column was across the ford, Gordon's division in front, next 
Ramseur, and Pegram's in reserve. Early had brought his col- 
umn unperceived to the rear of the left flank of the federal 
forces ; it remained now but to close in upon the enemy and 
fight rapidly." 

Here also is another account, by a Union officer in the 
Nineteenth Corps: 

" His cavalry and light artillery had orders to advance upon 
our right, so as to occupy the attention of Torbert's cavalry and 
the Sixth Corps. His infantry marched in five columns, of 
which Gordon, Ramseur and Pegrara were to place themselves 
by daybreak on the left rear of the wl^ole Union position, while 
Kershaw and Whaiton should at the same hour be close up 
under the entrenched crest held by the Army of West Virginia. 
The management of this advance was admirable. The can- 
teens had been left in camp, lest they should clatter against 
the shanks of the bayonets ; the men conducted themselves with 
the usual intelligence of the American soldier, whether North- 
ern or Southern ; and this fearfully perilous night march, under 
the nose of a powerful enemy, was accomplished with a success 
little less than miraculous." 



291 

Of course there was scarcely a noldier in the array who be- 
lieved that the enemy would venture upon an attack after he 
had been so often beaten, much less that he would make this 
hazardous attempt where the untimely clink of a horse's hoof 
against a stone, or the accidental discharge of a musket, would 
have invited sure destruction. Probably it was this unwarrant- 
able conviction of security, coupled with some contempt for a 
whipped foe, that accounts for any want of more determined 
vigilance on the part of our men. There is also a reasonable 
view of the case. The ground over which they must move to 
the attack was thought to be impracticable. But the night wias 
dark, and the sturdy column stole on while we were all uncon- 
scious of its approach. Only once was there a suspicion of any- 
thing wrong, although they passed within four hundred yards of 
the sentinels ; then it was an undefined, uncertain sound, muf- 
fled in the distance, and was treated as a fancy. So the hours 
of night wore away. With morning came the crash. A heavy 
fog hung upon the river, and spread over the land, veiling every- 
thing in its unbroken sombre cloud, so concealing the clever 
trick that was to be sprung upon us. That cloud bred us mis- 
chief. In it grew the many-headed monster, that first, a little 
thing, came pattering and screaming upon our right in the gray 
dawn of day and disappeared, then like a terrific thunderbolt 
burst upon the left, shattering there whatever it touched. 

It will be remembered that the Army of Western Virginia 
was on the left, facing south and east, with Kitching's division, 
amounting to less than a brigade, on Crook's left and rear, also 
facing east. The rebel line of assault was formed with Gordon's 
division stretched diagonally across Kitching's left. Ramseur's 
and Pegram's divisions confronted the single brigade of Crook's 
corps, then turned off to the left of the main line of defense, 
and therefore stood opposed to the flank and rear of this line, 
at the same time reaching around so as to connect with Whar- 
ton's division in Crook's immediate front, while Kershaw's 
larger division confronted the Nineteenth Corps, though not yet 
within striking distance. They curved around this part of our 
line like an immense fish-hook. 



292 

Soon after the small demonstration on the right, the enemy 
being now f ally prepared, fell upon Kitching's force and drew 
it in, Colonel Kitching being mortally wounded. But the ad- 
vance of the Confederates being in three directions, they next 
struck Colonel Tiioburn's division of Crook's Corps, the most 
southerly part of our line, in front and on the left flank. Col- 
onel Thoburn says " that so rapid was the advance of the ene- 
my, that there was no time to prepare for defense." Only one 
volley greeted the enemy as they approached and came pouring 
with hideous yells, into his breastworks. He describes the Con- 
federate force as greatly superior to his own, " enabling him not 
only to turn our left, but also to effect an entrance between the 
First and Third Brigades then holding the works. Being thus 
subjected to enfilading fires, and also to a direct fire from the 
front, the two brigades were driven from the works," and their 
retreat, at first orderly, was soon " converted into a confused 
rout." But Colonel Thoburn had time to send word to Colonel 
Rutherford B. Hayes, commanding the Second Division of the 
Eighth Corps, who was farther to the north, although tlie plan 
of the battle indicates that he was close up to Thoburn's division. 
He was more than a mile away. Colonel Tiiobnrn notified Col- 
onel Hayes of his own disaster, and probably anticipating what 
had happened to Colonel Kitching on his left, quickly conceived 
himself between two tires, with an unknown force in his front. 
Colonel Hayes says : " My command was immediately ordered 
under arms and soon after formed in line of battle under the 
direction of Brevet Major-General Crook, Major-General Wright 
being present." About this time General Wright ordered this 
division to be moved by the right flank and to close upon the 
Nineteenth Corps. Unfortunately these orders were understood 
by some of the regimental commanders to be orders to fall back, 
and the line began to break to pieces and scatter under the 
heavy fire which was now pouring in from the front. " But in 
every regiment a considerable number of men continued to con- 
test the advance of the enemy with determination, and succeeded 
in delaying them until time enough was given to get off all 
trains and property froi our own camps and from camps imme- 
diately on our right ani at army headquarters." Everything 



293 

on the left of the Ninteenth Corps had now been driven back 
or captured. Although the big storm had lasted but a moment, 
yet in that moment Crook's corps and Kitching's nominal force 
bad melted away. The gallant men who had charged so splen- 
didly at Winchester and Fisher's Hill were here taught the very 
disagreeable nature of their own strategy. The enemy came 
upon them as a wave of the sea dashes upon the beach, licking 
up the dry sticks and rubbish that have been lodged near the 
water's edge, carrying some far ashore, but bearing most of it 
back on its refluent tide. 

The conflict next fell upon the Nineteenth Corps. Gordon, 
Kamseur and Pegram came up unopposed and struck its rear 
while Kershaw was charging in front, and in less than an hour, 
nothing except the deserted tents and abandoned baggage, the 
lost artillery and the brave dead remained, and these were in the 
hands of the enemy. But it must not be supposed that the 
troops here gave way without a desperate struggle. Both Gen- 
erals, Early in front and Gordon on the left rear, met with stern 
opposition. General Emory fought his corps with almost fatal 
tenacity, leaving in killed and wounded nearly a thousand men 
and officers. General Early says that Emory was "surprised " 
and his position " carried without the least difficulty." General 
Emory says : " At this hour " — an hour previous to the assault 
upon his lines — " my whole command was under arms, in ac- 
cordance with a standing order from these headquarters. My 
staff was up and saddled and I was in the act of saddling when 
I heard firing to the left, in the direction of General Crook's 
camp, followed by prolonged cheers as if the enemy were mak- 
ing an assault." It will be remembered that a part of his troops 
had been ordered, and a brigade — General Emory says a divis- 
ion — was on the point of moving out to reconnoiter the enemy's 
position when the action began on the left ; therefore, there was 
no surprise at this point. General Emory heard the first ripple 
of danger that came over the opaque and enveloping billows of 
fog and knew his approaching peril, fle exerted himself with 
great, gallantry, personally directing his divisions and brigades 
and checking portions of the enemy's advance, and thus for a 
while delayed his complete possession of the pike and enabled 



294 

some of our trains to escape capture. General Stephen Thomas, 
the veteran commander of the Eighth Yermont Kegiment, then 
in command of McMillan's brigade, immediately threw it across 
the pike and plunged with it into the woods where he tried to 
arrest fugitives from the Eighth Corps, and attempted to beat 
back the overwhelming masses of the enemy then pressing on 
unopposed in pursuit ; but he was soon obliged to retire, leaving 
fully one-third of his men dead and wounded on the ground, 
although two other brigades came to his assistance. Meantime 
Gordon pushed on his flanking column, extending it around to 
the rear of tlie position still clung to by Emory, until he was 
squarely between him and Middle town, in possession of the pike. 
Emory now formed his remaining division upon the reverse side 
of his own breastworks, and endeavored for a moment to check 
the advance of the rebels ; but he could only check them. He 
was left alone with one division ; Grover had been overwhelmed 
in detail, himself wounded, and was retiring as best he could. 
The rest of the corps soon followed. 

General Emory fought his corps with great bravery, and 
for some time faced the enemy with an organized front. His 
division and brigade commanders also are entitled to great 
praise for their conspicuous gallantry. Yery likely few men 
would have done better, situated as they were. 

The Sixth Corps, hearing the roar of the conflict through 
the darkness, had packed up and were prepared to move prompt- 
ly when ordered. General Ricketts, in command of tlie corps, 
was not long in ordering it into line of battle. The Third 
Division was formed into line at right angles to our original 
position, facing east, the First Division formed on our left, a lit- 
tle to the rear, the Second came next ; and still farther to the 
left and rear, in order to brace the whole line — if the hurried 
and irregular formation of this corps could be called a line, for, 
as a matter of fact, each division fought independently of the 
other all the morning — the cavalry was posted. Early's army 
had now become concentrated on a line running nearly parallel 
with and on the west side of the pike covering our whole front 
and extending far beyond either flank, lie had five large divis- 
ions, it will be remembered, well supplied with artillery, which 



295 

he commanded in person ; and there was now nothing left ex- 
cept the Sixth Corps and Torbert's cavalry to match him. The 
enemy at once opened a severe fire of artillery and musketry 
upon onr division, from a commanding crest in front of the line 
we had taken up, sweeping all the ground before us. This fire 
continued for half an hour, pouring into our front ; it was then 
increased by an enfilading fire of artillery which had been 
brought into position on our right, and the division fell back to 
a line parallel with that of the First Division, although some 
distance away from it. The rebels immediately advanced their 
line of battle to the crest we had left, and it seemed as if they 
were determined to force us still farther back. Now it happened 
when we fell back that three guns of Battery M, Fifth United 
States (Captain McKnight's), had been left in position. The 
rebels at once took possession of them and were in the act of 
turning them upon us, whereupon the Tenth Vermont and Sixth 
Maryland were ordered to charge and recover them. We had 
retreated four hundred yards, and every inch must now be re- 
traced ; the regiments advanced swiftly over the space, through 
a terrific etorm of lead and iron, drove the enemy in confusion 
from the crest, recaptured the guns and dragged them off by 
hand. These were the only guns taken from the enemy during 
the battle which were not first abandoned. 

Sergeant William Mahony, color-bearer of tlie Tenth regi- 
ment, was the first to reach these guns. He immediately sprang 
upon one of them, flag in hand, saying, " They is taken, Kurnel." 
We maintained this position too long. The enemy coming up 
in heavier force, striking the troops that were on our left, and 
pouring in a destructive fire from the right, we were ordered 
back to the second ridge above mentioned. We should have 
gone back at once, and moved quickly, instead of holding on 
until flanked on the right and left as we did, and then stubbornly 
fighting as we gave ground. Wo had suffered terribly in this 
adventure, a number of otiicers being wounded, and Captain L. 
D. Thompson killed. But the enemy had met with his first re- 
pulse that morning, on the west of the pike, and the manifest 
lack of confidence with which he fought afterwards, until his 
whole force hesitated and recoiled before the stubborn resistance 



296 

of the Sixth Corps, began to show itself at this point. We en- 
deavored to make a stand upon this second line, but were ordered 
away, and a position was taken upon a ridge which afforded a 
better command of the enemy's position, who had by this time 
crossed Meadow run in considerable force, and were reaching 
out for our right, which extended toward Cedar Creek, but not 
near enough to prevent a force from moving along its bank be- 
tween us and the stream. The division stayed here for some 
time, and continued firing rapidly upon the enemy in front, 
driving him back twice as he attempted to advance. Even in 
this dangerous position the division was ordered to charge the 
enemy. The instructions were to swing forward so as to strike 
the force just spoken of as working around our right flank, and 
against whom General Keiferhad been warned when he assumed 
the command of the division. General Ricketts being in com- 
mand of the Sixth Corps, but at that moment, a heavy column 
of the enemy appeared upon our left. To advance then would 
be deliberately walking into a cul de sac; therefore the order 
to charge was suspended and the division was moved to the rear 
and farther to the left, passing around some distance to the right 
of the Second Division and the cavalry which seemed to support 
each other all the morning, while the First and Third Divisions 
were left to make the best resistance they could without sup- 
ports. We hardly saw any other organization of our troops 
until about 10 o'clock, and we had reached a position on the 
Old road about one mile and a quarter from our camp and a lit- 
tle to the north and west of Middletown. When the Third 
Division moved away from Early's flanking columns on its right 
and left, he immediately extended his left and we were still con- 
fronted by a heavy force eagerly pressing forward, and the bat- 
tle raged on with great fury, each division retiring, but flghting 
and giving ground by inches, and foiling the enemy by the 
simple tactics of not knowing defeat. But the enemy's fire soon 
slackened in our division front, and it is presumed that the First 
Division experienced the same relief, as both divisions were soon 
withdrawn, with the intention of establishing a new line, and 
one upon which all of our available troops might be concen- 
trated for more concerted resistance than had thus far seemed 
possible. This was at length accomplished. 



297 

It is perhaps less practicable than impossible to follow the 
movements of each separate division in this fighting retreat of the 
Sixth Corps at Cedar Creek. Each division made its own gallant 
record. Ours hung well together, was not once disorganized and at 
no time withdrew from the enemy's front witliout orders. And 
this may be said of the other divisions, and of Merritt's and Cus- 
ter's cavalry divisions, and of all that were engaged in the battle, 
of the retirement of the troops on the west of the pike and of 
Meadow run. The Second Division, and especially the Vermont 
Brigade, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Amasa S. Tracy 
of the Second Yermont Infantry, greatly distinguished itself in 
this action, winning additional laurels for itself and the division 
by its conspicuous gallantry and successful resistance of the 
enemy at critical moments in the battle. They had the honor 
of resisting and repulsing the last advance of the enemy in the 
morning, while endeavoring to propel his center along the Old 
road just west of Middletown. General Sheridan, in his mem- 
oirs affirms " that Getty's division and Torbert's cavalry were 
the only troops in the presence of and resisting the enemy," 
when he arrived on the field. 

The Tenth Vermont shared fully the honors that fell to the 
one hundred and fifty-one officers and the thirty-eight hundred 
enlisted men of the Third Division. No man faltered or failed 
in the supreme requirements that arose during the lengthening 
hours of this ferocious struggle and many of them crowned a 
brilliant military career with additional deeds of valor. 

It was not far from 11 o'clock when the enemy ceased to 
vex us. In the meantime General Wright had ordered General 
Getty, in command of the corps since early morning. General 
Ricketts having been severely wounded, to look up " some ten- 
able position," upon which all the troops might be concentrated 
n a continuous line of resistance. He succeeded in finding a 
position a little north of Middletown, between the pike and the 
Old road, to which he moved his own division and very soon the 
Third and First Divisions were moved up, the latter connecting 
with Getty and the former on the right of the First. The Nine- 
teenth Corps was placed across the Old road on the right of the 
Third Division and still beyond Custer's division of cavalry. 



298 

Merritt's division of cavalry was on the extreme left of the line 
east of the pike. From this line and nearly in this formation, 
the army under Sheridan made its final advance and complete 
conquest of the enemy. But previous to this General Early had 
foreseen himself check-mated. His troops had been roughly 
handled, often repulsed, and the dash of the dawn had all gone out 
of them. Many could not be driven beyond the Union camps, where 
they were plundering the tents and robbing the Union dead. Gen- 
ial Early tried to stop it, and sent all of his staff officers that 
could be spared to break it up, and he sent orders to his division 
commanders to send for their men. Everyway the demoralization 
in his army was so great that dependence upon it for making fur- 
ther progress was out of the question. Speaking of the time 
when his advance ceased, or about that time, he says : " It was 
now apparent that it would not do to press my troops further. 
They had been up all night and were much jaded. In passing 
over rough ground to attack the enemy in the early morning, 
their own ranks had been much disordered and the men scat- 
tered, and it had required time to reform them. Their ranks, 
moreover, were much thinned by the absence of the men en- 
gaged in plundering the enemy's camps. * * * » 
I determined therefore to try and hold what had been gained, and 
orders were given for carrying off the captured and abandoned 
artillery, small arms and wagons." This was about 10 o'clock. 
But he began to carry out this determination too late. Our 
new defensive line had been established and the cavalry were an- 
noying his flanks.. General Sheridan had arrived from Winchester 
and General Wright had resumed command of the Sixth Corps ; 
the division commanders had returned to their original places with 
the exception of General Ricketts, and the army was practically 
ready to resist the further advance of the enemy or attack him, 
as the case might be. But retreat furtlier it would not. It is 
certain that the presence of Sheridan raised the confidence of 
the troops. He came on to the field like a fresh breeze blowing 
away the powder-smoke. His every tone and gesture had some- 
thing of reassurance in them. He had not seen the struggle 
we had passed through. The welcome, warm and inspiring re- 
ception that greeted him told him nothing of the stubborn valor. 



299 

the hi^h patriotic devotion, the fierce contention with fearful 
odds and the obstacles overcome during the first five or six hours 
of the day — these he only saw in the abstract. But he knew 
his army, and lie brought hope with him. He was a reinforce- 
ment — he was the Crisis in the battle. 

The men greeted him with vociferous cheering ; the cowed 
and beaten hailed him with joy ; stragglers hastened back to 
resume their places in the ranks. He was everywliere in a 
moment. Sending his staff in every direction, he would often- 
times gallop after them and then do himself the very thing he 
had directed them to do, until he had made himself familiar 
with the existing situation ; then he gave directions for carrying 
out General Wright's orders for the new line. But it is very 
doubtful whether the army thought of success, at least such a suc- 
cess as was achieved at that hour. Tliey doubtless thought of 
resistance, and determined not to be driven another inch. But 
Sheridan's plan was more comprehensive, and he frequently 
assured his men, energetically saying, " We'll have our camps 
before night." 

At 1 o'clock p. M., he was ready to meet the enemy, who had 
been some time preparing to advance, probably in order to cover 
General Early's movement for securing the trophies of the bat- 
tle, and his skirmishers had been once driven back on the riirht. 
On the left of the pike were posted Merritt's and Custer's cav- 
alry, under Torbert, and what there was left of Crook's com- 
mand ; to their right the Sixth Corps, Second Division on the 
left. Third in the center, and the First on the right ; tlie Nine- 
teenth Corps prolonged the line on the right, and subsequently 
Custer's division of cavalry was transferred to the right, to 
operate with the Nineteenth Corps. It was General Sheridan's 
plan to turn the enemy's left with a heavy force, while he occu- 
pied his front with Just strength enough to keep all his troops 
there well engaged, consequently he placed the Second Division 
of the Sixth Corps in a single line, so as to cover his right and 
center, the other two divisions and the Nineteenth Corps, in two 
lines, at the point determined upon for the heaviest work. Tlie 
preparation was not made a moment too soon ; the enemy imme- 
diately advanced upon the left. They came on with force 



300 

enough, but lacked the spirit and dash of the morning, and they 
were handsomely repulsed. Now followed some readjusting 
of the lines, and a new disposing of troops ; and two hours 
later our whole line emerging to the left was moving steadily 
back over the ground we had lost, in a most determined attack 
upon our whilom victorious foes at isolated points, especially 
on tlie Nineteenth Corps and the right of our division. At first 
it met with as determined resistance, and it seemed as if our line 
must succumb before the heavy columns of our adversaries, but 
Emory and Custer and our Third Division, which again lost very 
heavily, soon overcame the resistance in that ^ quarter. The at- 
tack was successful at last. The enemy's left gave way, and a 
part of it was cut off and captured by the terrible Custer. The 
other part of our line then sprang forward and his center broke 
in confusion and fled a la Winchester and Fisher's Hill. Here 
as there, also, we pursued with avenging haste, cheering as we 
ran, so loud that the voice of cannon mingling with the clatter 
of musketry, seemed only the distant echo of our tumultuous 
joy, pushing rapidly over the entire area of the field we had sur- 
rendered in the morning without an instant's relief, with no 
though of their further resistance — they a flying mob, we a 
shouting and exulting host, pursuing. We pursued them to 
Cedar Creek, over which, after one look of mock defiance, ex- 
pressed by the angry zips of a thousand bullets, those who could, 
escaped. 

This scene was magnificent. The field was hilly, striped with 
ravines and dotted with woods, but occasionally the whole long 
curving line could be seen with its twice eighty flags, all in front, 
all tossed in the breeze that speed lent the air, floating their 
bright stars and gilded insignia of States along the triumphant 
way. 

The infantry halted on the banks of the creek ; then came 
the smoking steeds of Custer. He forded the stream and pursued 
the routed foe until he became burrowed in darkness. Sheri- 
dan's promise was redeemed. We had recovered our camps, 
and each man who returned occupied the quarters that night 
which he had left in the morning. 



301 

For a fuller explanation of this battle than is afforded by the 
forsgoing sketch, nearly the whole of the report of Major-Gen- 
eral Wright is inserted as follows : 

At the first blush of dawn the camps were assaulted by a considerable 
musketry fire upon our extreme left and a fire of a much slighter character 
upon our right. A moment's hesitation convinced me that the former was 
the real attack, and I at once proceeded to that point, the firing meanwhile 
growing heavier. Becoming assured that I was not mistaken as to which 
was the attack to be resisted in force, I sent back orders to Brevet Major- 
General Kicketts, commanding the Sixth Corps in my absence, to send me 
two divisions of his command at once, and taking the brigade of the Nine- 
teenth Corps (before alluded [to] as ordered on the reconnaissance and which 
was just starting) I proceeded to place it and the troops of General Crook's 
second line in position on a ridge to the eastward of and nearly parallel to 
the pike, connecting them with the left of the Nineteenth Corps. As the 
two divisions of the Sixth Corps, ordered from the right of the line to the 
left could reach that point within twenty minutes of the time that the 
line referred to was formed, and as the position taken up was a satisfactory 
one, there was, in my judgment, no occasion for apprehension as to the 
result, and I felt every confidence that the enemy would be promptly re- 
pulsed. In this anticipation, however, I was sadly disappointed. Influenced 
by a panic which often seizes the best troops, and some of these I had seen 
behave admirably under the hottest fire, the line broke before the enemy 
fairly came in sight, and under a slight scattering fire retreated in disorder 
down the pike. Seeing that no part of the original line could be held, as the 
enemy was already on the left flank of the Nineteenth Corps, I at once sent 
orders to the Sixth Corps to fiJl back to some tenable position in rear; and 
to General Emory, commanding tlie Nineteenth Corps, that as his left was 
turned he should fall back and take position on the right of the Sixth. I 
should, perhaps, have stated that upon the original line the forces from left 
to right were posted in the order of, first, the Army of West Virginia, Major- 
General Crook commanding; second, the Nineteenth Corps, Brevet Major- 
General Emory commanding; third, the Sixth Corps, commanded by myself, 
and in my absence by Brevet Major-General Ricketts. The cavalry, under 
the command of Brevet Major-General Torbert, was disposed upon tlie two 
flanks. The first lines of the Army of West Virginia and the Nineteenth 
Corps were entrenched, but the Sixth Corps was not, as its naturally strong 
position rendered any defenses unnecessary. Indeed, the latter was held 
with a view to its acting rather as a movable force than as a part of the line. 

Eeturning from this digression and resuming the narrative, the Sixth 
Corps, of which two divisions were on the march to the support of the left, at 
once moved to the rear on receiving instructions to that effect, as did the Nine- 
teenth Corps, which had been slighlty engaged with a portion of the rebel 
force, which had evidently attacked by way of a diversion. About this time 
General Ricketts was seriously wounded and the command of the Sixth 
Corps devolved upon Brevet Major-General Getty, who moved steadily to 
the rear, and by well-timed attacks did much toward checking the enemy's 
advance, giving time thereby for the change of front which was necessary 
and for taking up the new position. A portion of the First Division, under 
Generals Wheaton and Mackenzie, and apart of the artillery of the corps, 
also behaved admirably in checking the enemy and giving time for the rest 
of the troops to take position. Several pieces of the artillery were lost here, 



302 

it being impossible to bring off the guns, owing to their horses being killed. 
Meanwhile the Second Division had taken up the position indicated, with its 
left resting on the pike. The Third and First were forming on its right, 
while on the right of the Sixth Corps the Nineteenth was being formed. 
One or two not very persistent attacks had been repulsed. About this time 
Major-General Sheridan came up and assumed command and I returned to 
the command of the Sixth Corps. Soon after the lines had been fully formed 
the enemy made a sharp attack upon the Sixth Corps, but was rudely re- 
pulsed, falling back several hundred yards to a stone wall behind which a 
part of his line took shelter. The position of the troops at this time from 
left to right was, first, the Second, Third and First Divisions of the Sixth 
Corps ; second, the Nineteenth Corps, the cavalry being on both flanks. 
Everything having been prepared and the men somewhat rested from the 
fatigue of the morning, an advance was ordered by General Sheridan of 
the entire line. The Second and First Divisions moved forward steadily, 
but the Third was for a time seriously checked by the fire from behind the 
stone wall before alluded to. A movement made by the Nineteenth Corps 
toward flanking this wall (in which a regiment of the Third Division, Sixth 
Corps, detached for the purpose, took part) shook the enemy, and a gallant 
charge of the line started him into full flight, pursued by our victorious 
forces. But little further resistance was experienced in the advance to 
Cedar Creek, where our infantry was halted in its old camp, while the pur- 
suit was continued by the cavalry. The enemy being entirely demoralized 
and his ranks completely broken, he retreated without regard to order. The 
battle, which in its earlier stages looked anything but favorable for our suc- 
cess and occasioned a fear of defeat to many a brave hearted soldier, resulted 
through the admirable courage of our troops, the bravery and good conduct 
of their officers, and the persistence of the commander of the army, in a com- 
plete victory. 

It may be proper that I should say something in the way of explanation 
of the causes of the comparatively easy success of the enemy in the early 
part of the action. To the professional soldier it will be a subject of interest, 
even if it is lost to others, now that the war is over ^nd this battle is par- 
tially forgotten with the many other as hard fought fields, yet in justice to 
those engaged it may be well to explain some points of which many are of 
course ignorant. I have already referred to the reported result of the recon- 
naissance of the preceding day, which was to the effect that the enemy had 
retreated up the valley. That this was not true is now well known, but how 
the mistake was made is not easily explained. Probably the force had not 
advanced so far as it supposed, and had not really reached the enemy's lines, 
which were some miles in advance of ours. B owever this may be, I have no 
question that the belief in the retreat of the enemy was generally enter- 
tained throughout the reconnoitering force. Again this force, which, as 
before remarked, v/as from the Army of West Virginia, returned to camp 
through its own lines and must have made known to the troops its received 
belief in the enemy's retreat. Now it happens that the advance of the 
enemy was made upon this part of the line- The surprise was complete, for 
the pickets did not fire a shot, and the first indication of the enemy's pres- 
ence was a volley into the main line where the men of a part of the regiments 
were at reveille roll-call without arms. As the entire picket-line over that 
part crossed by the enemy was captured without a shot being fired,* no ex- 

* This statement is slightly modified by the reports of Generals Crook and Hayes, re- 
ferred to in these pages. 



303 

planation could be obtained from any of the men cemposing it, but it is fair 
to suppose that they were lulled into an unusual security by the report of 
the previous evening that the enemy had fallen back and that there was 
consequently no danger to be apprehended. This supposition seems to me 
likely enough. It certainly goes far toward explaining how an enemy in 
force passed and captured a strong and well connected picket-line of old sol- 
diers without occasioning alarm, and gave as a first warning of its presence 
a volley of musketry into the main line of unarmed soldiers. It was reported 
in camp that he first relieved a part of our lines by his own men dressed 
in our uniform, but 1 have never been able to confirm this rumor. 

The proceedings up to this point were bad enough for us, as it gave the 
enemy, almost without a struggle, the entire left of our line with consider- 
able artillery, not a gun of which had fired a shot. But the reserve of this 
line was posted a considerable distance in its rear, where it could be made 
available as a movable force, and was well situated to operate upon any force 
attempting to turn our left. It was in no way involved in the disaster of 
the first line, which was, after all, but a small part of our whole force, being 
only one weak division, and its loss was in no wise to be taken as deciding 
the fate of the day. With the other troops brought up, this supporting divis- 
ion was in good position to offer sturdy battle, with every prospect of repuls- 
ing the enemy, and aided, as it soon would have been, by the rest of the force, 
the chances were largely in our favor. Here the battle should have been 
fought and won, and long before midday the discomfited enemy should have 
been driven across Cedar Creek stripped of all the captures of his first attack, 
but from some unexplainable cause the tro©ps forming this part of the line 
would not stand, but broke under a scattering fire, which should not have 
occasioned the slightest apprehension in raw recruits much less in old sol- 
diers like themselves. Most officers who have served through this war have 
had instances of the same kind in their own experience, and will therefore 
readily understand this, though they may find themselves as much at a loss 
for a satisfactory explanation of its cause. It was the breaking of this line 
which involved the necessity of falling back. A change of front was neces- 
sary, and this must be made to a position which would place our force be- 
tween the enemy and our base. That there was no intention of retreating 
the soldiers who stood fire clearly understood, and when once brought into 
the new position in the face of the enemy they were ready to advance upon 
him, as was shown by their magnificent attack when ordered forward. 

To the Sixth Corps, which it is my honor to command after the death of 
that noble soldier Sedgwick, to its officers and its men, I desire to acknowl- 
edge the obligation which, in addition to the many others it has imposed, it laid 
upon the country by its steadiness, courage, and discipline in this important 
battle. Without disparagement to the soldierly qualities of other organizations 
concerned, it is but just to claim for it a large share of the successes of the day. 
Being fi-om the nature of the attack upon our lines somewhat in the position 
of a reserve force and therefore fairly to be called upon to turn the tide of 
unsuccessful battle, it came up nobly to its duty, fully sustaining its former 
well earned laurels. 

For an official account of the conduct of the Third Division 
in the first part of this action, the following report of Brigadier- 
General Keifer is herewith submitted : 

On the morning of October 19, at early daybreak, some firing was heard 
upon the right of the army, and soon after rapid firing was heard in the 



304: 

direction of the extreme left of the army. Being in command of the Second 
Brigade at that time, it was immediately placed under arms, tents struck, and 
wagons packed, and preparations made for meeting any emergency. Imme- 
diately after the troops were formed in front of their camp, Captain A. J. 
Smith, Acting Assistant Adjutant-General, Third Division, with others of 
the division staff, reported to me with orders from General Ricketts to 
assume command of the division, General Ricketts having assumed command 
of the corps. General Wright being in command of the army. I at once turned 
over the command of the Second Brigade to Colonel William A. Ball, One 
Hundred and Twenty-Second Ohio, and assumed command of the division. 
The firing continued to grow more rapid upon the left of the army, and it 
soon became apparent that the enemy designed to bring on a general en- 
gagement. I received an order from General Ricketts to move the division 
to the turnpike, and commenced the movement, but soon after received an 
order to reoccupy the late position and look out for the right, as the First 
and Second Divisions of the corps had been ordered from the right across the 
run to the turnpike and to the support of the left of the army. The tiring 
continued to grow more rapid upon the left and extended to the rear, paral- 
lel with the turnpike and toward Middletown. The troops upon the left had 
fallen back fx-om their position in disordei', and, with small bodies of cavalry, 
army wagons, pack animals, etc., had crossed Meadow run and were rushing 
through the lines of troops ; it was only by the greatest exertions of the offi- 
cers that the lines could be preserved. While moving the troops back to 
their late position orders were received to take the hills opposite the rear of 
the camps of the division. When this order was received the enemy had 
gained them and a portion of my command had opened fire upon him. Col. 
Ball was ordered to take the position with his brigade. The I'ear line of the 
Second Brigade, faced by the rear rank, was ordered to charge the hills, and 
orders were given to the other troops of the division to follow in close sup- 
port. The troops advanced in excellent order, notwithstanding a heavy fire 
from the enemy, but just after the advance had crossed the stream the 
troops of the Nineteenth Corps broke in disorder and fell back along the 
stream and in such numbers as to impede the farther progress of the move- 
ment and temporarily throw the advance line into some confusion. Fearing 
the danger of getting my command into disorder, and at the same time ascer- 
taining that the enemy had turned the left of the army and were already 
advancing and threatening the rear, the troops were withdrawn from the 
charge and a rapid fire opened upon the enemy, which stopped his farther 
progress in my front. So great were the number of broken troops of the 
other corps that for a time the lines had to be opened at intervals in order 
to allow them to pass to the rear. In consequence of the necessary move- 
ments of the morning the divisions of the Sixth Corps were separated and 
were ooliged to fight independent of each other. The Third Division, hav- 
ing faced about, became the extreme right of the army. A number of guns 
belonging to the Sixth Corps were posted upon the hills on my left. These 
guns, under the command of Captains McKnight and Adams, and under the 
direction of Colonel Tompkins, chief of artillery of the Sixth Corps, were 
admirably handled and rapidly fired, although under a heavy and close mus- 
ketry fire of the enemy. After over one hundred artillery horses had been 
shot the enemy succeeded in capturing a portion of the guns, having ap- 
proached under cover of the smoke and fog from the left, which was unpro- 
tected. A charge was ordered and the guns were retaken, three of which 
were drawn off by hand ; others were left in consequence of being disabled, 
but were subsequently recaptured. The regiments principally engaged in 



305 

this charge were the Tenth Vermont (of the First Brigade), commanded by 
Colonel William W. Henry, and Sixth Maryland (of the Second Brigade), com- 
manded by Captain C. K. Prentiss. Great gallantry was displayed in this charge 
by ofiBcers and men. The rebels were fought h^nd to hand and driven from the 
guns. A position was taken upon the crest of a ridge facing the enemy, 
who by this time had thrown a force across Meadow run, near its mouth, and 
were advancing along Cedar Creek upon my right. The right of the Third 
Division was extended to near Cedar Creek, and the left rested a short dis- 
tance from Meadow run. A heavy fire was kept up for a considerable period of 
time, and the enemy were twice driven back, with heavy loss. Oi-ders were 
received from Major-General Wright in person to charge forward and drive 
the enemy, and the movement was commenced, and in consequence of the 
disorder into which the enemy had previously been thrown the movement 
bid fair to be a success; but owing to the enemy's appearance in heavy force 
upon the left flank of the division, the charge was soon suspended and the 
troops withdrawn slowly to a new position. The battle raged with great 
fury, the line slowly retiring in the main in good order from one position to 
another. My line was at no time driven from any position, but was with- 
drawn from one position to anotlier under orders, and each time after the 
enemy had been repulsed in all attacks from the front. About 10 A. m. the 
troops reached a road that ran parallel to my line and at right angles to the 
turnpike and a short distance to the rear and right of Middletown. The 
troops had been withdrawn not to exceed one mile and a half from the posi- 
tion occupied in the morning. At this hour the enemy suspended further 
attacks, but concentrated a heavy artillery fire upon the troops. In retiring 
almost all the wounded of the division were brought off and but few prison- 
ers were lost. 

REPORT OF COLONEL WILLIAM W. HENRY, TENTH REGIMENT 
VERMONT VOLUNTEERS. 

Camp Tenth Vermont Volunteer Infantry, ) 
Near Middletown, Va., (.)ctober 20, 18G4. } 

General Peter T. Washburn, Adjutant and Inspector-General : 

Sir— I have the honor to submit the following report of the part taken 
by this regiment in the battle fought at this place on yesterday, the 19th inst.: 

The regiment went into action with seventeen officers and two hundred 
and eighty men in line of battle. 

About 6 A. M., a very heavy attack was made on the left of the general 
line. Soon after daylight the Sixth Corps was formed in line of battle at 
right angles to our original position, and facing toward what had been the 
left flank. The enemy had at this time broken the left, and the fugitives, 
with wagons, etc., were constantly passing our line. About half-past seven 
o'clock the enemy opened a very severe fire of artillery and musketry from a 
commanding crest, which they had gained in front of the line we had newly 
taken up. Their fire, well directed, swept the ground we occupied, while they 
attempted to cross the valley in our front. Under the severe fire from the front, 
increased by a partially enfilading fire from a hill on the right, our line fell 
back to a low ridge about four hundred yards in rear of that at first occupied. 
The rebels advanced their line of battle to the crest we had left. When our 
line fell back, three pieces of Captain McKnight's battery (M, 5th U. S.) had 
been left, and the rebels advanced to these guns. Seeing this, a charge was 
(20) 



306 

ordered, and the regiment, with the colors in advance, charged up to the 
guns and recovered them. Sergeant Wm. Mahoney of Co. E, color-bearer of 
the regiment, was the first to reach the guns, planting the colors upon one 
of them. The rebels gave way in confusion, and fled across the valley and 
over the ridge beyond. The recaptured guns were drawn off, it being neces- 
sary to draw two of them some distance by hand. 

The rebels, having rallied, poured in a heavy fire from the front and 
right, a heavy column advancing up the valley from that direction. The 
troops on the left falling back beyond our line, we were soon exposed to a 
fire from that flank also. The loss at this point was very severe, and the line 
fell back to the second ridge. Here a stand was made, and the rebels were 
again driven from the crest in front, which they attempted to carry. But 
pursuing their advantage on the left, they soon flanked us in such force as to 
compel a retreat of the whole line. Although broken and somewhat scat- 
tered in places, the line fell back slowly, the men con.stantly turning and 
firing In this way we retired about a mile, the enemy having all the time a 
cross fire of musketry upon us, as well as a sharp fire from several guns com- 
manding the whole plain. Captain L. D. Thompson, commanding Co. D, was 
killed while thus retreating, and the loss was very heavy. 

Keaching a cross road, the line was halted, and reformed about 9 A. m. 
The enemy forebore to press us further on this point, but as they advanced 
on our left, our line was withdrawn some distance further. 

At this time, General Sheridan arrived on the field. The line was imme- 
diately reformed. Breastworks of rails and logs were thrown up, in which 
we lay until about 3.30 p. m., when a general advance was ordered. The 
regiment, with the general line of the division, moved foiward through 
woods into an open field, where the advance was checked for a few minutes, 
until the remainder of the line coming up, we again pushed on and drove the 
rebels from a strong position behind a stone wall, forcing them back about 
half a mile. Here they took up a very strong position on a continuous ridge, 
along the crest of which ran a stone wall, and made a determined stand. 
The fire was incessant and very heavy for about half an hour, but the enemy 
finally gave way before our fire. A general charge was ordered, and the 
troops advancing on the run, the rebels gave way in complete disorder. The 
cavalry took up the pursuit, and little resistance was attempted after this 
time. In this last charge Sergeant Mahoney, color-bearer, was shot dead 
while gallantly advancing with the colors at the front of the regiment. 

We advanced over the battle-ground of the morning, and soon after dark 
took possession of our old camps. 

It is impossible to particularize any officers or men, where all so fully 
performed their duty and behaved so nobly. 

Adjutant Lyman was wounded while falling back from the first position, 
while encouraging the men by voice and example, and most gallantly per- 
forming the duties of his position. 

Captain Dewey, Co. A, commanded the regiment during the last charge, 
and led it through that severe engagement in a manner calling for high com- 
mendation. 

A list of the casualties in the regiment is enclosed. The loss is very 
great, being, as will be seen, about one-third of the total number engaged. 
I remain, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

WM. W. HENRY, 

Col. Commanding lOth Regt. Vt. Vol. Inf. 



307 

The fatal confusion of this hour is graphically described in 
the journal of Captain Jed Hotchkiss, Topographical Engineer, 
Second Corps, Army of Northern Virginia, at that time with 
General Early in the Shenandoah Valley. He speaks of our 
advance on the right at 4.30 p. m. and says that it struck their 
line on the left, " where it was weak and it gave way with little 
resistance and was followed by all the rest of the line toward the 
left, and soon everything was in full retreat toward Cedar Creek. 
The artillery nobly fell back fighting and kept the enemy in 
check, and everything was getting off well when Rosser having 
fallen back, the Yankee cavalry crossed by Kite's old mill and 
came up to Stickley's and fell on our train and artillery, just after 
dark, on Hupp's Hill, and dashed along, killing horses and turning 
over ambulances, caissons, etc., stampeding the drivers, thus get- 
tiug 43 pieces of artillery, many wagons, etc., as there was 
nothing to defend them, and we had no organized force to go 
after them. Only a few Yankee cavalry did it all. The Gen- 
eral and his staff got to Fisher's Hill and tried to rally the men. 
We succeeded in getting many of them into camp, but could get 
none to go back to recapture the wagons, etc., at Strasburg. We 
got thirteen hundred prisoners safely away. The General was very 
much prostrated when he learned the extent of our disaster, and 
started the wagons to the rear and sent for Rosser to come and 
cover the retreat. ***** Thus was one 
of the most brilliant victories of the war turned into one of the 
most disgraceful defeats, and all owing to the delay in pressing 
the enemy after we got to Middletown ; as General Early said, 
' The Yankees got whipped and we got scared.' " 

Brigadier-General W. N. Pendleton, C. S. A., Chief of 
Artillery, Army of Northern Virginia, also describes this scene 
in the rout of Early's army after it had crossed Cedar Creek. 
He says : " Night came on, and further danger was not antici- 
pated. Bat a more serious disaster now occurred. The artil- 
lery being on the march in column toward Hupp's Hill, a small 
body of the enemy's cavalry charged the train on the right flank 
and by their bugle blasts, cheers, horses' feet clattering and pis- 
tol shots in the darkness, occasioned an incurable panic in the 
infantry, already seriously disorganized. The artillery officers 



308 

and men appealed in vain for muskets with which they would 
have stoutly and effectively defended their guns. They could 
not secure them and the result was a large capture by the 
enemy, as elating to them as it was disgraceful to us. All the 
guns taken from the enemy in the morning and twenty-three of 
our own fell into their hands." 

General Early says : " The rout was as thorough and dis- 
graceful as ever happened to our men. After the utter failure 
in all my attempts to rally the men, I went to Fisher's flill with 
the hope of rallying the troops there, and forming them in the 
trenches, but when they reached that position, the only organ- 
ized body of men left was the prisoners, thirteen hundred in 
number, and the provost guard in charge of them ; and I believe 
that the appearance of these prisoners, moving back in a body, 
alone arrested the progress of the enemy's cavalry, as it was too 
dark for them to discover what they were." 

A Confederate writer, Mr. E. A. Pollard, gloomily records a 
joke perpetrated in the ordnance office at Richmond, about this 
time. General Early had already lost thirty-two pieces of artil- 
lery in his valley campaign, and when this new park from 
the field of Cedar Creek was added to the number previously 
lost, making in all up to date, fifty-six pieces, it was too much 
for the gravity of some waggish officer in the C. S. Ordnance 
Department, and when next filling a requisition for artillery to 
be sent north, he directed it " To Major-General P. H. Sheri- 
dan, care of Lieutenant-General Jubal A. Early," and it, eventu- 
ally, it should be added, reached its destination. 

The Tenth Rej:iment changed commanders twice during 
this battle. Colonel Henry was present at the beginning of 
tlie action and commanded with his accustomed coolness and 
skill, being in the thickest of the figlit with the men, while re- 
pelling the first assault of the enemy. But he was ill at the 
time and in the rapid maneuvering of the troops he became 
completely exhausted and he turned the command over to Cap- 
tain John A. Salsbury for a short time. He resumed command, 
however, and kept it until the enemy ceased his attacks, when 
he found himself suffering too severely for further active duty 
during the day ; and Captain Salsbury having been detailed to 



309 

command the Eighty-seventh Pennsylvania Regiment, the com- 
mand of the Tenth fell to the next ranking officer, Captain H. 
H. Dewey of Co. A, who led it with great gallantry in the final 
advance of the day. 

The casualties in the Army of the Shenandoah in the battle 
of Cedar Creek were a little more than one hundred in excess 
of those in the two preceding battles, viz., Winchester and Fish- 
er's Hiil. The proportion of Union officers in both killed and 
wounded was much greater than in either of the foregoing en- 
gagements. One general officer was killed and three wounded. 
Seven division and brigade commanders were wounded and two 
were killed. 

In the Sixth Corps, including the artillery, twenty-three 
officers were killed and one hundred and three were wounded. En- 
listed men, killed, two hundred and seventy-five, and fifteen hun- 
dred and twenty-five were wounded, many of whom died of their 
wounds. The number of captured and missing was six officers 
and one hundred and ninety-four men. The entire loss of the 
Sixth Corps was twenty-one hundred and twenty-six, and of the 
army fifty-six hundred and sixty-five. 

There were nine Vermont regiments engaged in this battle, 
the Second, Third, Fourth, Fifth, Sixth, Eighth, Tenth, Eleventh 
Heavy Artillery and the First Vermont Cavalry. All suffered 
heavily, but no organization from the State so much as the 
Tenth. "We lost nearly one-third of our command. Our losses 
were two officers killed and eight wounded ; enlisted men, killed, 
seventeen, and fifty-eight wounded ; of the captured or miss- 
ing there were but four. Of seventeen officers and two hun- 
dred and eighty men in the action, eighty-nine were killed, 
wounded, captured — lost in the battle. No infantry regiment 
in the Sixth Corps suffered as severely as the Tenth, although 
three heavy artillery regiments, the Eleventh Vermont, Ninth 
New York and Second Connecticut, each having a much larger 
number of men, lost more, but the proportion of losses was 
greater in the Tenth. The Tiiird Division lost more proportion- 
ately than either the First or Second Division. There were but 
two brigades in the First and Third Divisions — Colonel Edwards' 
brigade of the former division being at Winchester — while the 



310 

Second Division had three brigades, aggregating seventeen regi- 
ments and battalions, and the total losses in each were : First 
Division, five hundred and nine ; Second, seven hundred and 
thirty-eight, and the Third, seven hundred and six. The captured 
and missing from the Tliird Division were less than those from 
either of tho others, there being, respectively, ninety-six, sixty 
and thirty -four. 

The following tables are submitted for information, and for 
comparison, so far as they go. It will be seen that the list of 
the wounded in the Tenth Regiment falls short of the figures by 
three names. Yery likely they were among the slightly wounded, 
and although reported as such, returned to duty at once and so 
evaded the later tabulated statements. 



LOSSES OF THE AKMY OF THE SHENANDOAH AT CEDAR CREEK, 
VA.. OCTOBER 19. 1864. 



COMMAND. 



Sixth Army Corps 

Nineteenth Ainiy Corps 
Army of West Virginia. 

Provisional Division 

Cavalry 

Grand total — 











Captured 


Killed. 


Wounded. 


or 










missing. 


05 




,^ 




05 
















V 




IS 




<U 




O 


n 


o 


a 


o 


a 


fl 


(U 


yd 


<a 


fH 


OJ 


O 


^ 


o 


^ 


o 


s 


23 


275 


103 


1,525 


6 


194 


19 


238 


109 


1,227 


14 


776 


7 


41 


17 


253 


10 


530 


1 


11 


6 


66 


.... 


18 


2 


27 


9 


115 




43 


52 


592 


244 


3,186 


30 


1,561* 



2,126 

2,383 
858 
102 
196 



5,665 



* The enemy claimed to have captured only thirteen hundred prisoners, 
which leaves quite a number to be accounted for as missing, who probably 
returned. 



311 



CASUALTIES, THIRD DIVISION, SIXTH ARMY CORPS, CEDAR 
CREEK, VA., OCTOBER 19th, 1864. 





Killed. 


Wounded. 


Captured 

or 
missing. 


6 


COMMAND. 


09 

U 

o 

o 




u 
o 

B 
o 




CO 
u 

o 

O 




M 
u 
bo 

< 


THIRD DIVISION. 

COT>. J. Wakren Keifer. 

First Brigade. 

Coi,. William Emekson. 

14th New J ersey 


1 


3 
8 
1 
2 
6 
17 


1 

3 
1 

2 

8 


23 

42 
11 
42 
20 
58 






28 


106th New York 






53 


151st New York 








13 


] 84th New York (battalion) 


1 
1 

2 
4 






45 


87th Pennsylvania (battalion) 

10th Vermont 




17 

4 


46 
80 






Total First Brigade 


35 


14 


196 


.... 


21 


270 






Second Brigade. 
CoL. William H. Ball. 
6th Maryland 




8 
40 
5 
3 
4 
3 
2 


4 
5 

2 
4 
1 

"I' 


38 
160 
27 
31 
14 
26 
36 




1 


51 


9th New York Heavy Artillery 

110th Ohio 


3 


208 


1 

"i' 


5 
1 


35 


12"d Ohio 


1 


45 


126th Ohio 


25 


67th Pennsylvania ! - 


30 


138th Pennsylvania 




42 








Total Second Brigade 


4 


65 


20 


332 


2 


13 


436 






Total Third Division 


8 


100 


34 


528 


2 


34 


706 







KILLED. 



Captain L. D. Thompson, 
Lieutenant B. B. Clark, 
John M. Aseltyue, 
Owen Bartley, 
Benj. F. Bowen, 
Henry P. Burnham, 
Charles H. Crocker, 
George C. Edson, 
Leonard K.. Foster, 
Henry F. Freeman, 



William Maliony, 
Channcy B. Meacham, 
Luther Maffitt, 
Sylvester H. Parker, 
William Proctor, 
Loren M. Rice, 
John L. Sliannon, 
Franklin B. Swan, 
Franklin B. Whitcomb. 



312 



WOUNDED. 



Major Wyllys Lyman, 
Captain George E. Davis, 
Captain Chester F. Nye, 
Lieut. Austin W. Fuller, 
Lieut. James M. Head, 
Lieut. William White, 
Lieut. George P. Welch, 
Lieut. Chas W. Wheeler, 
Lieut. Samuel Greer, 
Philander Allen, 
Peter Avery, 
Moses C. Bacon, 
George Brown, 
Oscar G. Brown, 
James Burns, 
James H. Cain, 
Ora C. Cole, 
Chauncy A. Corbin, 
Alfred Clark, 
George H. Conley, 
John Clough, 
Benjamin G. Chatfield, 
Edwin C. Crossett, 
John Carbonneau, 
Martin L. Currier, 
John Daley, 
Patrick Finnegan, 



Christopher George, 
Isaac Godfrey, 
John Heath, 
Thomas J. Hennessey, 
Michael Hubbard, 
Bradbnry A. Hunt, 
Horatio M. Holmes, 
Charles A. Kelley, 
Lyman Kenney, 
Stephen Lojoie, 
Ezra L. Litclifield, 
Andrew J. Mattison, 
John Mayo, 
Michael Naylon, 
Anson S. Ormsby, 
Kobert Pattison, 
Charles Paine, 
Edwin A. Pease, 
Charles A. Porter, 
Jean B, Rouilliard, 
Erasmus H. Bice, 
Alexander Scott, 
Horace T. Smith, 
Peter Shover, 
Clarence E. Ware, 
George C. Waters, 
Francis Yedell. 



Patrick Gillule, 

The Confederate losses in this engagement were consider- 
able over three thousand. Eighteen hundred and sixty were 
killed and wounded and twelve hundred were taken prisoners. 
Twenty -four Confederate guns were captured and twenty-three 
lost by the Union troops were retaken. All of our ambulances 
lost in the morning, and fifty-six of Early's were captured, be- 
side small arms and several battle-flags were among the spoils. 
In addition to these the cavalry burned many wagons and 
ambulances which the enemy had abandoned. 



313 

The battle of Cedar Creek presents a labyrinth of details, 
many points of unusual contrast, picturesque combinations, 
strange and even ghastly positions,* all cartooned in smoke and 
dust, in charging columns, the dead scattered upon the field and 
flags shaking tlieir fierce challenges in the air at every stage of 
the conflict. It was a dioramic exhibition in living figures of 
self-producing colors. A Parrhasius could not paint it. No 
one can accurately describe it, until he absorbs a score of im- 
pressions gathered from as many different sources and gives 
credence to many reasonable conjectures. Nevertheless there 
vfere some perfectly recognizable features about it which, al- 
though peculiar, should not be distorted. 

It has been supposed that the Confederates surprised the 
Union Army on this gloomy October morning and attacked it 
all unprepared for resistance. It has often been said that our 
troops were easily driven from their position ; that we fled in 
confusion and dismay for a distance of from four to eight miles; 
that we made a disgraceful retreat, and that it was only on the 
arrival of General Sheridan that we were rallied and turned 
defiantly upon an enemy who had pursued us in holiday parade. 
One might suppose from some of these statements that no part 
of our army made a stand at any point against the enemy, or 
that our resistance was very slight and inconsequential. 

It may be admitted that there is a strong temptation to 
represent the first part of this battle in as unfavorable a light as 
possible, in order to heighten the effect of and lend a more bril- 
liant coloring to the victory achieved in the latter part of the 
day. But these sombre tints of the pen-pictures are almost en- 
tirely wanting in the actual battle. Our army was not stam- 
peded, nor were the troops to any great extent surprised in their 
quarters. It is true that the enemy conceived a bold plan and 
executed a daring maneuver ; he surprised a single division on 
our left. With wonderful patience and heroic strategy he 
gained this position. In this he secured an immense advantage. 
Thus far he kept his secret, but the surprise ended there, al- 
though not all of its effects. Still, what General Hayes says of 

* Some of our troops fought in a cemetery and sheltered themselves be- 
hind grave stones. 



314 

the resistance of his division, and what General Emory says of 
the opportunity for preparation to meet the enemy afforded his 
corps, and quoted in the first part of this chapter, di^iposes of 
the question of actual surprise, excepting of course Thoburn's 
division of the Eighth Corps on the extreme left angle of our 
line. 

General Emory is sustained in all that he claims in regard 
to this morning's assault, by the statements of his officers at the 
time and by all the reports of his division and brigade com- 
manders. The testimony of the attacking force all goes to show 
that it was not an easy task to overcome the Nineteenth Corps. 
As a sample of Confederate concessions in connection with plen- 
tiful boasting, Colonel James P. Simms of the Fifty-third 
Georgia Infantry, commanding a brigade in Kershaw's division, 
speaking of the attack on the Nineteenth Corps, says : " The 
enemy made an obstinate resistance." Colonel John Winston, 
Fifty-fifth North Carolina Infantry, referring to the attack of 
McMillan's brigade, commanded by General Stephen Thomas, 
says that he " held out against the enemy for some time " at a 
fearful sacrifice but was at last obliged to retire. Of course. 
General Emory was quickly overwhelmed ; but this does not 
prove that he did not oppose the enemy's advance. " Conjectural 
comparisons in regard to the behavior of different commands 
were never more out of place than as applied to this morning's 
calamity." 

Turning now to the Sixth Corps and the cavalry. Here 
the enemy met with opposition that was at once persistent and 
at last fatal to his brilliant scheme. Rosser's cavalry and horse- 
back infantry, sent to our right, caused us no trouble whatever. 
When the entire remaining force of the enemy moved to the 
west of the pike, the whole of the Sixth Corps was ready to 
meet him. His first assault, which fell upon the Third Divis- 
ion, was repulsed. General Early says : " The Sixth Corps 
had been able to take a position so as to arrest our progress. It 
was posted on a ridge west of the pike and parallel to it, and the 
corps offered considerable resistance." The Confederate re- 
ports of this engagement, although they naturally try to make 
the most favorable showing for themselves in this morning's 




CAPT. ALEXANDER CHILTON. 



315 

action, yet are unanimous in what they say of the " obsti- 
nate resistance " of this corps and the cavalry. They say that 
wo " turned and fought them from every commanding emi- 
nence," and " every piece of woods." " They availed themselves 
of every opportunity to check our advance," " The enemy 
fought desperately." It is well known that the gallant men of 
the Sixth Corps yielded ground only by inches and that 
the enemy was repeatedly repulsed and finally brought to a dead 
stand, when he began to break up and could not be rallied until 
sometime in the afternoon and then it was to make a feint to cover 
his own retreat. General Early says : " I saw it would not do to 
press my troops further." This was about 10 a. M.,and such of liis 
troops as were at that time engaged were confronted by the Second 
Division and the cavalry. When he saw this evident lack of 
spirit and the depression on the part of Wharton's and Ramseur's 
men, he sent Lieutenant Page, a staff officer, to Kershaw, Gor- 
don and PegraiE, ordering them to come up and attack, so that 
he might begin his withdrawal, it is presumed. Tlie unwelcome 
assurance was, they were " not in condition to attack."* 

This does not look as if the Sixth Corps had been defeated 
or that the enemy reached this far point without opposition. 
The fact is the Confederate commander fought his army to the 
very maximum of its strength. His lament that he did not 
push his advantage of the morning further, should be rather that 
he pushed it so far. The Sixth Corps returned blow for blow 
until the assaulting columns were paralyzed by their exertions 
upon the unyielding foes. Our army had twice the vitality of 
the enemy and twice the rallying power at the time he suspended 
the attack. Ours was a defensive fight, and although we yielded 
ground at first, we did not give up the battle. 

There is also something to be said about the distance we 
drew away, although it is not very material. Technically we 
were not driven a rod. From tlie last, or rather the only con- 
nected line of battle formed, it was not over three miles to our 
camps ; and the first position taken up by the Second Division to 
oppose the enemy as it swung over on to the pike, taking the 

* See Early's report and his Memoirs on the battle of Cedar Creek. 



316 

shortest route, was about two miles from the starting point. 
Therefore, this division did not retire over one mile before the 
enemy after the first encounter with him until his attack entirely 
ceased. The other two divisions had a less distance to go to strike 
the enemy, and farther to go in order to reach the final posi- 
tion north and west of Middletown. The order to the Third 
Division was to about face and wheel to the right, and extend 
our right flank toward Cedar Cieek while we faced Meadow 
run and the pike. We had further to go in order to reach the 
10 o'clock position, yet we retreated barely two miles to gain 
it. General Keifer, commanding the division, says : " My line 
was at no time driven from any position, but was withdrawn 
from one position to another under orders, and each time after 
the enemy had been repulsed in all attacks from the front." 
Tliis is true of the other two divisions. Therefore, it may be 
said the Sixth Corps was not surprised, was not thrown into 
confusion, did not retreat four miles and was not defeated. 

Through all this splendid exhibition of courage and disci- 
pline, maintained during five or six hours of doubtful struggle 
and without plans, save only such as were enforced by the emer- 
gencies of the moment and the rapid developments of the enemy, 
Major-General H. G. Wright, commanding the Army of the 
Shenandoah in the absence of General Sheridan, was conspicu- 
ous among the bravest on all parts of the field. The gallant 
General rode everywhere, inspiring the troops with his own 
courage and example. He was at the initial point of danger, 
over in Crook's works and then of the Nineteenth Corps, in- 
stinctively drawn there by the sound of firing before the enemy 
came into sight, and at once discerned the nature and possible 
extent of the approaching peril, when he vigorously employed 
all means within his power to check it. The prompt deliverance 
of preliminary orders to the Sixth Corps, by which the enemy 
was checked upon the very threshold of his advance, and his 
personal exertions by which, later on, rapid changes in the posi- 
tions of the different divisions were wrought so as to meet suc- 
cessfully the combination of the enemy against him, especially 
mark an order of generalship that is entitled to the highest 
recognition, and at the same time emphasizes those soldierly qual- 



317 

ities which have ever been freely accorded to the successor of 
General Sedgwick in the command of the Sixth Corps. 

He not only did not spare himself at any time daring the 
battle, but displayed the greatest activity, freely exposing him- 
self to danger at critical junctures wherever his presence seemed 
to be required. Although wounded in the first hour of the day, 
and plentifully covered with blood, he continued to note every 
crisis in the action, indicated important positions and personally 
directed advantageous formations of troops, until the enemy was 
completely baffled, where he anticipated success, and at last suc- 
ceeded in establishing a line of battle that arrested his advance 
and became the base of the movement that drove him in fatal 
rout from the field. 

It is feared that the enemy's success in the early morning, 
thereby compelling a change of front on the part of the Sixth 
Corps, which had to be done under fire, thus enabling him to 
extend his right considerably in advance of our fortified line, so 
stronj^ly contrasted with the dramatic incident of General Sheri- 
dan's arrival and the brilliant success achieved under him, fol- 
lowing so soon the less apparent and yet substantial results of 
the morning, have had a tendency to obscure the real merits of 
the tried and gallant soldier, whose generalship under the most 
forbidding circumstances preserved his army intact, at least the 
Sixth Corps, and maintained its prestige for the later and 
grander triumph. General Wright does not need a defense of 
his conduct, either in this or any other engagement where he 
held the chief command. But some facts pertaining to this 
action have been misinterpreted or lost sight of altogether. As 
an instance, in many accounts of this battle the facts that no 
precaution usual to the conditions of the two armies was at any 
time omitted, and no active measure to ascertain the force and 
movements of tho enemy, and if possible his intentions, was 
neglected, are either ignored or forgotten. It is true that Gen- 
eral Sheridan said in response to the agreeable enthusiasm of his 
men and officers : " If 1 had been with you this morning, this 
would not have happened." This might have been born in his 
disappointment and chagrin over his old antagoi ist's secret and 
nearly successful maneuver in his absence. But he also said 



318 

twenty-four years later : " The surprise of the morning might 
have befallen me as well as the General upon whom it did 
descend." 

It is also a fact that General Wright did not give up the 
fight nor cease to offer effective resistance to the enemy. Col- 
onel A. F. Walker says that " He frequently said that he would 
vet defeat the enemy ; and his staff have claimed that he issued 
orders looking to a counter attack." Certainly it is true that Gen- 
eral Wright's friends say, and there are many to testify, that a 
long time before General Sheridan arrived he not only had the 
enemy checked and the Sixth and Nineteenth Corps well posted 
in a position to defend themselves, or from which to advance 
upon the enemy. Moreover, General Slieridan adopted the line 
upon which General Wright had placed General Getty's divis- 
ion, merely confirming the dispositions he had already made. 

But little more remains to be said of our part in the Shen- 
andoah campaign. The army remained at Cedar Creek and in 
the vicinity of Strasburg twenty days, and then moved north to 
a small hamlet near Winchester, where it was little further 
annoyed by General Early. A skirmish or two, resulting in 
the enemy's defeat, finished the long chapter of Confederate 
disasters in the Shenandoah Valley. The First Vermont Cav- 
alry, or a part of that command, on picket near this point, was 
attacked by a superior force of rebel cavalry, under Rosser, and 
its outposts were driven in. Major Salsbury, with the Eighty- 
seventh Pennsylvania, and a part of the One Hundred and 
Twenty-second " O. V. I.s," was ordered to drive them back, 
which he did after a brisk skirmish, under the immediate eye of 
General Sheridan. This is all that the Tenth Vermont had to 
do with the fight at Kearnstown, 

On the 8th of November, the regiment held a rresidential 
election, casting one hundred and ninety-five votes for Lincoln 
and twelve for McClellan. On the twenty-first, the Sixth Corps 
was reviewed by General Sheridan. The twenty-fourth was 
Thanksgiving Day, and each soldier in the army was supplied 
with three-quarters of a pound of poultry — turkey or chicken — 
a Thanksgiving gift from loyal citizens of New York City, which 
made the occasion a very pleasant one. For the rest, quiet and 



319 

monotony were the principal features of our stay in the valley. 
The men built substantial quarters, thinking they were to winter 
there, and officers began to think of sending for their wives. 
But they did not, and the " Fates of War " soon shifted the 
scene. 

CAPTAIN THOMPSON. 

Lucian D. Thompson was born at Waterbury, Vermont, 
ill 1831. Of his early life nothing has been definitely ascer- 
tained except that by occupation he was a farmer, and previous 
to 1860 he had spent some time in California as a miner. He 
entered the service in 1862, on the 12th of July, and assisted 
Major Dillingham and Lieutenant Stetson in raising Co. B, for 
the Tenth Kegiment Vermont Volunteers. He was commis- 
sioned Second Lieutenant of this company, on the 4th of Au- 
gust following. But his excellent qualities and soldierly deport- 
ment soon marked him for advancement, even before he had 
been tried by the test of battle. Within four months he was 
promoted to a First Lieutenancy in Co. G, made vacant by the 
promotion of Captain Blodgett. Again, after abundant tests of 
his mettle in a dozen battles, he was promoted to be Captain of 
Co. D, June I7th, 1864. But he never sought these promotions. 
His modesty forbade him ever seeking any but a place of dan- 
ger or duty, and his generous nature often led him to perform a 
friend's duty when he, by the customs of the service, was tem- 
porarily relieved of responsibility. 

He even hesitated to accept his first promotion. He said 
that he did not like to part with his company associates, and he 
did not want promotion until he had earned it. At last his 
manhood earned him all the titles that were ever conferred upon 
him. His friendship was perpetual ; those to whom he was at- 
tached could not be maligned in his presence. He never boasted 
of what he would doy but did all in camp, campaign and battle 
that fell to his lot. He was brave but never reckless, cautious 
and never timid. He questioned no authority — " never reasoned 
why." In the execution of the vast labors of a good company 
commander, and in bearing those large responsibilities, he only 
doubted his own fitness. 



320 

By his modesty, frankness, stern integrity and ingenuous 
friendship, he won the confidence of all; by his faithfulness and 
patriotism, their respect, and was well deserving of his country. He 
participated in all the battles and skirmislies of the regiment up 
to the time of his death, and among them the following : Lo- 
cust Grove, Wilderness, Spottsylvania, Cold Harbor, Petersburg, 
Monocacy, Winchester, Fisher's Hill and Cedar Creek. At this 
last named battle, early in the morning of the 19th of October, 
he was instantly killed. As has been fully described, that part of 
our army lying on the north bank of the creek and on the west 
of the pike, behind slight entrenchments, was surprised before day- 
light, attacked and driven from its position. This at once com- 
pelled a change in the position of tiie right, of which our com- 
mand formed a part, and we were formed in line of battle ex- 
actly at right angles to the original position ; thus we were 
brought squarely in front of the enemy. Here the broken col- 
umns of the left passed us, and the enemy pressing on in force, 
we were obliged to fall back, and this line was soon occupied by 
him. But his success was brief. We charged and retook the 
position, recovering three pieces of Captain McKnight's battery 
which had been left, as we withdrew from our first position, and 
drove the rebels in confusion across the valley and over the 
ridge beyond. They soon rallied, however, in front and on the 
rigiit and left, and the troops on the left of us falling back, both 
flanks were exposed, and again we fell back. It was in this 
action that Captain Thompson was killed, after two hours of 
desperate fighting. He was hit in the head, the ball passing 
through from ear to ear. Here, also, Lieutenant B. B. Clark 
was mortally wounded. Many other ofllcers were wounded, and 
one-third of the entire command was placed hors du combat. 

Company D had now lost two Captains. Perhaps it is re- 
markable that both were shot through the head, and both " died 
and made no sign." But more remarkable that Washington 
county here lost the last of the three gallant oflicers whom it 
sent out with Co. B, in the summer of 1862. Each had fallen 
fighting nobly with the brave men they commanded. In the 
subsequent operations of the day, through which the reverse of 
the morning was turned into glorious victory, Thompson's body 




CAPT. L. D. THOMPSON. 



321 

was recovered, and it now reposes near the home that his death 
shadowed, and which memories of his noble sacrifice must ever 
help to sanctify. 

LIEUTENANT OLABK. 

B. Brooks Clark enlisted from Charlestown, Yt., Aug. 8th, 
1862, and became a private in Co. K, Tenth Regiment, Yer- 
mont Yolnnteers. Upon the organization of the campany he 
was appointed First Sergeant and continued in this position until 
Aug. 9th, 1864, when he was commissioned Second Lieutenant 
of Co. C, same regiment. Little has been ascertained concern- 
ing his life prior to his enlistment ; and he was little known to 
me in the regiment beyond the facts that he was an officer of 
sterling merit and of great personal bravery. His disposition 
and retiring habits were such as to lead him neither to seek nor 
care apparently for only a few close friends, or associates, al- 
though he was not on unfriendly terms with any one. Prob- 
ably few in the regiment would say that they knew him 
intimately. He had an excellent reputation as a soldier, and as 
an officer made an enviable record. His courage and endurance 
were remarkable. The following series of thrilling incidents 
will illustrate the stubborn character and real stamina of the 
man. The facts of the story are furnished by Captain George 
E. Davis. In our retreat from Monocacy, when so many men, over- 
come by the battle and the march, fell out of the ranks and sought 
escape in squads and alone from the enemy's pursuing cavalry, 
Lieutenant Clark, then a Sergeant, found himself entirely alone, 
scarcely able to walk. But somehow he managed to make his 
way slowly toward Baltimore, although a long distance in the 
rear of the retreating troops. He met with great difficulty in 
endeavoring to dodge the rebel troopers and escape capture, as 
they were constantly passing and repassing, looking for unfortu- 
nate Union soldiers like himself who had fallen to the roar. On 
one occasion he saw while concealed in the bushes, almost within 
touch of them, four or five hundred Confederate cavalry who 
had gathered up about two hundred Union prisoners who were 
endeavoring to escape in the same way as himself, some of whom 

(21) 



322 

he knew as belonging to his own division. On another occasion 
he escaped ten of the enemy who were passing along the pike 
by revolving around a large tree just fast enough to keep him- 
self out of the range of their vision as they moved by. One 
day he fell in with a straggler from another regiment who was 
also seeking the friendly protection of our lines ; these two 
joined forces and had moved along quite comfortably together 
for some distance, or rested as their needs required, one keeping 
guard while the other slept, when suddenly they came upon a 
squad of dismounted Confederate cavalry. In endeavoring to 
get around them, they discovered one of their officers who had 
strayed some distance from the rest, and Clark made up his 
mind to capture him, and at a favorable moment he slipped in be- 
tween him and the troop and hurried him off without being dis- 
covered. This prisoner turned out to be an elephant on their 
hands. They did not want to kill him, although he was morose 
and savage, and would do them harm if he could ; and if they 
released him, he would cause them to be captured. Therefore, 
there was no way but to take him along, alternately reliev- 
ing guard over him, day and night. But they could no longer 
travel along the pike and take the chances of stealing into the 
thicket or concealing themselves behind trees and fences upon 
the approach of the enemy and at the same time retain their 
prisoner. So they selected a route parallel to the pike, but some 
distance from it, where their march became very slow, beside 
the inhabitants had been informed by the troopers of the loss of 
their officer and were scouring the whole region in search of 
him. Once they were pursued by two citizens and a dog, but 
they had their muskets with them and their discovery being 
near night, they escaped. On another occasion, Clark was try- 
ing to make his way up to the back door of a farm house to 
procure provisions, when he ran into a troop of the enemy's cav- 
alry from whom he barely escaped by running into a swamp. 
After considerable experience of this kind, " The other soldier 
threw up his interest in this troublous partnership and ran away, 
leaving Clark alone with his prisoner." Clark himself began to 
be discouraged and told his captive that he believed he would 
surrender to him rather than fight the Southern Confederacy 



323 

alone any longer. But he changed his mind while in the act of 
extending his musket to his enemy and resolved to die rather than 
surrender. 

At last he reached Baltimore after a campaign of three 
days and niglits, although not without some other narrow es- 
capes. But the worst and most exasperating part of the story 
is yet to come. He made his way to the office of the Provost 
Marshal, supposing, at least, tliat he would receive a word of 
encouragement, and be congratulated upon his success in escap- 
ing and bringing in a prisoner. But he soon realized the tra- 
ditional ingratitude of republics. This wonderful embodiment 
of United States authority ordered both men to be locked up 
together, one for being a rebel and the other for being away 
from his regiment without leave. Then this Yertnont Sergeant, 
a thousand times above the puny official, seized his musket with 
all the remaining strength he had, and swore an Ethan Allen 
oath that he would shoot the first man who laid hands on him 
and attempted to imprison him with that rebel for whose safe cus- 
tody he had suffered so much. The officer was touched by a little 
sense in the presence of so much, and finally told him he might 
go to his regiment. He went without delay, and afterward he re- 
ceived a receipt for his prisoner, duly signed by the Provost 
Marshal of Baltimore. 

Lieutenant Clark was a true soldier and a nolSle patriot. He 
fought bravely in all the battles in which his regiment participat- 
ed up to the time of hie death ; he was slightly wounded at Win- 
chester, and at Cedar Creek he gave nearly all of his life blood for 
his country, and after suffering untold agonies for two weeks he 
died. 

Another officer. Captain Chester F. Nye, was lost to the ser- 
vice in this action on account of the severity of his wounds. Little 
is known to me of his life before the war, and less since its close. 
Captain Nye entered the military service of the United States 
as a volunteer from Highgate, Vt., August 6th, 1862, and was 
commissioned First Lieutenant of Co. F, on the 30th of the same 
month. He served in that capacity until June 6th, 1864, when 
he was promoted Captain of the same company. He was a 
faithful, painstaking officer, seldom off duty and richly deserved 



324 

the rank he finally attained. He commanded the company for 
much of the time during his First Lieutenancy, but for several 
reasons, none of which affected him personally, he did not ob- 
tain his promotion until the date above mentioned. He was 
in all the battles and skirmishes participated in by the regiment, 
and his war record is a part of the history of the organization to 
which he belonged. He was severely wounded in the battle of 
Cedar Creek, and was discharged on account of wounds received 
in this action, on the 27th of December following. After the 
war he removed to one of the far western States, and is still 
living there. 

It would be a pleasant task to mention at length others 
who fought and fell in this battle, in connection with those al- 
ready mentioned among the killed and wounded. Later in the 
work a chapter will be especially devoted to all who ever be- 
longed to the regimental organi;^ation, so far as practicable, if 
they have not been previously mentioned. 

The following are referred to by request of personal friends 
in this connection, although they deserve mention on their own 
account. 

John M. Aseltyne enlisted from Swanton, Yt., Aug. 16th, 
1862, and became a member of Co. F. He served as a private 
until Jan. 1st, 1864, when he was appointed a Corporal. He 
was a noble, athletic fellow, brave, true and reliable, desiring 
nothing so much as an opportunity to fight for his country and 
do his duty. 

William Malioney enlisted from Bennington, Vt., and upon 
the organization of Co. E was appointed a Corporal. Soon after 
being mustered, he was appointed a Sergeant and detailed a Color 
Sergeant. He carried one of the flags of the regiment, either the 
national or State colors, continuously wliile on duty until he was 
killed. He was conspicuously brave, and it was apparently his de- 
light to get as near the enemy as possible and flaunt his flag in their 
faces, which he was sure to do with a royal will, while challeng- 
ing their attention with his singularly apt Irish wit. In the last 
charge of the regiment at Cedar Creek, he was instantly killed 
and fell with his flag in his hand, toward the foe. 

Leonard K. Foster, Jr., enlisted from Moretown at the age 
of seventeen, as private in Co. B. He was cool, brave, daring, 




SERGT. LEONARD R. EOSTEE. 



325 

noble, patriotic. When his country, which was being rent and 
torn by traitorous hands, sent out a cry for help, he left his 
Bchool-books, his friends, a bright future and all but his brother 
next younger, who accompanied him, to lay down his life if 
need be for the country which he loved and for which he was 
determined to do his share in upholding. Not one drop of dis- 
loyal blood flowed in his veins, and his atmosphere was not 
healthy for " copperheads," who were more contemptible, to 
his sense, than the traitors of the South. He was always ready 
for every call to duty. There was no better or more faithful 
soldier than he. While the army was lying at White Sulphur 
Springs, Va., in the summer of 1863, he was taken sick and sent 
back to the hospital at Alexandria, Va. The Surgeons pro- 
nounced his case a hopeless one and said he could not live. His 
father went to him and took care of him until he was able to 
start for home. After this he convalesced rapidly. He returned 
to the regiment the next winter at Brandy Station, and entered 
with it the next spring upon the Wilderness campaign. At the 
battle of Cold Harbor a ball passed through his left arm and 
plowed through his left breast, his life being saved by copper 
and silver money carried in the shirt pocket, causing the ball to 
turn outward. He again went to the hospital at Montpelier, 
Yt., but not willing to submit to its regimen, he left for the front 
before his wounds were healed and he was able to go on duty. 
When he reached New York City he was offered a position to 
remain there and not return to active service. He declined the 
offer, preferring, if need be, to suffer with his comrades in field 
service. He returned to the regiment in the Shenandoah Valley at 
the Sheridan campaign. His first engagement was at the battle of 
Winchester, where he said he " fired over a hundred rounds at the 
' Johnnies,' " and being a good marksman, thought he " paid 
them for what they had done to him." After his first wound 
he had a premonition that he should again be hit by a rebel bullet, 
so he asked his brother, who was with the band, to carry the 
company roll lest something might happen to him and the roll 
be lost. In the morning of the battle of Cedar Creek, while the 
army was falling back to where it could form a line, he remained 
in the rear, nearer the enemy, that he might the better secure a 



326 

" Johnny " as a target for his rifle, besides he did not like the 
idea of being driven by a rebel. At this point of action he was 
Btrnck in the head by a traitor's bullet and instantly killed. 
The rebel liorde stripped him of all he had on except his shirt 
and stockings, everything he had being new, even to his watch, 
and his clothing was of his own private getting. His brother 
sent his body home and it was interred in the village graveyard 
at Moretown. He was acting First Sergeant at the time he 
was killed and was in the line of promotion. He was much 
liked by those who knew him. 

There were two men who received serious wounds in this 
action under somewhat peculiar circumstances. Thomas J. Hen- 
nessey enlisted from Jamaica, for one year, and was mustered 
into the United States service on Sept. lith, 1864, and Michael 
Naylon enlisted from Orwell, Sept. 19th, 1864, also for one 
year. Having several acquaintances in Co. C, and being assured 
by Surgeon Childe that they would be detailed as hospital at- 
tendants, they were assigned to the Tenth Regiment. They 
reached the front the day before the battle of Cedar Creek, and 
the next day went into action with the company and both were 
wounded, Hennessey losing an arm and Naylon receiving a dan- 
gerous wound in the abdomen. Two or three hours' fighting is 
all the service they ever saw, and both were honorably discharged 
the following May for wounds received in action. 



32T 



CHAPTER VII. 

WE now go back to become once more identified with the 
operations around Petersburg and Richmond, and to per- 
form duties more disagreeable than those we had discharged 
during the last forty days, and to live on a soldier's common 
fare — the lambs and honey of the Confederacy having become ex- 
hausted in this quarter. 

On the 3d of December, we moved to Stevenson's Station, 
and took cars for Harper's Ferry en route for Washington, via 
the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad. Arriving at the station, there 
followed the usual disestablishment that falls to the lot of armies 
moved by railroad and water transportation — that is, all unau- 
thorized horses, a large number of which are generally accumu- 
lated in a campaign through an enemy's country, were turned 
over to Quartermasters. There are also, at such times, a great 
many personal effects, such as tables, chairs, ofttimes a stool, 
and not unfrequently a bed-quilt, that have mysteriously made 
their way into camp and ministered wonderfully to the soldier's 
comfort, which must, on the eve of a march, be abandoned. "We 
often parted with these articles with great reluctance. No one 
can tell how much he becomes attached to an old chair, or a 
table, until he has known the inconvenience of trying to get 
along without it. The man who invented a camp-chair was 
a great civilizer as well as a public benefactor. 

We arrived at Washington at 8 o'clock on the morning of 
the fourth, and immediately took passage on the steamer Ma- 
tilda^ for City Point, where we arrived at 11 a. m., on the fifth. 
After some delay we got ashore, and after a great deal more 
detention reached the front sometime during the night. When 
the morning broke we found that we had slept among the half- 
buried bones of those slain six months before, and upon a battle- 
field we had ourselves contested. Next day we moved into a 
position on the left of the Weldon Railroad, formerly occupied 
by the Fifth Corps. It was a dreary place. The heel of the 



328 

soldier had crushed all the verdure from the soil — the timber 
for miles around had been cut awaj and converted into fortifi- 
cations and cabins or used for fuel. Still, all this region was 
many times enriched by the blood of our countrymen, and now 
doubtless yields luxuriant harvests of grass and grain from the 
costly fertilizing. Our division moved to Hatcher's run, on the 
ninth, in a terrible storm of snow and rain, as a supporting col- 
umn to Warren and Mott, who had gone still further to the left, 
in order to destroy the Weldon Railroad, south of our position, 
which the enemy was using to transport supplies from North 
Carolina, nearly up to a point whence he could wagon them 
around our left to his own depots. On the tenth, after stand- 
ing in line of battle, in half-frozen mud and water six inches 
deep, from 8 o'clock in the morning until 2 in the afternoon, 
we moved back to the old camp. Barely arriving there, our 
regiment was ordered away to Fort Dushane, a position in the 
rear line of defenses on the Weldon Railroad. Here we re- 
mained until the twenty-third, through terrible cold weather, 
and it required a great deal of grumbling to while away and 
vary the monotony of our stay. Through great tribulation the 
men had contrived to build cabins, though much inferior to any 
they had constructed before, on account of the great scarcity of 
material. But there was no rest yet ; just as these additions to 
our comfort had been secured, Greuoral Seymour, now in com- 
mand of our division, ordered us up to the first line of defenses, 
near the signal tower. There we remained in comparative quiet 
until the 29th of March, with the exception of an engagement 
on the twenty-fifth. 

Soon after returning to the Petersburg lines, several im- 
portant changes occurred in the regiment. Death and wounds 
in battle during the valley campaign had eliminated from our 
ranks many brave men and at least a dozen experienced officers, 
four of whom had been killed and three discharged on account 
of wounds. Over three hundred men were absent on sick leave 
or furloughs, and twenty -seven were prisoners of war. During 
the month of December, we suffered a still greater reduction of 
oflBcers by resignations, although, for the most part, others were 
raised to equal rank to fill their places. On the 17tli, Colonel 



329 

Henry resigned on account of severe premonition of a return of 
pulmonary disease, which he had contracted at Bull Kun in 
1862, and for which he had been once honorably discharged 
from the service. He had been an exceedingly popular officer, 
beloved by the regiment and highly esteemed by all who knew 
him in the division and corps, and his departure was sincerely 
regretted. 

Lieutenant-Colonel Charles G. Chandler had been tried by 
a court-martial in the first days of November, upon charges pre- 
ferred against him for his conduct at Cedar Creek, and accord- 
ing to the findings of the court had been dismissed the service 
on the 24th of December following. 

Major Lucius T. Hunt had also resigned on account of the 
breaking out of wounds received at Cold Harbor on the 3d of 
June preceding. 

Upon the discharge of these field officers, or about this time, 
Brevet-Major George B. Damon, who had received this recogni- 
tion on Oct. 19th for gallantry at Opequan and at Cedar Creek, 
while serving on General Kicketts' staff, was promoted Major on 
the 19th of December, and on the 2d of January, 1865, was 
appointed Lieutenant-Colonel. On the same date. Adjutant 
Wylljs Lyman, who had been severely wounded at Cedar Creek 
and had just returned to the regiment, was promoted Major. 
Lieutenant James M. Read was also at the same time appointed Ad- 
jutant.* Brigadier-General Truman Seymour had been assigned 
to the command of our division. In the engagement of the 25th 
of March, referred to just previous to this digression, Lieutenant- 
Colonel Damon and the Tenth Vermont and other troops under 
his command, while he was Division Officer of the Day, gained 
considerable distinction by initiating a series of successes over the 
enemy that proved to be of vast importance to our army a week 
later, when General Grant made the final successful advance 
upon the enemy's lines at Petersburg. It was a battle of the 
picket lines, but intended also to feel of the enemy, who it 
was apprehended had weakened himself in order to swell the 
force he had so disastrously impelled against Fort Steadraan, and 

* To all of these officers there will be made further reference at the 
proper time. 



330 

the connecting Union works on the night of the twenty-fourth. 
This Confederate attack being upon the east of Petersburg, and 
far to the right, did not fall upon the Sixth Corps, although 
General Parke, temporarily in command of the army, might 
have ordered out our First Division and held it in readiness to 
assist his own corps, the Ninth, in case it should be needed. 
Therefore, the Sixth Corps did not sustain any part in the tem- 
porary defeat at that point ; neither share the subsequent bril- 
liant success there attained — all of that belongs to the Ninth 
Corps. As soon as that affair was well over, however. General 
Meade, supposing that some of the enemy's supporting troops in 
the attack upon Fort Steadman had been drawn from his front 
farther to the left, ordered an advance of the heavy picket line 
of our Third Division, which involved in one way and another 
nearly the whole line of pickets from Fort Steadman to Hatch- 
er's run and resulted in the capture of the enemy's advanced 
position with many prisoners, which was strengthened and held. 

The part taken in this affair by the Tenth and three other 
regiments of the division was exceedingly brilliant, and no doubt 
the same may be said of the other troops engaged in it. Col- 
onel Damon had under his command about four hundred men 
from the Tenth Vermont and Fourteenth New Jersey, besides 
the One Hundred and Tenth and One Hundred and Twenty- 
second Ohio Regiments. With these forces he was ordered to 
advance to the picket line in front of Forts Fisher and Welch, 
and if possible carry it. He reached this line, which was about 
three hundred yards distant, and penetrated it at several points, 
but on account of the strength of the position and the vigor of 
its defense, he was compelled to retire to the original line. 

General Seymour made immediate preparation to renew the 
charge. General Keifer, commanding our Second Brigade, with 
the One Hundred and Twenty-sixth Ohio, the Sixty-seventh 
Pennsylvania, the Sixth Maryland and the Ninth New York 
Heavy Artillery Regiments, as a support to Damon's detach- 
ments from four regiments of the First Brigade, now directed 
the assault. The advance commenced at 4 p. m., Colonel Da- 
mon now commanding his own regiment. The first line moved 
rapidly forward, the supports closely following, and captured the 



331 

enemy's entire entrenched picket line, as before stated, and held 
it, forcing them back five hundred yards. The enemy's fiasco 
upon Fort Steadman, in the early morning, finally resulted in 
the loss of this entire fortified line, together with the loss of four 
thousand men at all points in killed and captured. Of these, 
the Tenth captured one hundred and sixty men. Thus ended 
the operations of the day, so far as we were concerned. This 
advance proved to be very important to us, and was a much 
greater loss to the enemy than he realized at the time. Gen- 
erals Wright and Humphreys both say : But for the capture of 
this "entrenched picket line the attack of the 2d of April could 
not have succeeded. The position then gained was indispensa- 
ble to the operations on the main line by affording a place for 
assembling the assaulting columns within striking distance of 
the enemy's main entrenchments." 

Lieutenant-Colonel Damon reports the following respecting 
the part taken by the Tenth Regiment in the action : " On this 
charge I took command of the left portion of the picket line, 
composed of two hundred and thirty men of my own regiment — 
the Tenth Vermont. At about 4 o'clock p. m., at a given sig- 
nal, the whole line, together with the supporting column, ad- 
vanced and carried the works of the enemy, capturing nearly the 
entire picket force in our front and held their entrenched line. 
On this second charge my regiment captured one hundred and 
sixty prisoners, among whom were several officers." 

Previous to this movement the Sixth Corps, most of the 
time since the middle of December, 1864, and the Third Divis- 
ion all the time, had been on duty at Fort Dushane, and near 
Fort Fisher. These duties were quite severe, as we were so 
near the enemy, and it required so much time and attention to 
keep the slippery clay soil, upon which our camp was located, in 
a good sanitary condition. The two picket lines, at this point, 
were near enough together to afford free and easy communica- 
tion between the sentinels on opposite posts. They daily ex- 
changed Richmond for Washington and New York papers. 
" Yank " and " Johnny " chopped wood from the same felled 
tree, at the same time, between the lines, and conversed about 
the aspects of the struggle. Why should they not ? Each was 



332 

then engaged in a peaceful pursuit, and it seemed as reasonable 
as the practice of firing upon each other regularly, night and 
morning, from their respective posts of military duty. 

No details for picket duty, at this time, were allowed to sleep 
when not on their posts, during the twenty-four hours, which was 
the usual limit of their assignment to this task. There was little 
or no time for drill while in these winter quarters, and perhaps no 
need of more than was furnished by the usual evening dress parade, 
and that was often omitted. This gave the men exercise in the 
manual of arms, and was now performed in our division by bri- 
gades. On the whole, this was altogether the hardest winter we 
had seen in our military existence. Our exposure to the storm, 
and our experience in the mud, were greater than ever before. 
The pitiless blast frequently uncovered the frail shelters of the 
soldier, and sometimes blow down our heavily corded wall tents. 
One March wind wrenched Surgeon Clarke's tent from its fast- 
enings, and hurled the ridge beam upon the head of Captain 
Davis, who happened to be sitting inside, with such violence as 
to render that officer senseless for twenty-four hours, and disable 
him for a month. Our proximity to the Confederate lines, as 
has been seen, was such as to render almost every movement of 
ours visible to them, and constant vigilance was the price of our 
safety from surprise. 

We had a sutler but a small part of the time, and we had 
to rely upon the government for all of our supplies, as foraging 
was out of the question in this part of the country and at this 
time. With all this exposure, privation and severe military ser- 
vice, the troops of our division were never in a more healthy 
condition. The men of the Tenth Eegiment were complimented 
in a special order by Colonel Scriver, Medical Inspector of the 
army, for cleanliness of person and quarters, also for the healthy 
and orderly arrangements of their camp. The Division hospital, 
in charge of Surgeon Childe, of the Tenth, was admirably locat- 
ed, well fitted up, and in its routine and details of management 
as condncive to the comfort of the sick as any of those vast mili- 
tary infirmaries around Washington. With all this, too, our 
troops were contented. There was no murmuring, but each man 
seemed to be waiting calmly to do his part in the final move- 



333 

ments of the approaching spring campaign, which all believed 
would determine the fate of the rebellion. Oar discipline was 
perfect, and desertion from among the veterans unknown, al- 
though there were some from recruits and substitutes who had 
recently been sent to the front. In these particulars there was 
a remarkable contrast between the two opposing armies. While 
the Patriots were well fed, warmly clad and abundantly supplied 
with medicines and hospital accommodations, firmly believing in 
the justice and righteousness of their cause, with many of their 
comrades returning recovered from the injuries of the late cam- 
paigns, and ready now to do and die in further efforts to sup- 
press the rebellion, a large majority of the Confederates lacked 
all these conditions and qualities. They were discontented, 
weary and heart-sick of the struggle, thinly clad, scantily fed 
upon rations of inferior quality, and many were constantly seeking 
the opportunity to desert. Scores and hundreds came into our 
lines nightly. General Grant estimates that the enemy were 
losing the value of a regiment each day. A load of them, driv- 
ing a six-mule team, entered our camps on the 23d of February, 
in open day. Many of the officers came in with their men, de- 
livering themselves from further participation in a struggle 
which had become hopeless. Thus, much of the vitality of the 
Confederacy oozed out ; its forces were dropping away all win- 
ter, and the time usually employed to recruit the health and 
spirits of 'an army for vigorous operations in the spring, was 
seized upon by the Confederate soldiers to free themselves from 
the toils and the consequences of uncertain contest. This showed 
something of the state of demoralization existing in the rebel army ; 
but when soldiers, set to guard its outposts and various fortifica- 
tions against the approaches of an enemy without, were com- 
pelled to guard still more vigilantly against their own compan- 
ions in arms, lest they should desert, and were oftentimes 
ordered to fire upon large squads deserting to their enemies, 
there is considerable evidence of disorder. There must have 
been also at that time some feeling bordering upon demoraliza- 
tion throughout the Confederacy. It is now known that the 
so-called Confederate government and General Lee had deter- 
mined, as early as February or March, that the Petersburg and 



334 

Richmond lines must be abandoned as soon as practicable. Not 
only were their sources of supplies becoming exhausted, but their 
lines were too long to be defended by the army at their disposal. 
Comparatively short when they were compelled to enter them, 
ciglit months before. General Grant's enfolding tactics had 
forced their extension to over thirty-six miles in length, every 
foot of which had to be manned. The tears of Louis XLV. once 
produced an army that saved France, but neither weeping nor 
any other process could raise and subsist armies for the waoting 
Confederacy. Hence the determination to withdraw as soon as 
the roads became settled. In order to clear the way somewhat 
for his escape southward, the attack on Fort Steadman, already 
referred to, which, if it had been successful, would have threat- 
ened City Point, and caused General Grant to draw in his left, 
was designed. The Lieutenant-General perceived, or at least 
suspected, Lee's plan. These then were the existing conditions. 
The false structure of government with the black man for its 
corner-stone and State rights for the superstructure, had more 
than reached its height. It was crumbling to pieces. Sheridan 
had destroyed an army that the Confederate chief had sent into 
the Shenandoah Valley for the purpose of loosing the toils that 
he felt tightening around him. Sherman and Thomas had kept 
all of the Confederate armies south and southwest of Virginia 
remarkably busy for nearly a 3'ear, ever defeating and steadily 
driving them, and now, united, were heading toward Rich- 
mond. 

Lee must free himself from this vice-like grip of the Army 
of the Potomac or perish. Grant had planned a movement to 
commence on the 29th of March, which was to strike once more 
the enemy's right flank, against which we had been so often 
hurled with varying success, while vigorous demonstrations were 
to be made upon his left. Lee anticipated this contemplated 
movement by four days. On the twenty-fifth, he made his 
famous strike at Fort Steadman. Had this design sncceeded, it 
certainly would have prolonged the contest, for it would have 
divided our army and endangered our depot of supplies at 
City Point. But the result was far otherwise. Lee lost four 
thousand men, was compelled to give ground at several points 



335 

along his line, and on the whole, shook himself more firmly into 
the toils from which he was endeavoring to escape. Thus the 
memorable 2d of April, 1865, found him. 

It is not the purpose of this history to give a full and inde- 
pendent account of the memorable eight days of fighting from 
the dawn of the 2d of April until the surrender of the Army of 
Northern Virginia on the ninth. The remarkable operations on 
the enemy's right, prior to the second, and subsequently, under 
General Sheridan with the cavalry, General Warren with the 
Fifth Corps and General Humphreys, then commanding the 
Second Corps, although in every respect brilliant and deci. 
sive parts of the general plan, cannot here be fully recorded. 
Nor is it necessary to speak of the equally decisive opera- 
tions on the enemy's left — those north of Kichmond. It would 
be needless presumption to do so, unless new phases of the vari- 
ous movements could be presented, and there is no pretensions 
to having made such a discovery. Therefore, a brief and hasty 
survey of the movements of the Sixth Corps, and more particu- 
larly of the Third Division, supplementing the account with the 
official reports of Major-General Wright and Brigadier-General 
Seymour and the commander of the Tenth Regiment, none of 
which may be accessible to all of our regimental associates, is all 
that will be attempted. 

The brilliant part taken by the Sixth Corps in the final as- 
sault upon the Confederate lines at Petersburg, on the 2d of 
April, was shared by our Third Division and as fully by the 
Tenth Vermont. The regiment now had nearly five hundred 
officers and men present for duty. They were in the best of 
spirits and under perfect discipline. Nearly all were veterans — 
men who had m arched and fought together in all the great bat- 
tles of the Army of the Potomac in the Wilderness campaign. 
The corps as a whole had, with other troops, won three notable 
victories over the enemy in the Shenandoah Valley ; while the 
Third Division had, by their stubborn resistance of an enemy 
on the Monocacy from three to five times their own strength, 
rendered futile the boldest scheme and the most important sin- 
gle plan of the Confederate government during the war. Each 
man knew his neighbor who touched his elbow, and they stood 



836 

together for all that has ever been found in intelligent and ex- 
perienced American soldiers. They were now eager for another 
combat with the enemy that had yielded to their superior valor 
on the 25th of March, both an important position and a largo 
number of prisoners. , It will be remembered that the position 
of the corps was before Forts Fisher and Welch, and the Third 
Division was on the left of the corps and the Tenth Regiment 
on the left of the division. The brigade was formed in three 
lines : the Tenth Vermont and the One Hundred and Sixth New 
York in the front line ; the second line consisted of the Four- 
teenth New Jersey and the One Hundred and Fifty-first New 
York ; and the third, the Eighty-seventh Pennsylvania. The for- 
mation could not have been more to our liking. The One Hun- 
dred and Sixth New York were all Yerraonters. We had been 
ready to march out since midnight on the night of the first, but 
did not move until two or three hours later. We then filed out 
silently, took position within two hundred yards of the enemy's 
picket line, lay down on the damp, cold ground and shivered 
in the darkness for two hours longer. The enemy, either sus- 
pecting something serious was intended on our side of the line, 
or else by some contretemps on our part, opened a heavy fire, 
before it was light, which fell upon the Tenth Regiment and 
other troops in their rear, with most annoying results, killing 
several men and wounding many more in the brigade. It was 
remarkable that it did not eventuate in more serious trouble, or 
completely break up the plan of attack. But in all the dense 
masses subjected to such imminent peril from this fire, hardly a 
man stined who was not obliged to leave the ranks on account 
of wounds. In fact, they maintained such quiet that the enemy 
was deceived into the belief that none except the usual picket 
force was in their front, and soon ceased their fire. Finally, 
axmen being distributed along the front of the assaulting column 
and sharpshooters disposed in the usual order, at 4,40 the signal 
gun from Fort Fisher boomed out the order to advance. Almost 
with the same motion the men arose and began to advance ; the 
column quickly broke over the enemy's picket line, with slight re. 
Bistance ; scarcely halting, the troops moved swiftly up to the 
main defenses, now blazing with a fearful fire of artillery and a 



337 

still more destructive fire of musketry from the parapets. The 
abatis was cut away by the axmen, at intervals, and these open- 
ings, with those left by the enemy through which to pass in and 
out, were instantly thronged by our men, struggling to gain the 
works, which were won in an incredibly short period of time, 
alongr the whole front of the attack. It was a masfnificcnt sue- 
cess, and it was achieved under difficulties and in the face of 
obstacles which might have appalled troops as brave as these. 

General Wright says : " The works in front of the chosen 
point of attack were known to be an extraordinarily strong line 
of rifle-pits, with deep ditches and high relief, preceded by one 
or two lines of abatis, were not only unusually well constructed, 
but a line of very strong fraise existed between them. At 
every few hundred yards of this line were forts or batteries, 
well supplied with artillery. These lines might well have been 
looked upon by the enemy as impregnable, and nothing but the 
most resolute bravery could have overcome them." 

The Tenth Vermont, in advance of all the other troops of 
the division, as they came up to these works, found themselves 
confronted by a strong redoubt, mounting six or eight guns, 
with a deep ditch in front. The men leaped into the ditch, 
climbed over the parapet and were soon pouring into the breast- 
works. The enemy had time for but one discharge of their 
pieces before the Vermonters were upon them ; they undertook 
to withstand them with clubbed muskets, but most of them soon 
gave up altogether and were sent to the rear, while the others es- 
caped by flight to another and smaller redoubt on the left. But 
the Tenth Vermont men, although little skilled in the use of 
artillery, turned the captured guns upon them and were having 
it all their own way, when the enemy in this second work, after 
receiving their comrades who had fled from the first, opened a 
brisk fire upon our men in the fort and made that place decidedly 
warm for us, especially as we were in a somewhat disorgan- 
ized condition. But Lieutenant-Colonel Damon and Major Ly- 
man, assisted by other officers of the Tenth and of the One 
Hundred and Sixth, formed a line of battle, consisting prob- 
ably of men from several regiments of the First Brigade, 

(22) 



338 

which advanced and captured this second work. The men were 
now so filled with enthusiasm, that they were not easily con- 
trolled. Inspired by tlieir successes hitherto, this force, seeing 
still another work in their front, just across a marsh or slight 
ravine, held by a larger force of the enemy, pushed on, and 
assisted now by nearly all of the brigade, captured the third 
strong place with over one hundred prisoners, and it was not 
yet past 8 o'clock in the morning. 

Although the larger number of the enemy retired from the 
last mentioned work as our men approached it, they did not go 
far, but withdrew a few hundred yards to the left to a piece of 
woods, where by their severe and continuous musketry fire they 
checked our further progress, and in fact made our advanced 
position untenable, beyond the brief period of time which we 
held it at a disadvantage, say twenty minutes. From this point 
in the woods, the enemy, having collected a strong force, ad- 
vanced along both sides of the entrenchments, and now com- 
pelled this adventurous brigade to fall back. The retrograde 
movement, however, did not extend beyond the second fort or 
battery which had fallen into our hands at an earlier hour. But 
in this temporary reverse, our severely wounded, among them 
Adjutant Head, fell into the hands of the enemy. Swiftly re- 
organizing the regiments of the brigade, which were in some- 
thing of a snarl, in consequence of the rapid movements of the 
morning, and these troops now being joined by most of those of 
the Second Brigade, the division soon resumed the offensive, re- 
capturing the fort and everything in it at a single dash. Our 
wounded and prisoners were recovered. As the result of the 
combined movement of the army, the enemy abandoned their 
entire outer line of works around Petersburg. The division 
encountered no further opposition, and after moving on still fur- 
ther, some distance to the left, returned to the right, to a point 
north of the one where we entered the line in the morning, and 
finally up to the fortifications south of Petersburg. In the pur- 
suit of the enemy inside of their lines southward, some of our 
troops, in their eagerness, went as far as the Boydton plank road 
and the South Side Railroad, and some even crossed IJ atelier's 
run ; and it was with considerable reluctance that they obeyed 



339 

the order of the Lieutenant-General to turn back. It was not far 
from sundown when the corps went into position near the works 
immediately south of Petersburg, as before mentioned. We did not 
attempt to assail these works and enter the city that night, probably 
because the corps had been under arms eighteen hours, assaulting 
the strong defenses of the enemy, fighting him and pursuing six 
miles or more and then returning over the same distance and even 
beyond the point of attack in the morning. For these reasons it was 
deemed best to defer further operations for the day. Accordingly 
General Wright placed his corps in position just out of range of the 
enemy's fire, where the men bivouaced for the night to wait for 
the dawn of the third, when all expected the tactics initiated the 
day before would be renewed. The Third Division again occu- 
pied the left of the line and the Tenth Vermont the left of the 
division, resting upon the Appomattox river, extending east as 
far as the Whitworth house ; other troops prolonged the line to 
the entrenchments captured in the morning. 

It was understood that the assault here would begin at daj'^- 
light. But there was little rest for the victorious army that 
night. Sleep could not break through the excitement incident 
to the last eighteen hours, nor banish the anticipations of the 
morrow. Instead of dreams with their bafifling auguries, the 
men fought over the finished battle, and chanted the victory 
which they fully believed would come to them in the dying 
echoes of the next reveille. It was, therefore, a surprise to 
learn about 3 o'clock in the morning that the lines around 
Petersburg and Richmond had been evacuated during the night. 
Tiie First Division of the Ninth Corps, General Wilcox's, was 
immediately moved into the city, where it took possession of the 
abandoned property and military stores. 

The Sixth Corps was not permitted to enter the city, al- 
though many officers and men climbed over the formidable works 
and obtained a brief glance of the place that had hitherto and so 
long successfully resisted their encroachments. 

There was nothing strange about the appearance of this 
city, except its remarkable silence. Stores, shops and all public 
buildings were closed ; nearly all the inhabitants had fled with 
the army, save women and negroes. The place was formally 



340 

surrendered by the municipal authorities, but it was not to be 
expected that they would cheerfully welcome the new masters 
of the situation. It seemed theu almost a privilege to be a 
black man — he alone, of those born and wedded to the South, 
could be happy. His color and condition precluded him from 
being a traitor, and fortunately neither prevented him from being 
a man and humane. He alone could shout till hoarse, and be 
glad with a great joy. And he did not permit the opportunity 
to pass unimproved. 

Richmond and Petersburg fell in the same hour. General 
Weitzel, since the 29th of March, had held the works on the 
east side of the James river in front of Richmond, with one 
Division of the Twenty-fourth Corps and two divisions of the 
Twenty-fifth and was in command of the forts and strong Union 
entrenchments at that point. He had kept up a heavy fire from 
his batteries while Parke, Wright, Ord and Humpiireys were 
advancing upon the Confederate lines to his left. On the morn- 
ing of the third, he discovered that the enemy had evacuated 
Richmond ; or at least, tliat the rebel troops had retired from 
his front. As early as 2 o'clock a. m. of the third, he was awak- 
ened by the sharp sound of explosions, and very soon began to 
suspect the cause. Efforts were made to verify the conjecture. 
Soon a deserter came in and gave it as his opinion that tiie Con- 
federates were evacuating the city. At 4 o'clock, a negro drove 
into camp and reported that they had been doing so all night. 
Weitzel immediately put his troops in motion, and started with 
his sttiff to occupy the place, and at 6 o'clock in the morning 
entered the l>eautiful metropolis of Old Virginia, crackling in 
the flames which had spread over the wliole business portions of 
the city, and amid the thunder of exploding shells which had 
come in contact with the fiery elements. 

It is remarkable that while most of the troops from the lit- 
tle State of Vermont, then in tlie field, with their comrades from 
almost all the other loyal States, were thundering at the back 
di»or of Richmond, other Vermont troops were pouring in and 
were the first to enter, at the front door; and of all the oflicers 
of high r;mk commanding trcops on the north of Richmond, 
Brevet Brigadier-General Edward 11. Ripley, Colonel of the 



341 

Ninth Vermont Infantry, and at that time commanding a bri- 
gade, was ordered to lead the column in its triumphant entry 
into the abandoned Confederate capital. He was also selected 
by Major-General Weitzel to command the city and all the 
troops employed about its garrison. 

Colonel Joel C. Baker of the Ninth Regiment Vermont 
Volunteers, in a letter addressed to Adjutant and Inspector-Gen- 
eral Theodore S. Peck, and published in The Boston Journal 
of April 4th, 1893, gives the following graphic account of the 
first entrance of Union troops into Richmond. As Colonel 
Baker's correspondence treats of his personal observation, and 
participation in that interesting historical event, no other autlior- 
ity seems to be needed for the accuracy of his descriptions : 

Sunday, April 2, 1865, was full of excitement and expectation on the 
picket line in front of Kiclimond. The dull thunder of cannon reached us 
from the south, by which we knew that Grant was at work below Peters- 
burg. Staff officers from the headquarters of Weitzel and of Devens visited 
us frequently, scanned with their glasses the line of the enemy from Fort 
Johnson as far as it could be seen, and gazed wistfully at the steeples of 
Kichmond that stood before us in the bright sunlight. Each visitor brought 
us fresh installments of such news as is current in a military camp, where 
the expressed wi.sh of one man becomes an accomplished fact by the repeti- 
tion of a few moments. The rebels also showed unusual bustle and activity. 
We could see them leveling glasses in our/ direction, and details were using 
strenuous efforts to strengthen their works, especially at Fort Johnson and 
northerly toward Fort Gilmer. The day closed with the utmost activity and 
watchfulness on both sides. 

Soon after dark the First Brigade of the Third Division of the Twenty- 
fourth Corps, commanded by Brevet Brigadier-General Edward H. Ripley, 
marched out and went into bivouac immediately in rear of the picket line 
of that brigade. 

A short time after this. Captain Bruce of General Devens' staff, accom- 
panied an engineer officer of the Twenty-fifth Corps to our line and laid out 
an earthwork on a slight eminence to cover cannon, to be used as a prelude 
to an assault to be made by Ripley at daybreak, and I was directed to give 
certain orders to the officer to be sent out with a detail to build the work 
contemplated. Those orders were not delivered, as no detail came. The 
night was intensely dark, and no light was allowed on either side. The fires 
at the reserve were not lighted, and even the Confederate camps were thick 
Avith unbroken darkness. The rebel videttes had refused to talk all day, and 
when night came we were equally silent. The silence was oppressive as the 
night wore on. At a little past 1 o'clock we secured our first and only 
deserter on our part of the line that night. He was an intelligent young fel- 
low, and told us that the picket line in our front had been withdrawn and 
ordered back to camp, and that he believed that it meant an abandonment 
of Virginia, and as a Virginia man he deserted to save being compelled to 
leave his State when the Confederate army withdrew and left it to fall under 
the control of the federal power. 



312 

We sent this man to General Devens' headquarters and continued our 
watch. About 2 o'clock there shot up from Fort Johnson on our left a bright 
column of flame, resembling that of a burning tar barrel. This signal flame 
burned perhaps three minutes, and when it died out our ears were greeted 
with tlie rumble of wagons and ordnance, and the tramp of marching men, as 
the division of General Custis Lee of Ewell's corps moved off to the pon- 
toon bridge and across the James, never to return. 

At the first streak of dawn, Captain Bruce and Lieutenant-Colonel Bam- 
berger of the Fiftli Maryland, the division ofiicer of the day, appeared and 
ordered the picket line forward. 

We moved forward to the thick line of abatis in front of tlie rebel works, 
then filed through the works and deployed on the other side. The gray light 
of the early dawn was not sufficient to allow us to see objects at a moderate 
distance, and it was not until we had deployed on the Richmond side of the 
rebel works that we found that only a section of the Second Brigade picket 
had advanced. As I now remember it, Ve had men from only three regi- 
ments with us, namely : Ninth Vermont, Twelfth New Hampshire and Fifth 
Maryland. As we formed inside the works and moved forward. Colonel Bam- 
berger rode back to bring forward the remainder of the picket line, and we 
must have been on the way to Richmond nearly thirty minutes before the 
pickets of the First Brigade and a considerable proportion of those of the 
Second Brigade received their orders to move. 

Our line advanced rapidly as skirmishers for a few rods, then rallied on 
the road, which I understand was the Osborne turnpike, and went forward 
at double quick the entire distance to the city. 

Many of our men were exhausted and fell out by the way, so that when 
we reached the city not more than half the men who started on the advance 
from Fort Gilmer were in hand. Only five officers were thereat the halt — 
Captain Sargent, Twelfth New Hampshire ; Captain Leavenworth, Ninth Ver- 
mont; Lieutenants J. C. Baker and Burnham Cowdry, Ninth Vermont, and 
a First Lieutenant of the Twelfth New Hampshire, whose name I am unable 
to recall* This force entered the city and mai'ched to Church Hill, where 
we fell upon the ground and rested for a few moments. While we were there 
a few staff officers rode past. Some of them I knew at the time, but can now 
recall but two of them. Majors Stevens and Graves of General Weitzel's staff. 
We fell in and followed these officers into the burning streets, lying between 
us and Capitol Square. Before we reached the City Hall, we v/ere by some 
one directed to proceed to Jefferson Davis' house and await orders. 

This we did, and remained about half an hour, when we received orders 
to station guards on near streets, to stop plunderers who were carrying away 
stolen property. This took all our men, so that we felt we had received fur- 
ther orders and were not required to remain at the house of the Confederate 
President any longer. 

Soon after we left the Davis house another detachment of Union troops 
appeared there and remained for a considerable time. This force I under- 
stood to be a part of our picket line that was ordered forward by Colonel 
Bamberger, after he had seen us well on our way. 

Later in the morning I witnessed the triumphal entry into the city of 
Ripley's brigade. It was a stirring scene. Three full military bands were 
playing patriotiQ airs at the head of the column. The step was exact; arms 
at right shoulder and distances kept with the precision of a parade drill. The 
Thirteenth New Hampshire was the leading regiment in the column. General 

* Lieutenant Bohaoan. 



343 

Weitzel gave the charge of military affairs to Ripley, and a few moments 
sufficed to direct the troops to the work of saving the city from the devour- 
ing fire that for hours had been sweeping to destruction the business part of 
the proud capital of the Old Dominion, and the hot-bed of Confederate 
official life. 

General Devens was accustomed to say that the first organized body of 
troops to enter Richmond that morning was the Thirteenth New Hampshire. 
This was true in the sense that an organized body must have and be wiih its 
colors. A picket line is a body of officers and soldiers on special duty and has 
no colors. It, therefore, does not come within the military definition of an 
organized troop, but Devens often spoke of the pickets of the Ninth Ver- 
mont and Twelfth New Hampshire being the first soldiers to reach the city. 

When the First Brigade pickets moved forward General Ripley insists 
that his brigade followed them right forward and kept them as an advance 
guard until he reached the city and his command did not at any time come 
in sight of the first detachment. The Confederate flag at " Jeff " Davis' 
house was there upon our arrival and was taken away by myself. 

Very soon the American flag — one which had belonged to 
the Twelfth Maine Regiment, then in the possession of General 
George F. Sheplej, Weitzel's Chief of Staff — floated over the Con- 
federate Capital, the ensign, not of captivity , but of LIBERTY ! 
Liberty, even to the sullen inhabitants and the half-starved, rag- 
ged soldiers of the so-called Confederate States ! An emblem 
of freedom to tlie thousands of dark-visaged, intelligent beings who 
greeted it, and to their race ! and a glorious promise of speedy 
deliverance to a myriad of patriots delirious with hunger and 
cruelty, and in bonds, who could not see it but knew it was 
there ! 

General Humphreys states in a foot-note in his book before 
referred to that " The United States flag was raised on the Capitol 
at Richmond by Lieutenant Johnston L. de Peyster and Captain 
Loomis L. Langdon, U. S. Artillery, Chief of Artillery, both of 
General Weitzel's staff. The former, the son of Major-General J. 
Watts de Peyster, a youth of eighteen, had carried the flag upon 
the pommel of his saddle with this object in view for several days, 
expecting to assault." As neither statement in regard to the flag 
placed upon the Confederate Capital is inconsistent with the 
other, I give them both, merely adding that my information in 
the first instance was received from an ofiicer of the Twelfth 
Maine Regiment. The colored people of Richmond were wild 
with joy when the United States troops entered the city and 
seemed unable to restrain themselves. They danced, they threw 



3M 

themselves upon their knees in the streets ; they cheered, sung 
and prayed all at the same time. To tliem the advent of the 
Union army was the day of jubilee. Strange to say there were 
hundreds of American flags in their hands, brought out from 
secret hiding places, and waved with a delight that knew no 
bounds. 

General Kiplcy says in speaking of this whole affair : " It 
had happened that my own regiment, the Ninth Vermont, fur- 
nished a very heavy detail for picket on Sunday night under the 
command of Captain Abel E. Leavenworth of Co. K, one of the 
most alert, energetic and capable officers, and they went forward 
with my line of skirmishers. So that, though the Ninth Ver- 
mont Volunteers was not in my own brigade, I had the extreme 
gratification of having them alone of the regiments of Dona- 
hue's brigade share in an equal degree the pride and glory of 
being first over the works and into Richmond." 

Turning again to the operations of our army south of Peters- 
burg, hitherto generally described, attention is called to the fol- 
lowing reports of Colonel Damon, General Seymour and others, 
which will furnish some official details of tlie movements : 

General :— I have the honor to submit the following as a report of the 
operations of this regiment, in the attack upon the main line of works of the 
enemy, on the left of Petersburg, on the second of this month : 

In compliance with orders from the headquarters of the brigade, the 
regiment, in light marching order, leaving all knapsacks and camp equipage 
behind, in order to facilitate its movements, moved at 12 o'clock, midnight, 
on the 1st of April, and went into position some four hundred yards in front 
of Fort Welch, and twenty paces in rear of our entrenched picket line. The 
brigade, which was the extreme left of the corps, was formed in three 
lines of battle, the Tenth Vermont occupying the right of the front line. 
The picket line of the enemy was also behind strong earthworks, about one 
hundred and fifty yards from us, their main works being some two hundred 
yards farther to their rear. 

Soon after we were in position, at 12.30 o'clock, and again at 3 o'clock in 
the morning, a very severe picket fire was opened on both sides, commenc- 
ing at a considerable distance to our right, and extending to our front and 
left, and continuing each time for about one-half hour. 

The regiment is entitled to great credit for the silence which was main- 
tained during this terrible musketry, both oflScers and men keeping a perfect 
line and displaying great coolness and courage. The darkness prevented a 
large list of casualties, some five or six men only being wounded. 

At about 4 o'clock in the morning, at the firing of a signal gun from Fort 
Fisher, the regiment advanced at a double quick under a terrific fire of mus- 
ketry and artillery, passing our own picket line and that of the enemy, press- 
ing through such openings as we could find in the double line of abatis, and 



345 

did not halt until the colors of the regiment were planted inside the fortified 
line of the enemy. 

We first struck their works immediately to the left of a fort mounting 
six guns, which was evacuated on our approach. These defenses consisted 
of heavy field works, at least six feet high, with a ditch in front eight feet 
wide and six or seven feet deep; and forts and redoubts at intervals of from 
three hundred to four hundred yards, all mounted with field artillery. A 
portion of the men passed through narrow openings in the works and many 
jumped into the ditch and scaled the entrenchments. Many prisoners deliv- 
ered themselves up here, and were immediately sent to the rear, but without 
guard, as our own safety required the presence of every man. As my regi- 
ment was in advance of the other regiments of the division, and had become 
somewhat broken by the obstructions through which we had passed, I caused 
the line to be reformed, which occupied some five minutes, during which 
time we were joined by portions of the other regiments of the brigade. 

As soon as my command was reorganized, we moved rapidly to the left, 
in line of battle, Avithin and parallel to the captured works, in the direction 
of a second fort, some three hundred yards distant, doubling up the enemy 
as we advanced, and capturing many prisoners. This fort, mounting two 
guns, was taken without serious opposition. Here we halted for a moment 
to reorganize the line, and again advanced, over swampy, uneven ground, 
upon a third fort, distant some four hundred yards, from which we received 
a severe artillery fire. We were also subjected to quite a severe musketry 
fire from this position, which was obstinately contested by a large force of 
the enemy assembled there. The position was, however, carried and the 
fort fell into our hands, the enemy retiring a few hundred yards to the left 
into the edge of a piece of woods, from which they kept up so severe a mus- 
ketry fire as to check our advance. Adjutant James M. Read was here 
wounded, while nobly performing his duty, the ball entering the heel and 
coming out at the instep, necessitating an amputation of the foot, from which 
he died on the sixth instant. So rapid had been our advance from the time 
of first reaching the enemy's line, that the regiment was considerably broken 
up, while the other regiments of the brigade were without organization, 
though many of the men were with us. We were able, however, to hold 
our advanced position for about twenty minutes, when the enemy advanced 
upon us in strong force, moving parallel with their entrenchments and upon 
both sides. We were compelled reluctantly to fall back to the second fort, 
heretofore mentioned. Some of the captured guns of the enemy, and one of 
our own batteries, were now put into position and opened upon the enemy. 

The different regiments of the brigade were, in the meantime, reorgan- 
ized, as were some of the regiments of the Second Brigade of the division, 
which now came up, and in a short time we again advanced, recapturing the 
fort and carrying everything before us. The enemy made no further resis- 
tance, but great numbers delivered themselves up as prisoners, and many es- 
caped to the rear. Still moving on about a half mile, we met the Twenty- 
fourth Corps, which had just entered the works without opposition, further 
to the left. After halting here for about half an hour, the regiment counter- 
marched and moved in the direction of Petersburg, together with the rest of 
the division. Passing outside the rebel fortifications a little to the north of 
the point where we entered in the morning, the division was formed in line 
of battle at right angles to their works, forming a part of a line which ex- 
tended far to the left, and moved forward slowly, toward Petersburg, and 
until within about two miles of that city, where we halted until about sun- 
down. We were then moved a short distance and went into position on the 



346 

ground previously occupied as a picket line of the enemy, my command be- 
ing the extreme right of the division and resting on the Vaughn road. Here 
we entrenched and bivouacked for the night. 

I am happy to be able to state that the Tenth Vermont was the first regi- 
ment in the division to plant a stand of colors within the enemy's works — that 
it bravely performed its entire duty throughout the day, and kept up so perfect 
an organization as to elicit the highest commendation of the brigade and 
division commanders. 

While I cannot speak in too high praise of both officers and men, I desire 
to mention as deserving of especial consideration, Major Wyllys Lyman, who 
was among the first to enter the rebel works, with the color-bearer, and per- 
formed the most efficient service during the day, using every exertion to 
keep the regiment together, and leading the men forward to their duty; 
Adjutant James M. Read, who not only performed his own special duties 
with the utmost skill, but contributed materially to the success of the day by 
fighting with great gallantry and courage until he fell wounded at the ex- 
treme front; Corporal Ira F. Varney, Co. K, color-bearer, who was first to 
plant his colors within the enemy's works on our front, and throughout the 
day combined dash with coolness and steadiness to a remarkable degree. 

GEORGE B. DAMOX, 
Lieutenant-Colonel Commanding. 

Brigadier-General P. T. Washburn, 
A djutant and Inspector-General. 

To the claim of Colonel Damon, that the colors of the Tenth 
Regiment were the first of the division within tlie enemy's works, 
may be added tlie report of Colonel Truex, commanding the 
brigade, who says : " The first colors inside the works were 
those of the Tenth Vermont Volunteers, followed immediately 
by those of the One Hundred and Sixth New York and the 
Fourteenth New Jersey." 

In this all-day action each oflficer of the regiment bore him- 
self gallantly, and every man behaved as if success depended 
upon his individual effort. 

To the same purpose, and as also showing the admirable 
conduct of the division, General Seymour's report is herewith 
subjoined : 

Hbadquartees Third Division, Sixth Army Corps, ) 

April 17, 1865. \ 

Major : — I have the honor to submit the following report of the opera- 
tions of this division in the assault upon the lines of Petersburg, April 2, 
1865: 

The command was placed in position directly in rear of the old picket 
line, and in front of Fort Welch. It formed the left of the corps, the Second 
Brigade (Brevet Brigadier-General Keifer commanding) being on the right of 
the division, and the First Brigade (Colonel William S. Truex, Fourteenth 
New Jersey Volunteers, commanding) on the left ; each being in three lines. 



347 

The troops were moved out of camp soon after midnight, and while forming 
were exposed to a severe and close fire of musketry from the enemy's picket 
line, by which a number of officers and men were slain ; but it was borne with 
great patience until about 4 o'clock, when the firing of the signal gun from 
Fort Fisher let loose the corps upon the enemy's works. The men sprang 
forward with alacrity, jumped the picket line, and pushed steadily forward. 
They were met by a sharp fire from the enemy's pickets, which was soon sup- 
pressed, and by a heavy enfilading fire of artillery from the left of our point 
of attack. But the men moved forward with enthusiastic cheers, forced the 
line of abatis in front of the rebel works, and mounted the parapet. A hand- 
to-hand conflict ensued, and not a few gallant officers and men, nobly in 
advance, were seriously wounded, but the enemy was soon overpowered, and 
the works were ours. For some moments after the entrance of this division 
the firing continued on our right, upon the other division of the corps. 

It is difficult to distinguish from among the many acts of conspicuous 
gallantry in this assault; the colors of the Tenth Vermont in the First Bri- 
gade, and of the Sixth Maryland in the Second, were honorably prominent 
in the advance of regiments, though they can nevertheless be scarcely said 
to have led. Major Prentiss, commanding the Sixth Maryland, was seriously, 
if not mortally wounded, while on the very parapet, encouraging his com- 
mand by his chivalric courage. 

Agreeably to instructions from Major-General Wright, the division was 
immediately swung to the left, and advanced within and along the works, 
toward flatcher's run. Serious resistance was offered by a batterj' in front 
of the Twenty-fourth Corps' position, but several of the guns already cap- 
tured, served by detachments of the Ninth New York Artillery under Major 
William Wood, and Brevet Major Lamoreaux, were promptly turned upon the 
enemy. Major Cohen's battery came into position, a portion of the division 
advanced, and the battery fell back. In succession the whole line nearly to 
Hatcher's run was swept by the division, some twenty-odd guns and many 
hundred prisoners, with four flags, falling into our possession. 

It is proper to add that the rebel Lieutenant-General A. P. Hill was 
shot toward the right of the line by Corporal Mark, One Hundred and Thirty- 
eighth Pennsylvania Volunteers, while with a small party returning from 
tearing up the South Side Railroad. 

I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

T. SEYMOUR, 

Brigadier-General Commanding. 
Major C. H. Whittlesey, 

Assistant Adjutant-General, Sixth Army Corps. 

With the following reference to some important changes 
which had taken place in the regiment just previous to the bat- 
tle of the 2d of April, and the casualties of the battle, Peters- 
burg may be finally dismissed from our records : 



348 



GENERAL HENKY. 



William Wirt Henry, son of James M. Henry and Matilda 
M. Gale-Henry, was born in Waterbnry, Vt., Nov. 21st, 1831. 
He obtained bis education in the common schools of Waterbnry, 
receiving the additional advantages of one term of the Morris- 
ville Academy, in the fall of 1849. In the spring of 1850, he 
was seized with the gold fever, so-called, an almost universal 
malady at that time, and went to California. He remained 
there engaged in mining, trading and politics during the next 
seven years. Returning to his native State and town in 1857, 
he entered the drug business, in partnership with his father and 
his brother, the Plon. John F. Henry. When the war cloud 
arose and broke over the land in 1861, he was one of the fore- 
most to enlist in the first three years regiment that left the State. 
Active in recruiting, he was elected First Lieutenant of Co. D, 
in the Second Vermont Infantrj'". He was with his company 
and regiment in the first battle of IBiiU Run, and was compli- 
mented in orders, as one among others of that gallant command 
mentioned for " coolness and bravery in action." But his con- 
nection with this regiment soon terminated. The night follow- 
ing the battle, Lieutenant Henry contracted a violent cold, 
whicli resulted in pneumonia, and he was sent home on a sixty 
dMys sick leave. At the expiration of that time, his lungs ap- 
peared to be greatly affected by the prolonged attack of his dis- 
ease, and in ^November following he was obliged to leave the 
service, and in fact was mustered out under the impression that 
he was totally unfit for further military duty and that he would 
soon die with consumption. But his condition proved to be 
much less serious than it was at first supposed, and he was des- 
tined to live many years and fill them out with useful and iionor- 
able service, both in a military capacity with higher rank and in 
the civil walks of life. 

In June, 1862, the Governor of Vermont was called upon 
to furnish additional regiments for the service, and recruiting at 
once became very active again in all parts of the State. Lieu- 
tenant Henry, with other officers, many being sent from regi- 
ments in the field, took a prominent part in this service until the 



349 

Tenth Regiment was organized, when he was appointed Major 
and again entered the U. S. military service, being mustered 
with the regiment on Sept. 1st, 1862. In October following, 
Lieutenant-Colonel Edson having resigned, Major Henry was 
promoted to the Lieutenant-Colonelcy. He occupied this posi- 
tion until the 6th of June, 1864, when he was mustered Colonel, 
his commission bearing date April 26th, 1864, but on account 
of the absorbing events of the campaign, which almost immedi- 
ately succeeded his promotion, it did not reach him until the 
date mentioned. ^ 

Colonel Henry's command of the regiment in the field com- 
menced May 4th, when the Army of the Potomac crossed the 
Ilapidan river and began the series of sanguinary battles that re- 
sulted in placing the Union forces under General Meade, south of 
Petersburg, within six weeks from the time of striking the first 
blow. He commanded with conspicuous ability under embar- 
rassing circumstances in the three days battle of the Wilderness, 
and with no less gallantry at Spottsylvania, Totopotomy creek, 
the North and South Anna rivers and at Cold Harbor. In the 
action of June 1st, at Cold Harbor, he was wounded at the head 
of the column, leading the regiment in a charge upon the ene- 
my's works. The ball cut ofi" the index finger of his right hand 
and, striking the guards of his sabre, lodged a ragged mass of 
lead in the lining of his vest. Bullets perform bad surgery, 
and it was necessary to re-amputate his finger by more scientific 
methods. This wound caused him such sharp pain that he felt 
obliged to relinquish the command of his regiment for a num- 
ber of days, but he soon resumed it with his arm in a sling. 
With much physical suffering, he continued in command in the 
several skirmishes around Petersburg, in which the regiment 
was engaged, and south, to the Weldon Railroad, and not until 
the last of August did he obtain a twenty days leave of ab- 
sence. In the meantime the battle of the Monocacy was fought. 
Colonel Henry managed his regiment with gi'eat skill in this 
engagement, taking a position where he inflicted terrible losses 
upon the enemy and from which it was impossible to dislodge 
him until they had gotten possession of both flanks and the rest 
of the army had retired ; and then he extricated his command 



350 

from its perilous eituation with rare ingenuity and the most 
gratifying success. For all of his conduct in this action and re- 
treat, Colonel Henry received for himself, his officers and his 
men, both from General Wallace and General Ricketts, the most 
unqualified commendations, and from his men an additional 
measure of soldierly affection. Colonel Henry was not present 
at the battle of Winchester, nor at the battle of Fisher's Hill, be- 
ing at the time these two battles occurred on his return from 
Yermont, where he had been on sick leave. He was at the bat- 
tle of Cedar Creek and commanded the regiment during the 
first part of the engagement, where he shared in the fighting re- 
treat of that gloomy October morning, and the heroic resistance 
that finally arrested the Confederate advance. Apropos of his 
participation in this battle we find the following in the Burling- 
ton Free Press and Times of Dec. 21, 1892 : 

The Adjutant-General's office has received notice that the Secretary of 
War has awarded a medal of honor to Brevet Brigadier-General William W. 
Henry, late Colonel Tenth Vermont Volunteers, for distinguished gallantry 
in the battle of Cedar Creek, Virginia, Oct. 19th, 1864, in accordance with an 
act of Congress providing for the presentation of medals of honor to such 
officers, non-commissioned officers and privates as have most distinguished 
themselves in action. 

The particular act for which General Henry received this acknowledg- 
ment occurred in the early morning of the nineteenth, during a heavy fog, 
while the Confederates were advancing and forcing back the left of the Un- 
ion line across a meadow, when General Ricketts, commanding the Third 
Division, Sixth Army Corps,discovered that McKnight's regular battery, which 
was stationed to the left of the Second Brigade, had been left behind. He 
halted the First Brigade and directed the commanding officer to retake the 
battery. The brigade immediately faced to the front and charged the enemy, 
General Henry and his color-bearer. Sergeant Mahoney, leading the charge, 
followed by the Tenth Vermont. Colonel Henry and Sergeant Mahoney 
were the first to reach the guns, and the latter, mounting one, shouted, " Col- 
onel, we have captured one gun anyhow." Major Salsbury was directed by 
Colonel Henry to detail a squad of men and take the gun to the rear, which 
had to be done by hand, under heavy fire. In the meantime the rebels were 
on three sides of this little brigade, and as soon as the Colonel saw the guns 
fairly started to the rear he ordered a retreat. Captain Thompson of Co. B 
was shot dead; Captain George E. Davis, Co. D, was severely wounded, and 
Adjutant Lyman was shot in the leg, the regiment losing, killed and wounded, 
about seventy-five. 

At the time of this battle. General Henry had just returned to the regi- 
ment after thirty days absence on account of illness with a fever, and was 
not yet fit for duty, although assuming command of his regiment. Later in 
the day he was carried from the field to the division hospital entirely ex- 
hausted. During the above charge he was hit four times, being slightly 
wounded and his clothing being perforated with bullet holes. He has in his 
possession the overcoat and pants worn that day. 



351 

After the battle of Cedar Creek, he remained in the service 
barely two months. He returned with the regiment, when the 
Sixth Corps was recalled from the valley to Petersburg, where, 
on tlie 17th of December, 1864, he resigned. 

The time he served in the Second and Tenth Regiments 
aggregated fully three years, and during most of the time he 
was in active service in the field. 

Few regiments from any State had more popular command- 
ing officers than Colonel Henry. He was a most capable officer 
and a genial, gentlemanly companion. He was just and gener- 
ous toward his subordinate officers, by whom he was universally 
respected. His men loved him and always hailed his return, 
after occasional leaves of absence, with great satisfaction. Stern 
as it oftentimes became him to be, it must be a rare provocation 
that exhausted his stock of good nature, or wore deeply into his pa- 
tience. It was his nature to be friendly, a man with warm sympa- 
thies and a tender heart. He won high honor in every engagement 
in which he participated and was often mentioned for coolness 
and courage by the commanders of the brigade and division to 
which the regiment belonged, but he has always said that " the 
object of his chief pride and glory was in having commanded in 
80 many hard-fought and bloody battles, the brave boys of the 
Tenth Vermont.'' The survivors of his regiment can nowhere 
meet with a more friendly greeting tlian he always extends to 
them, nor can he find truer hearts and warmer friendships than 
now exist among the soldiers whom he commanded and fought 
with, shoulder to shoulder, in the service of his country. He 
was breveted Brigadier-General " for gallantry and meritorious 
service," in March, 1865. Returning to civil life he again en- 
tered the drug trade, in which he is at present — 1894 — engaged. 
He was elected State senator from Wasliiiigton county in 1865, 
and re-elected in 1866 and 1867, from the same county to the 
sama office. In 1874, having moved to Burlington, he was 
elected a senator from Ciiittenden county. He lias been twice 
elected mayor of Burlington. He has also held the position of 
United States Marshal for the District of Yermont, seven years. 
He was chosen commander of the Grand Army of the Republic, 
Department of Vermont, succeeding General George P. Foster, 



352 

who was the first, and he was chosen Commander of the Ver- 
mont Commandery of the Military Order of the Loyal Legion, 
in May, 1893. 

MAJOR HUNT. 

Lucius T. Hunt was born in Charlestowu, New Hampshire, 
May 14th, 1822. When nineteen years of age he enlisted in the 
First Regiment United States Dragoons, and was therefore famil- 
iar with the details of the military service previous to the war 
of the rebellion. He served in this regular organization from 
1841 to 1846, just escaping service in the Mexican war. His 
regiment was stationed in the Southwest, in the department com- 
manded by Major-General Zachary Taylor, aftervrard the twelfth 
President of the United States. Hunt conceived a most exalted 
opinion of " Old Kough and Ready," whose exploits and fame as 
a soldier furnished him with many a delightful reminiscence with 
which he sometimes regaled his comrades around the camp-fire. 
His experience with the First Dragoons was no less a fruitful 
source of entertainment. Although the Indians, about the only 
enemies of the United States at that time, were comparatively 
quiet in that part of the country over which the Government 
exercised military control between the years of 1841 and 1846, yet 
he had considerable experience in fighting hostile parties, occa- 
sionally making their appearance in war paint, who had not been 
taught submission, either by the Black Hawk war or in the bat- 
tle of Okeechobee, December, 1837, in which General Taylor 
gained a most decisive victory. At all events, he participated 
in several battles and skirmishes during his five years service in 
the United States army, and at the end of that period thought 
that he had seen enough of Indian fighting to last him all his 
life. 

After leaving the regular army, in 1846, he returned to 
Vermont and engaged in the business of manufacturing tinware, 
until the 8th of August, 1864, when he enlisted in the volun- 
teer service from Springfield, Vt., and upon the organization of 
Co. H, Tenth Regiment Vermont Volunteers, he was unani- 
mously chosen Captain. He was from the beginning a most 
efficient and reliable officer ; brave and unassuming, he always 



353 

discharged his duties with great fidelity and to the entire satis- 
faction of his superior officers. He participated in nearly all 
the battles where the regiment was engaged, and was severely 
wounded at the battle of Cold Harbor on the 3d of June, 1864, 
but did not leave his command until the close of the action. 
He commanded the regiment during the latter part of the battle 
of Winchester, Sept. 19th, 1864, after the fall of Major Dilling- 
ham ; and also at Fisher's Hill, three days later. He was con- 
missioned Major Nov. 2d, 1864, and discharged Dec. Ist, on 
account of wounds received at Cold Harbor. 

Major Hunt left the regiment greatly to the regret of his 
fellow-officers and of his men, especially those of Co. H, with 
whom he had been closely identified for more than two years. 
He was at that time in poor health, from which he never recov- 
ered. Upon his retirement from the service, he returned to 
Springfield, and a few months later moved to Glens Falls, New 
York, where he remained attending to some light business until 
continued ill health obliged him to give up altogether, when he 
once more returned to Springfield, where he died Jan. 26th, 
1868. 

The following list will show the losses of the Tenth Ver- 
mont since returning to the Army of the Potomac : 

Killed, March 25th : John Smith, Joseph A. Smith ; 
wounded, March 25th : Harrison Flinton, Orria Higgins, Jud- 
son Spofford ; March 9th, Albert Davis, John B. Atwood ; 
killed, April 2d : Adjutant James M. Read, Peter Avery, David 
Dwire, Timothy B. Messer ; wounded, April 2d : Captain James 
S. Thompson, Lieutenant Joseph H. Clark, George A. Buck- 
lin, Robert Benjamin Burleson, James Carroll, Martin D. Cava- 
naugh, John T. Cole, Henry C. Dawson, Simeon Dewey, Orval 
C. Dudley, Edward Fitzgerald, Oliver Goodale, Joel L. Hoag, 
Michael Hubbard, Daniel Jillson, Henry Lagro, Anson S. Orms- 
bey, Edward Z. Patterson, Stephen M. Packard, Ely M. Quitnby, 
John W. Raymond, Charles Sawyer, Ciclester Sylvester, Alan- 
son J. Tinker, Joel "Walker, Daniel A. Whitemore, Charles 
Wilder, Joseph Riley, Samuel D. Parker, Edwin Tuttle, George 
W. Wise, George A. Woodward, Daniel W. Rodgers. 

(23) 



354 



ADJUTANT READ. 



James Marsh Head, son of Hon. David Read, was born in 
St. Albans, Vt., Nov. 19tl), 1833. Having passed his earlier 
3'ears in his native place, he removed with his father's family to 
Burlington, in November, 1839. When very youniJj, he imbil)ed 
a taste for reading, which he never afterwards lost. lie was 
fitted for colhge partly at the High School in his adopted town, 
and in part at Phillips Academy, Andover, Mass. Doctor Tay- 
lor, tlie able principal of the latter institution, always gave a 
flattering report of James' deportment and scholarship, while 
under his tuition. 

In August, 1849, being then in his sixteenth year, he en- 
tered the University of Vermont, from which he was in due 
course graduated iu 1853. While in college he stood high as a 
scholar; especially was he regarded by his classmates as a line 
linguist, and an able and accomplished writer. Soon after his 
graduation, he went to Canton, Madison county, Miss., where he 
was engaged as a teacher in a private family. He continued to 
live in the South about a year, fulfilling during this time the 
duties of an instructor. 

On his return north, he was engaged for a short period in 
the office of the New York Courier and Enquirer. While 
connected with this paper, he became intimately acquainted with 
a son of the commercial editor. Young Mr. Ilomans, who had 
previously accompanied Major-General Pope, at that titne Cap- 
tain of the Engineer Corps, in his expedition across the plains 
of Western Texas and New Mexico, was about starting on a 
second expedition, which was then fitting out. Being under 
government employ, and having charge both of the barometri- 
cal and the astronomical department of the expedition, he in- 
vited his friend Read to go out with him, and offered to him a 
position as as.-istant in these departments. Having duly con- 
sidered the matter, and decided to go, Mr. Read accepted the 
oflFer and joined the expedition, leaving New York, Feb. 2d, 1855. 
On the passage out the company stopped for a few days in Ha- 
vana, Cuba, also New Orleans, finally disembarking at Indianola, 
Texas. From the latter place they marched, under an escort of 



355 

United States troops, to San Antonio, and thence onward to the 
upper waters of the Rio Peros. They finally encamped near the 
stream in the southeasterly angle of New Mexico, which they 
made their headquarters for about three years and a half. 

After the lapse of some twelve months, Mr. Homatis receiv- 
ing a lucrative appointment in New York, returned to that city. 
Mr. Head was at once appointed his successor, all eyes turning 
to him as adapted to fill the vacancy. His mathematical attain- 
ments, and acquaintance with the physical sciences, fitted him 
well for the position, and made his services an invaluable help 
to the expedition. 

Mr. Read passed the winter of 1857 in Washington. While 
there, he was busily engaged assisting in the preparation of tlie 
report of the expedition for the Secretary of War. Sometime 
during the following spring he returned to the plains of New 
Mexico, and continued his labors in that region until the close 
of the expedition. ^ 

During the autumn of 1860 and the following winter he 
was employed by E. M. Smalley, Esq., as an assistant in the edi- 
torial department of the Burlington Sentinel. It is said that the 
readers of that paper were indebted for some of its best contri- 
butions, during this period, to Mr. Read. 

On the breaking out of the rebellion, and the issue of the 
President's call for seventy five thousand men in 1861, Mr. Read 
enlisted for three months as a private in the Howard Guards. 
This was the first company raised in Burlington, and formed a 
part of the First Regiment of Vermont Volunteers. On the 
9th of May he left with his companions for the front, and served 
in faithfulness his full term of service. Being present at the 
battle of Big Bethel, which occurred June 10th, he barely es- 
caped with his life, a round shot from the enemy's batteries 
shivering a tree just above his head. On the retreat of our men, 
which followed the same battle, he (beyond all reasonable doubt) 
saved a fellow-soldier from falling into the hands of the Confed- 
erate cavalry. Herman Seligan, then a private, but afterwards 
Captain of Co. C, of the Ninth Vermont Regiment, became 
greatly fatigued, and fell by the wayside. Mr. Read took the 
gun, haversack, and other equipments of his exhausted compan- 



856 

ion, and carried them, in addition to his own, through to Fortress 
Monroe. In thus relieving his brother in arms, he animated 
him with hope and courage by which he was enabled to pass on 
to the fortress, which they safely reached in company late at 
night. 

After the close of his three months' service, Mr. Read re- 
turned home and remained there until the President's second 
call for three hundred thousand men. At this crisis he felt con- 
strained again to volunteer in defense of his country. Accord- 
ingly, July 31st, 1862, he re-enlisted as a private soldier for 
three years, and on the first of the following September he was 
mustered into the United States service, in Co. D of the Tenth 
Yernjont Regiment. Having been appointed Sergeant at once, 
on the organization of his company, he served for some time in 
this capacity. He also, for a while, performed the daties of 
First Sergeant. During the summer of 1863, he was detailed 
for duty as clerk in the Adjutant-General's office, at the head- 
quarters of the division. He thus served, and continued to act, 
faithfully as a non-commissioned officer until he entered upon 
the duties of Second Lieutenant in Co. D of the Tenth Ver- 
mont Volunteers. He was mustered in Aug. 10th, 1864, his 
commission bearing date June I7th of the same year. Dec. 
I9th, 1861, he was duly promoted to the First Lieutenancy of 
Co. E of the same regiment. Jan. 2d, 1865, he was promoted 
Adjutant. He was breveted Captain for gallantry April 2d, 
1865. It was during this battle also that Adjutant Read 
fell, struck in the heel by a ball which passed thron-jjh his 
right foot. Upon the reception of this wound he was imme- 
diately placed in a log-cahin which chanced to stand near by. 
Our men being soon compelled to fall back for a season, the 
rebels entered the cabin, seizi-d the Adjutant, riflrd his pockets 
of ids money, watch and the like, and took from liim ids sword 
and belt, '• but otherwise," as he said afterwards, " treated him 
WL'll enough. At the loss of his sword hu felt, and subsequently 
expressed, especial regret, as it bore the marks of a bullet by 
whieh it was indented in the fight at Winchester. Our forces 
again advancing, he was retaken, the Confederates not having 
time to remove him ; and thence he was conveyed in an ambu- 



357 

lance to the division hospital, where he suffered the loss of his 
foot by atlipntation just above the ankle, lie was removed to 
the general hospital at City Point, where he died from the 
effects of his wound, on the night of April 5th. Adjutant Read 
was a brave, capable and exceedingly efficient officer, tilling 
every position to which he was assigned, with fidelity, credit and 
skill. 

CAPTAIN THOMPSON. 

James S. Thompson enlisted from Danville, Yt., May 30th, 
1865. Upon the organization of Co. A, he was appointed First 
Sergeant. He tilled this position with great credit to himself 
and to his company until Jan. 19, 1803, when ho was commis- 
sioned Second Lieutenant of the same company. He was promot- 
ed First Lieutenant of Co. H, on the 2d of November, 186i, and 
Captain of Co. F, March 22d, 1865. He was captured by the 
enemy in the battle of Cold Harbor, June 1st, 1864-, and was 
held a prisoner for nearly nine months, when he escaped and 
returned to the regiment. He was with and in command of Co. 
F in the battle of the 25th of March and in the assault upon the 
lines around Petersburg, April 2d, 1865, where he was wounded. 
Captain Thompson was a brave Eoldier, and eminently worthy 
of all the honors he received. 

LIETTTENANT CLARK. 

Joseph H. Clark enlisted from Sheffield, Yt., June 26th, 
1862. He was appointed a Corporal in Co. A at the time of its 
organization. In the following December he was promoted a 
Sergeant, and on Dec. 19th, 1864, he was commissioned Second 
Licuteiiaut of Co. A. He was severely wounded in the assault 
on Petersburg, April 2d, 1865, and was discharged on account 
of wounds, in July following. 

JUDSON sporroED. 

Judson Spofford was born in Salem, now Derby, Orleans 
county, Yt., March 10th, 1846, and enlisted July 22d, 1862, 
in Co. K, Tenth Yermont Infantry, for three years, participating 



358 

in all the battles, campaigns and trials of our regiment till he 
was severely wounded March 25th, 1865, in the attack upon 
Petersburg, Va., which ended his field service. 

fie was one of the youngest men in the regiment who car- 
ried a gun. Co. K was in close proximity to my own company 
considerable of the time, and I was temporarily in command of 
Co. K awhile. We often met on picket details, and I early 
made his acquaintance and became attached to him as a clean, 
modest, polite, obedient and brave soldier, such as any officer is 
proud of. 

A circumstance happened in the early part of his service 
that gave him a nickname which still stays with him when 
" among the boys." It was while his company was stationed at 
Conrad's Ferrj^, to guard the Chesapeake & Ohio Canal from 
the frequent attacks of the rebels. One dark night wiiile he 
was standing picket on the tow-path he heard, away up the canal, 
what sounded like a squad of cavalry approaching. As soon as 
it came within halting distance he called out and commanded 
it, in the usual military way, to stand still ; but the enemy, 
which he was now sure it was, paid no attention to the com- 
mand ; again he commanded " Halt," but still tlie enemy came 
on. " fialt," the third and last time, and the click of his rifle 
tells that he means business. Just at this juncture the enemy 
turned off the tow-path and took a path which led down the bank 
and around through the culvert over which the picket stood. 
Just as the turn was made to leave the tow-path the young 
picket saw, through the dense darkness, the first he had been 
able to see of the foe, and taking the object for a target he 
blazed away. He now proceeded to reload his rifle and watch 
as best he could in the dark the proceedings of the enemy, 
which, as it readied a point near the mouth of the cnlvert, fell. 
Gurgling of blood and thrashing among the weeds told that the 
enemy was subdued and the canal safe for a time at least. The 
shot had awakened the men on the reserve who were in their 
blankets close by. While some in their surprise and bewilder- 
ment ran into the canal, others crept as near as they dared to 
the fallen foe and lighted a bunch of matches, and Sergeant 
Gray, who was in command there, said, " why, SpoflF., you have 



/ 




JUDSON SPOFFORD. 



-v_V 




rc2. 



This picture is a copy of one taken ..\pril,1865, 
in Lincoln U. S. General Hospital, which was loca- 
ted east of the Capitol, in what is now Lincoln 
Park, ^^ashington, L. C. 

The picture v/as taken to illustrate the very 
rare case of a soldier who survived a gun-shot 
wound through "both lungs. The original picture 
is in the records of the Army Ifedical l^seum, 
Washington, D. C. 

The picture shov/s \7here a I'inie bell, 50 cal- 
iber, weighing one ounce, entered the right bre- 
ast passed thru both lungs and lodged just un- 
der the skin high up in the left armpit from 
vrhexe it v/as taken out by the surgeons. The 
ball drove into the lungs pieces of clothing 
vvhich were coughed up by the soldier, end other- 
wise v/orked out of the wound. 

The wound v;as received in the battle which, 
practically, ended the Civil War, v/hen Peters- 
burg &nd Richmond v/ere taken by the Union Army, 

The picture also illustrates how much it 
takes to kill some soldiers while a very little 
proves fatal to others, 

A piece of silk a yard square was drawn thru 
the v;ound to clean it of clotted blood and 
shreds of clothing which had been driven into 
the lungs by the bullet. As soon as the pat- 
ient could be mxved he was taken on a stretch- 
er suspended in a railroad car to the general 
hospital in Nontpelier, Vt. , his ovm state. 

The subject of the illustration was but 19 
years of age when wounded at the close of the 
Civil War. He had served in the BTmy three jkkse 
years, and tv/ice before had been slightly woun- 
ded. He was wounded, the last time, about dusk 
and lay on the battle field until the next day, 
and v/hen the surgeons got to his case they told 
him that he did not have one chance in a thou- 
sand to live. He replied to the surgeons : "I* 11 
talce that chance, and I will live too". 

He suffered continually from the effects of 
the wound through the lungs until about the 
year 1922. He says m.ore than half a century 
v/as required to outgrov/ it or get used to it. 
And now (January, 192^, nearly fiftynine years 
after this picture was taken, he is not only 
living, and in fairly good health, but very 
active in business affairs, and with plenty of 
good red blood still left to shed, if neces- 
sary, in the service of his Country. 

B.- K.- G.- 



359 

shot White's old bull." After that he was called " the boy who 
bunted the bull off the bridge." After this, when they wanted 
a man for a dangerous outpost they always knew they could 
rely on young Spofford. At the battle of Monocacy he was in 
my detail of seventy-five men, and he there put in a day's work 
for our government of which any man might be proud, if pride 
is allowable. He was a good marksman and had the range of a 
well of water near a house in the rebel lines in my front. The 
enemy were obliged to keep away from that spot all day. lie 
was one of the very last men to cross the railroad bridge with 
me, about 5 o'clock, when we finally retreated, with the enemy 
so close to us that it seemed no one could escape. Bnt for his 
extreme youth, he would have received rapid promotion for the 
excellent qualities he possessed. "When he was wounded March 
25th, 1865, about 4 p. m., he was taken back to the division hos- 
pital and a Surgeon glanced at his wound, pronounced him mor- 
tally wounded and left him outside the hospital, on the ground, 
to die. It was a cold night ; the blood flowed profusely and his 
clothing and boots were stiff with it. After all the others were 
attended to, he saw they did not intend apparently to do anything 
for him. He asked someone passing, if they were not going to 
take him in and attend to his case. The man said he could do 
nothing for him as he must die. " Can't yon take me inside the 
hospital and let me die there ? Is it necessary for me to freeze 
to death out here ?" So they took him inside, washed away the 
blood, removed the clotted clothing and examined the wound. 
A minie ball had entered his right side, under his arm, gone 
through his body, penetrating both right and left lungs, and was 
just under the skin under the left arm. The Surgeon cut the 
skin, removed the bullet, and intended to keep it as a relic. 
Jndson told the Surgeon if he wanted relics, there were plenty 
more up on the line where he found that one, and he could go 
tliere and get all he wanted, but he could not have that one. 
Mr. Spofford has it yet. 

With good care, good habits and a strong constitution, he 
recovered, and now is a fine looking specimen of manhood, 
nearly six feet high. But at times he has suffered intensely 
from that wound, and of late, almost constantly. 



360 

After the war he went to West Yirginia, where for eight 
years he was a member of the Republican State Central Com- 
mittee, and has the credit there of having done much to turn 
tliat State from the solid democratic column to the doubtful col- 
umn. He was a delegate to the national convention that nomi- 
nated Garfield and Arthur. President Garfield appointed him 
postmaster of Huntington, West Virginia, which place he held 
nearly four years, when he resigned on account of ill health, 
and trouble from his wound. He went to Idaho, and engaged in 
farming and fruit growing. 

He is now interested largely in real estate business ; is Presi- 
dent of the Boise City Land and Water Co., and Department 
Commander of the G. A. R. He was offered but declined the 
position of postmaster of Boise City, Idaho, where he resides. 

I esteem it a pleasure to say these appreciative words for 
one whom I learned in the army to love for his fidelity, and all 
other qualities that made him dear to me, and noble as a Ver- 
mont soldier. It is just such boys and men as he that have given 
to Vermont the renown she possesses to-daj. 

GEO. E. DAVIS, 

Late Capt. Co. D, 10th Vermont Infantry. 

Burlington, Vt., April 22d, 1893. 

EDWIN C. HAXL. 

He was born in Brookfield, Vt., Jan. 13th, 1845, and was a 
farmer lad until the shot at Fort Sumpter awakened the spirit 
of " three hundred thousand more " youths of this free laud, 
kept their ardor aflame during the four years of civil strife that 
followed, and caused him to want to " go for a soldier ;" but a 
stern parent forbade. But not until the first call for three years 
men, when he ran away from home one dark night with a school- 
mate and tramped ten miles to Northfield to enlist, and his "chum" 
was accepted and he rejected because he did not fulfill all the 
then strict requirements as to age and height, did he fully 
realize the vast difference between ten miles to " glory " and 
twenty miles back to receive a good dose of " birch oil " to re- 




EDWIN C. HALL. 



361 

lieve defeat and stone bruises and lacerated feelings. But in 
August, 1862, he succeeded in gaining consent to go for nine 
months, and on the 11th day of September, 1862, was enrolled as 
a private in Co. C, Fifteenth Vermont Volunteers, attached to 
the Second Vermont Brigade, and saw a little of war under Col- 
onel Proctor and General Stannard. After serving his term in the 
nine months' regiment, he reenlisted as a private in Co. G, Tenth 
Vermont Volunteers, in which he served until that regiment was 
mustered out, when, with other "recruits "he was transferred 
to the Fifth Vermont Regiment, in the detachment commanded 
by Captain J. S. Thompson. This detachment soon followed 
the Tenth home, arriving in Burlington, Vt., July 4t]i, 1865. 
As " only a private," he participated in all the dangers and hard- 
ships to which the regiment was exposed with the exception of 
the valley campaign, during which time he was in hospital, dis- 
abled from the effects of drinking " swamp water " after a long 
and heated chase by rebel cavalry while on the skirmish line at 
the Weldon Raih-oad, in which he very narrowly escaped cap- 
ture. He was sliglitly wounded in the knee at Cold II arbor; 
and at Petersburg, April 2, 1865, was captured, and afterward 
wounded by a discharge of one of the rebel guns which had been 
turned on them by our men in the last cliarge on their lines, but 
succeeded in making his escape in time to join the general rush 
after the enemy as they retreated toward Appomattox. Al- 
though suffering from his wound, and in an exhausted condition, 
he managed to make the march to Danville, and thence back 
from Eiclimond to Washington, and reached home at last, an 
almost physical wreck, like many another. Since the war, liis 
pen has been his main support — as press reporter and local edi- 
tor on several newspapers in New England and Philadelphia. 
He has held public office, as clerk of common council, and secretary 
of boaid of health. He was secretary of the Kimball Band-saw 
Co. in the city where he lived, in New Jersey, for thirteen years, 
and was trial justice of Cumberland county, N. J., for five years. 
He has been a member of the G. A. R. since 1872. He is now 
(1893) living at 32 Medford street, Charlestown, Mass. 



362 

Early on the eventful morning of the 3d of April, all the 
troops not employed in guarding the captured cities and the 
Government property were put in motion, and by 8 o'clock were 
in full pursuit of Lee's army and the Confederate Government, 
which had preceded the troops but a few hours, fleeing from 
their capital and abandoning its defenses. The route taken by 
the Confederates, both from Eichmoud and Petersburg, was 
westward, between the James and Appomattox rivers, moving 
out to a point on the latter where it is crossed by a wooden 
bridge, several miles south of the Richmond & Danville Rail- 
road crossing, and struck the railroad at Amelia Court House, 
where the Army of Northern Virginia had been directed to con- 
centrate, forty-seven miles southwest of Itichraond. 

But the enemy did not reach this point unmolested ; nor 
did he find tlie way open for his retreat, either to Danville or to 
Lynchburg, if he had intended to make one or the other of these 
two places the base of future operations. General Grant had 
feared for several months that Lee would endeavor to escape, 
nearly in the same way that he did attempt it, and he had al- 
ready matured plans to prevent it if possible. General Sheri- 
dan started on the 29th of March, to go around the left of our 
entrenchments to get upon the enemy's riglit. It was thought 
that such a movement would have a tendency naturally to draw 
troops from the strong lines of Petersburg and facilitate the 
direct attack upon the works there, which was the main feature 
of the Lieutenant-General's plan whenever he should deem it 
feasiitle to begin its execution. Sheridan's movement was pre- 
liminary to the 2d of April. He had with him three divisions 
of cavalry — Generals Custer's, Devens' and Crook's, with Gen- 
eral Wesley Merritt as chief, and the Fifth Corps, General War- 
ren's, as a cooperating force of infantry. Reaciiing the vicinity 
of Dinwiddle Court House on the 3d, with his cavalry, the 
heavy roads everywhere impeding his progress, Sheridan was 
met by a heavy force of the enemy under General Piekett, con- 
sisting of Generals W. H. F. Lee's, Rosser's and Fitzhngh Lee's 
divisions of cavalry and five brigades of infantry. A severe bat- 
tle ensued, in which the enemy was roughly handled. During 
the night, Pickett withdrew to Five Forks, where he was found 



\ 




m 



Seconds Corps 
Fifth. Chrpj 
" SiDctfv Corps 

^irUJv Corps p^ 

^ui&s of March Se^nd, Corps 2'\'f z-i* 

Tx/tfu Corps 5ti, ^4^ " 

^' SixiTv Corps _ gti, g ;; ^ 

-MntTi. Corps gtji g^V. ~ 

^iebAArnty __ " •■ ~ 



363 

the next day in a strong position. Here General Sheridan at- 
tacked him with his whole force, having now been joined by 
General Warren. Piciiett was ntterly defeated, suffering a loss 
of six pieces of artillery, thirteen battle-flags and nearly six 
thousand prisoners.* Sheridan here inflicted an unqualified dis- 
aster upon the extreme Confederate right, opening the whole 
country through which Lee's retreat would naturally conduct 
him, and the cavalry could maneuver both on his flank and front 
and so delay his progress until the remaining force of the Army 
of the Potomac could close in upon him and insure his destruc- 
tion. This, as all the world knows, is precisely what did take 
place. 

Still the progress of the contest, to its termination on Vir- 
ginia soil, involved all the features of a brilliant campaign — dar- 
ing strategy and bold tactics, both successful and unsuccessful ; 
many weary marches and running fights in which numerous pris- 
oners, artillery, wagons and battle-flags were captured ; hot 
skirmishes breaking out here and there, and running along like 
file in the grass, strewing all the way with the vestiges of relent- 
less war. 

But the Confederates did not leave their elaborate and al- 
most impregnable fortifications to fight battles with their old 
antagonists, only as they became necessary to facilitate their re- 
treat ; and there was but one more pitched battle of great magni- 
tude, and with controlling results, where the enemy displayed 
the old-time valor and determined courage, previous to the final 
surrender at Appomattox. This occurred on the sixth, at Sailor's 
Creek, and was fought on the Confederate side by E well's corps 
and a body of marines from the gunboats about Richmond, 
against the cavalry and the Sixth Corps, the Third and First 
Divisions doing practically all the fighting so far as the infantry 
participated in the action. 

Turning back now to the morning of the 3d of April and 
following the Sixth Corps to this last named battlefield, we 
passed through a region of country hitherto untraversed by 
Union troops, and it had not been permanently occupied by any 

* Sheridan's Memoirs, Vol. II, p. 165. 



864 

troops, although everything that could be converted into and 
used as subsistence for the Confederate army had been carried 
away. The fields were just beginning to put on their emerald 
robes, the trees to weave their velvet buds, and spring to unlock 
all the treasures of the soil. What the substantial products of 
this part of Virginia were, did not appear, except in large quan- 
tities of tobacco in the leaf and in warehouses or structures 
reared for storing it ; and the men gathered all they cared to 
for smoking and chewing, and some companies festooned them- 
selves with the withered weed, in imitation of Malcolm's soldiers 
moving from Birnam wood to Dunsinane. 

The roads were very bad, and heavy details from each divis- 
ion were constantly employed to corduroy long distances in order 
to render them passable for the trains, and it rained incessantly, 
deepening the mud and swelling the innumerable small streams 
with which the country was meshed, into broad marshes and 
rapid rivers ; yet the march was characterized by great patience 
and even enthusiasm on the part of the troops, notwithstanding 
the discomforts everywhere under foot and frequently overhead. 
Most of the troops marched westward on the River road, the 
Sixth Corps in the rear, and the Third Division in the rear of 
the corps, far on the way. The first day's march was slow and 
vexatious. Our advance was obstructed by other troops, trains, 
ambulances and artillery, and our progress diil not exceed ten 
miles from Petersburg, and we went into camp near Mount 
Pleasant Church, at 5 o'clock in the afternoon. General Wright 
thinking he would gain time by halting for a few hours. Resuming 
the march on the fourth, we moved about twenty miles and en- 
camped at night near Featherstone's place, a few miles beyond Na- 
mozine Church. On the fifth, the corps moved at 3 o'clock a.m., 
marcliing toward Jetersville Station, on the Danville & Rich- 
mond Railroad, and at about 5 o'clock p. m. took position in line 
of battle, half way between the station and West creek, on the 
right of the Fifth Corps and of the army, then concentrated at 
Jetersville, with the exception of the Ninth Corps, which had 
pursued a more southerly route and was at Burkcville Junction, 
considerably to the east, and the cavalry, which was everywhere. 
General Lee was at Amelia Court House on the night of the fifth, 



365 

and it will be seen by the accompanying map that our entire pursu- 
ing army had gained a position west altliough considerably to the 
south of him, where we not only endangered his position, but threat- 
ened his direct line of retreat, toward either Danville or Lynch- 
burg. His position was a most precarious one, and must have 
caused the greatest apprehension. On the other hand, the Un- 
ion army was correspondingly elated. General Grant had more 
than matched him in tactical skill, as he always had outside of 
his entrenchments, and there was now no escape for him. The 
fate of the Army of Northern Virginia was as effectually settled 
on the night of the 5th of April, if not before, as it was on the 
ninth. On the sixth, General Meade ordered Wright, Humph- 
reys, Ord, and GrifHn, now in command of the Ninth Corps, to 
move up to the enemy's position as quickly as possible, where it 
was designed to attack him with the whole of our infantry force. 
But when near Amelia Springs, or about three miles from Jeters- 
ville, it was discovered that the entire Confederate army had de- 
camped, stealing around our left during the night, and making 
a considerable detour northward — some of their trains and artil- 
lery going as far north as Painsville, where General Davies, with 
a brigade of cavalry, captured and burned over two hundred 
wagons and brought off five pieces of artillery. Lee went north 
as far as Harrison, then turned south and came into the Farm- 
ville road, a little east of Deatonsville. Meantime the orders 
which had carried us toward Amelia Court House were suspended 
and instructions given to advance toward the newly discovered 
position of the enemy, or rather to conform our course to the 
route he had taken, the Sixth Corps taking the right of the col- 
umn. But these orders, also, were shortly changed by instruc- 
tions to move by the way of Jetersville to the vicinity of Dea- 
tonsville and take a position on the left of the Second Corps and 
of the army. The object seems to have been to get into the 
Farmville road on the enemy's front, or failing in that, to strike 
him on the flank. The latter object was accomplished ; but 
not without great exertion, on account of the difficulties of the 
ground necessary to be traversed. General Wright moved his 
corps a mile or rao)e down the Burkeville road, parallel to the 
railroad, and then turning sharply to the right, the road passing 



366 

Deatonsville was reached at a point to the southward of that 
place. Here the Second Corps was found engaged in a hot 
skirmish with the enemy. After some recounoitering for a posi- 
tion on Humphreys' left, and finding the ground entirely im- 
practicable, the corps was again turned to the right and moved 
across-country, pushed through the tangle of brushwood and 
around impassable swamps, toward a road running parallel to the 
Burkeville road, on which the enemy was found moving with 
troops and trains, and along which for some distance he had 
thrown up slight breastworks. 

This was the first time we had seen the enemy in four days. 
His marching column was stretched out for many miles, appar- 
entl}'' intent upon getting away and saving his trains. Long- 
street was at the head of the column, Ewell was just behind 
Longstreet and Gordon following Ewell, and covering the rear. 
When General Wright finally obtained the bearings of his posi- 
tion on the left of Humphreys, he brought up the Third Divis- 
ion, which was leading the corps at that time, and General Sey- 
mour, who was in advance of his troops, as soon as he could get 
them in hand, moved up to the parallel road referred to, held by 
the enemy and along which they were moving, and soon gained 
complete possession of it, with little opposition. General Hum- 
phreys was further to the right, and at about the same time 
gained the road in his front. The result was that Gordon's en- 
tire corps was pushed out of its course and he was compelled to 
make a detour to the northwest, and proceed along a branch 
road where he was vigorously pursued by Humphreys and in a 
running fight was driven three miles, losing many wagons, sev- 
eral hundred prisoners and large quantities of camp equipage, and 
was separated from the rest of the Confederate army. This 
was a very serious business for the enemy. Clearly it would be 
next to impossible, in this part of the country, traversed as it 
was by many parallel roads and connected by cross roads, to re- 
unite the retreating column, and each grand division would be 
liable to the danger of an encounter with a larger part of the 
federal army. This is what did happen to one of Lee's corps. 

Leaving General Humphreys to pursue General Gordon, 
the whole attention of the Sixth Corps was now given to Gen- 




MA7. GEN. TEUMAN SEYMOUE. 



367 

eral Ewell, who was moving ofF toward Rice Station, which 
point General Longstreet had already reached and had halted for 
Ewell to come up. Ewell had about ten tliousand men ; he had 
no cavah-y and little if any artillery ; at least, none of any im- 
portance is mentioned. He had Anderson's, Custis Lee's and 
K-crshaw's divisions, several brigades of Tickett's command, 
which had been saved from Dinwiddie and Five Forks, and a 
naval battalion which had been in the defenses of Richmond and 
on the gunboats on the James river before the evacuation. As 
soon as General Wright had, in conjunction with Humphreys, 
driven Gordon out of the road and broken his connection with 
Ewell, he immediately wheeled the Third Division to the left, 
with its left on the road just cleared, and the First Division 
formea on its left. The two divisions were rapidly advanced down 
the road two miles from Deatonsville, driving Ewell's men all 
the way, although a strong force faced about and fought stub, 
bornly in order that the rest might get away. Here the enemy 
gained a strong position, near and across Sailor's creek, about 
midway between Rice Station and Deatonsville. It is now 
nearly sundown, and this is the situation of Ewell : Long- 
street is four or live uiiles in advance, Gordon beyond hope of 
affording assistance, the Sixth Corps close up in his rear, and 
Sheridan squarely across his front and on his left flank, having 
gained this position, as he says, " in anticipation of just this move- 
ment on the part of the Confederates." Ewell was isolated — 
cut out of the main column and nearly surrounded. His position 
was an exceedingly critical one, and he perceived its difticulties. 
It is said that when he " learned from General Anderson that 
the cavalry held the road in his front, he proposed that they 
should strike through the woods to their ricjht and reach a road 
further west, that led to Farmville, or unite and attack the 
cavalry in Anderson's front, but before they could arrange for 
either attempt the Sixth Corps was forming close to them.' 
Indeed, Seymour's division on the right of the line, and now on 
the right of the road, and Wheaton's division on the left of Sey- 
mour, were already charging down upon them, and quickly drove 
those who had undertaken to make a stand on the east side of 
the creek to the oppobite bank, where the whole force of the ene- 



368 

my were soon formed for a desperate resistance — a part under 
General Ewell facing east, to meet General Wrio;ht's advance 
and the balance under General Anderson facing west to meet 
Sheridan, In the early part of the day, General Sheridan had 
asked for a corps of infantry to act especially in conjunction 
with the cavalry and the Lieutenant-Gcneral had said to him : 
" The Sixth Corps will go in with a vim any place you may dic- 
tate." Sheridan was radiant with joy when he learned that he 
could have these troops, and also found them just in the position he 
would have placed them, had he himself dictated Wriglit's 
movement in pursuit of the enemy down the Riceville road. Be- 
tween 5 and 6 o'clock in the afternoon, he rode over from his 
position in advance of the enemy, and told General Wright in 
the most animated way, how he expected to " bag Ewell," ex- 
plaining to him the exact location of the roads, and how he had 
posted the cavalry to cooperate with the infantry and cut off all 
possibility of his retreat in an organized condition. He then rode 
back, leaving General Wright to conduct his part of Ihe battle. 
Crook's division was squarely in front on the main road and on 
the left, Devens' on his right, and Custer's division and Stagg's 
brigade extending further to the right and not only enveloping 
Anderson's left, but extending around so as to connect it with the 
infantry on Swell's right. Our First Division was on Ewell's 
right center, which was facing the other way, and the Third Divis- 
ion was on his left, witli the First Brigade overlapping his line 
at that point. All of these positions may be accurately deter- 
mined from the accompanying sketch of tlie battlefield. The 
enemy realized that it would be a desperate business to break 
out of this living corral and it made them ugly, and they fought 
with savage energy. 

Sailor's creek is an insignificant stream with marshy banks, 
and difficult to cross except at the roadway. The west bank at 
that point aiibrds some solid ground near the water, as also does 
the east, but farther back, which gradually slopes up from the 
creek to a sliglitly wooded summit with thick woods beyond, and 
the pike bending sharply to the south makes an exceedingly 
defensible position, not only against any body of troops attempt- 
ing to advance by the regular crossing, but approaching from 



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BATTLE-FIELD 

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SAILORS CREEK 



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369 

the east, eitlier above or below. The enemy was posted on this 
rising ground and had thrown up such slight breastworks at 
different points as the time allowed them had permitted. The 
position was a strong one and experienced troops would generally 
have hesitated before making a direct assault upon a determined 
enemy so situated. But nothing could quench the ardor of our 
men now, and as the batteries placed on the high ground east 
of the creek began to play upon the enemy's lines opposite, the 
First and Third Divisions plunged into the stream waist deep 
and crossed under a galling fire of musketry. Many were shot 
down in the water and on both banks of the creek, but the ad- 
vancing column reached the opposite shore and solid ground 
unbroken, and without a waver in the line. They went over 
with arms at a shoulder and in numerous instances cartridge boxes 
were also swung over the shoulder. With scarcely a percepti- 
ble halt the whole line began to move up the slope toward the 
enemy, who, if possible, increased their fire as our men ap- 
proached, but it fell mostly upon our First Division, which first 
and last suffered heavily in this action. Still our infantry moved 
on, ascending the heights, but did not open fire until within two 
hundred yards or less of the enemy. His first line gave way in 
great disorder. But it is said that General Ewell immediately 
advanced his second line, personally leading it in a fierce charge 
upon our center, and came near breaking it up. He did cause 
considerable confusion, but it was not sufiiciently alarming to 
arrest our progress, either on the right or the left ; indeed, this 
advance of the enemy, as it turned out, proved to be a fatal 
error, for as lie endeavored to force back our center, a consider- 
able body of his own troops thus employed became exposed to 
a flanking fire both from our right and left, which were un- 
moved and did not feel the shock of their charge. Colonel 
Truex, commanding the First Brigade of Seymour's division, 
which was on the right of our formation, seeing this exposure, 
instantly took advantage of it, and wheeling to the right, struck 
the enemy's left flank, while he was preparing to support the 
charging column above referred to, with such effect as to de- 
moralize his entire line, and put an end to the enemy's further 
(24) 



870 

resifitance on that part of the field. It was then supposed that 
the battle was won, and that all would soon be our prisoners. 
But it is not an easy matter to capture ten thousand men, or to 
entirely overcome the resistance of so large a body. The marine 
brigade were not acquainted with the condition of affairs, and 
they were rallied by Commander Tucker and hurled with great 
skill and bravery against our successful troops, wlio were just 
tlieu in a high state of enthusiasm ; hut the marines were des- 
perate and seemed determined to cut their way out, so much so that 
it became necjessary to deal with them very severely. General 
Seymour turned tiie artillery of the division upon them, directing 
some of the guns with his own hand, and very likely other bat- 
teries on the east side of the creek were brought to bear upon 
them, when their persistence soon yielded, and the brave fellows 
gave up the struggle. The victory was complete. Daring the 
progress of the action on this part of the field, the cavalry was 
equally successful on other parts, most of the brigade fighting 
dismounted, while others retaining their saddles, repeatedly 
charged upon the enemy; and at one point General Davies, lead- 
ing his brigade, rode completely over Anderson's works, capturing 
them and everything behind them. 

All of our officers and the general reports agree in declar- 
ing this engagement a most sanguinary one, and it was fought 
with great determination on both sides. The Confederates did 
not yield until nearly or quite surrounded. In his report, Gen- 
eral Seymour says: "Lieutenant-General Ewell sent Major 
Pegram of his staff with a flag, to surrender his forces to Trnex's 
brigade." Major Lyman of the Tenth Vermont, with a little 
more detail, savs : " In sroing; out to the front near the close of the 
action, I met a rebel officer unarmed walking toward me, who 
said he was Major Pegram, General Ewell's Inspector, and came 
to surrender General Ewell and his staff only. I directed him 
to our brigade flag, whence he was forwarded to General Wright 
with his message. Meantime General Ewell and his staff were 
taken prisoners, as many of his troops had been previously, by 
the cavalry. He told them he had surrendered and wished to 
goto General Wright's headquarters; he was permitted to do 
80 and soon joined his infantry there." 



871 

The results of this victory were the capture of at least six 
general officers — Ewell, Kershaw, Custis Lee, Barton, Corse 
and Duboise. Probably there were other Generals among the 
prisoners, with many subordinate officers and over six thousand 
men. Anderson, Fickett and Johnson succeeded in escaping 
with about two thousand men ; but very likely they were gen- 
erally without arras, as large numbers were afterwards discovered 
to liave been thrown away. Major Lyman informs me on the 
authority of Confederate officers, whom he lias met since the 
war, that General Robert E. Lee was with Ewell's corps at the 
time he was cut out of the retreating column, but escaped 
before the battle was over. The number of the enemy's killed 
and wounded has not been ascertained, but it was very large. 
The loss in the two divisions of the Sixth Corps engaged in the 
battle was about four hundred and fifty in killed and wounded, 
mostly from the First Division. Frobably from eight to ten or 
eleven thousand were eliminated from the Confederate army 
through the operations of the day, by the Second and Sixth Corps 
and tlie cavalry, beside a fearful destruction of trains, artillery 
and ambulances. 

Of the marines General Keifer says : " Commodore Tucker 
and his marine brigade, numbering about two thousand, surren- 
dered to me a little later. They were under cover of a dense 
forest and had been passed by in the first onset of the assault. 
Most of the officers, about tliirty-five in number, of this marine 
brigade, had served in the U. S. navy before the war and served 
in and about llichmond on gunboats and river batteries. As 
infantrymen they cut a sorry figure in maneuvers, but they were 
brave, stood to their assigned position after all others of their 
army had been overthrown ; they knew how to fight, but nothing 
about retreat, so were taken captive as a body. They suffered 
heavily in killed and wounded. The fact that when disarmed 
there was found to be a large wagon-load of pistols of all pat- 
terns and manufactures collected from all the civilized countries 
of the world, afforded much true soldier merriment. 

Major John A. Salsbury, who was placed in charge of the 
detail guarding the prisoners here captured, had a rather amus- 
ing experience with the aristocratic fellows belonging to the naval 



372 

brigade. They were utterly depressed by the inconveniences of 
field arrangements for their accommodations and land ways gen- 
erally. Their wardrobes were not designed to meet the exigen- 
cies of mnddy roads, the swamps, and the tangle of fields in 
Virginia. Although sailors themselves, yet Sailor's creek had 
no charms for them. 

General Sheridan ever regarded tlie battle of Sailor's Creek 
as one of the " greatest importance, wliile it was one of the 
severest conflicts of the war ; for the enemy fought with despera- 
tion to escape capture, and we bent on tlieir destruction, were no 
less eager and determined. * * The fight was so over- 
shadowed by the stirring events of the surrender three days later, 
that the battle has never been credited with the prominence it de- 
serves." Referring again to a paper by Brevet Major-General J. 
Warren Keifer, read before the Ohio Commandery of the Loyal 
Legion, it will be seen that he places the battle among the most 
important contests of the war. He says : 

" JSot five per cent of the intelligent people of the United 
States, north and south, who were of mature years at the close 
of the rebellion, and a far less number of those who now seek to 
be informed of its events, ever heard of the battle of Sailor's 
Creek at all. Most of the well-informed officers and soldiers of 
that war, in both armies, know little or nothing of it. Events 
were then occurring so rapidly that little or no note was made 
of this battle. It may not, therefore, be strange tliat one of the 
greatest battles of the bloodiest of modern wars should be over- 
looked by the writers of history. In some respects it has no 
parallel in war on this continent. The results immediately fol- 
lowing from the Union victory there were perhaps equal to or 
greater than those of any other battle fougb.t during the war. 
The number killed and wounded was large ; the number cap- 
tured in personal conflict on the field exceeded the captures, 
under the circumstances, of any other battle fought on the con- 
tinent of America. 

Ko battle of modern times records so long a list of general 
ofiicers* taken captive amid the struggle and in tlie fury of the 
engagement, as that of Sailor's Creek. 

* General Keifer gives this number as eleven. 



373 

There can be no question about the importance of this bat- 
tle as affecting the result achieved three days later at Appo- 
mattox Court House. It may be now said that the surrender of 
the Army of Northern Virginia, its capture or its destruction 
was sure to come, and that there was no hope of Lee's escape 
with suflScient force to enter upon another campaign, after the 
night of the 5fch of April, when the Army of the Potomac 
reached Jetcrsville, practically in front of his whole army halted 
at Amelia Court House. If this were true, and in the light of 
subsequent events, it could hardly have been otherwise, then the 
battle of Sailor's Creek was a potent factor in the culminating 
process. The splendid strategy of Generals Sheridan and Wright 
isolated Ewell's corps from the retreating column, and forced an 
engagement which resulted practically in the capture of his 
whole force. It was a loss of one-third of Lee's army, and he 
was not in a condition to long survive such a fearful disintegra- 
tion. Whatever his chances might have been for maintaining 
his power of resistance, and getting away with any considerable 
part of his arniy previous to this, they must have vanished in 
the chasm pioduced by Ewell's capture. The logic of Sailor's 
Creek was Appomattox. 

It is believed that the only Yermont troops engaged in this 
action on tlie west side of the creek, and lience the action proper, 
unless the First Vermont Cavalry was engaged with Custer 
against Anderson, were those of the Tenth Eegiment. This 
regiment was on the right, if not the extreme right, of the First 
Brigade, which held the right of Seymour's division. It was in 
the lead in the pursuit of the enemy, from near Dsatonsville 
down to the creek; directly in front during the ekirmish on the flat 
or marsh, on the east side of the stream, which was preliminary 
to the main action beyond, and nearly amounted to a battle ; it 
was one of the lirBt regiments to plunge into the stream and climb 
the hill upon which the enemy were posted in force, to resist our 
advance ; and in the final charge upon the Confederate loft, while 
they were struggling against Wheaton's division in their front, 
becoming the hammer-head of the brigade that inflicted the fatal 
blow upon Ewell's hopes on this part of the bloody field of Sail- 
or's Creek. And in this battle, while maintaining its organiza- 



374 

tion complete thronghont, and displaying all of its accustomed 
gallantry in the face of the enemy, the regiment was more for- 
tunate, in some respects, than it had been in any other battle in 
which it had participated. It was in a position to do the most 
effective work against the enemy ; not a man straggled from the 
ranks ; each expended all of his ammunition upon the plainly 
visible foe, and although constantly under a most terrific fire, 
but one man was wounded — Frederick W. Root of Co. K. 

In his report of Sept. 17th, 1865, Colonel A. S. Tracy of 
the Second Vermont Regiment, speaking of a skirmish he had 
with the enemy on the night of the battle, about two miles and 
a half from Sailor's creek, toward Farmville, says : " It will be 
only doing justice to the brave men of my regiment to state here 
that the last shot fired at the enemy by the Sixth Corps was 
fired by the Second Vermont Regiment, in the above mentioned 
skirmish." In closing this part of his report he says : " But I 
am happy to state that I had no casualties to report." This be- 
ing true, then tlie last man of an infantry regiment from Ver- 
mont in the Army of the Potomac who was hit by a rebel bullet 
was the Co. K man of the Tenth Regiment mentioned above — 
Frederick W. Root. 

Following are excerpts from Major-General "Wright's report 
of the operations of the Sixth Corps in this engagement, and 
also the movements of the several divisions of the corps during 
the day : 

On the morning of the sixth, the corps was put in motion at 6 A. m. in 
conjunction with the rest of the army, toward Amelia Court House, Avhere 
it was supposed the enemy still was, with the intention of attacking him 
at that place. Without regard to roads, the troops were moved across the 
country ; but after proceeding some three miles, information was received that 
the enemy had left during the night, and was endeavoring to pass around 
our left. The corps was at once halted, and this information sent to army 
headquarters. Orders were soon received for the corps to take the right of the 
army in the pursuit, but these orders were shortly after changed by instruc- 
tions to move via Jetersville to the vicinity of Ueatonsville, and take posi- 
tion on the left of the Second Corps and of the army. In obedience to these 
instructions, the corps was promptly started. Following for a time the road 
from Jetersville parallel to the railroad, and then turning square to the right, 
the road passing Deatonsville was reached at a point to the southward of that 
place. 

Here I found the Second Corps was engaged in skirmishing in advance o 
the road, and awaiting the arrival of the column. The ground on the left of 
that corps was recounoitered with a view to taking up that position, but find- 



875 

ing the country to be a diflBcult one through which to advance, and hearing 
the cavah-y heavily engaged some distance to the left, I moved on the arrival 
of the head of the column, down the Burkeville road, perhaps a mile, and 
turning sharp to the right proceeded across the couutry toward a nearly par- 
allel road on which the enemy was moving with troops and trains and along 
which he had thrown up some slight breastworks. 

As soon as Seymour's division, which was leading, could be formed, 
it was moved upon the road held by the enemy, which was carried after 
a slight resistance. This movement compelled a part of the enemy's force 
to move off by a branch road to the right, and in front of the Second 
Corps, which was rapidly coming up. The road being carried, the Third 
Division was wheeled to the left, with its left on the road, and Wheaton's 
division, which had come up, having been rapidly formed on Seymour's left, 
the line was advanced down the road against a pretty sharp resistance for 
about two miles, when reaching Sailor's creek, a marshy and difficult stream, 
it was found that the enemy had reformed his line on the opposite side, and 
that he had thrown up such breastworks at various points of his line as time 
permitted. 

Readjusting the lines somewhat, the First and Third Divisions keeping 
their previous formation of the third on the right, the creek was crossed and 
the attack made; the artillery previously established in position, open- 
ing with great effect upon the enemy, while the Second Division, still in rear, 
was hurried up to take part in the battle in case it should be needed, and at 
any rate to sustaiu the batteries, which wei-e without supports. This divis- 
ion was rapidly brought forward at the double-quick by Brevet Major-General 
Getty, and though not actually engaged, performed an important part by its 
presence. The First and Third Divisions charged the enemy's position, car- 
rying it handsomely, except at a point on our right of the road crossing the 
creek, where a column, said to be composed exclusively of the marine brigade 
and other troops which had held the lines of Richmond previous to the evac- 
uation, made a counter charge upon that part of our line in their front. I was 
never more astonished. These troops Avere surrounded; the First and Third 
Divisions of this corps were on either flanks, my artillery and a fresh divis- 
ion in their front, and some three divisions of Major-General Sheridan's cav- 
alry in their rear. Looking upon them as already our prisoners, I had or- 
dered the artillery to cease firing, as a dictate of humanity. My surprise, 
therefore, was extreme, when this force charged upon our front ; but the 
firing of our infantry, which had already gained their flanks, the capture of 
their superior officers already in our hands, the concentrated and murderous 
fire of six batteries of our artillery within effective range, brought them 
promptly to a surrender. 

The position was won ; the right of the rebel army was annihilated, and 
the prisoners secured were counted by thousands. 

In the attack upon the road along which the enemy was passing, and 
already referred to, a portion of General Sheridan's cavalry operated upon 
our right ; and in the subsequent attack the mass of the cavalry operated on 
the enemy's right flank and rear, doing splendid service, and completing the 
successes of the day, capturing most of the prisoners who had been driven 
back, broken and demoralized by the attack previously described. Many 
general officers were captured by the combined forces of the infantry and 
cavalry, and of those who surrendered to the Sixth Corps were Lieutenant- 
General Ewell and Major-General Custis Lee. 



376 

In the battle of Sailor's Creek, the corps nobly sustained its previous 
well-earned repvitation. It made the forced march which preceded that bat- 
tle with great cheerfulness and enthusiasm, and went into the fight with a 
determination to be successful seldom evinced by the best troops, and by its 
valor made the battle of Sailor's Creek the most important of the last and 
crowning contests against the rebel Army of Northern Virginia. To it had 
fallen the opportunity of striking the decisive blows, not only at Petersburg 
on the 2d of April, but at Sailor's Creek on the sixth ; and most gallantly did 
it vindicate the confidence reposed in it by its own officers and the com- 
mander of the Army of the Potomac. The corps has always fought well, but 
never better than in the assault at Petersburg, and at Sailor's creek four 
days after. 

Although it was dark when these brilliant operations ceased 
and the fruits of victory had been gathered, yet the Second 
Division, wliich had remained on the east side of the creek — 
where a part of it at least supported the artillery — was now 
crossed over and advanced, quickly, some two miles, and its 
skirmishers pushed somewhat further out. But meeting with 
little opposition the troops bivouacked for the night, and tlie 
First and Third Divisions were soon brought up and took posi- 
tions on the left and right respectively. 

The balance of Lee's army crossed the Appomattox at 
Farmville at dusk, on the sixth, and during the night moved on 
to Appomattox Court House. To this point he was pursued, 
next diiy, and hotly assailed whenever opportunity permitted on 
the eighth and ninth, by all the cavalry and some of the infantry 
corps. On the eighth, the Sixth Corps, followed by the Second, 
crossed the river at Farmville, and moved directly in the line of 
Lee's retreat, while Sheridan, Ord and Griffin swung around to 
Prospect Station, and thence twenty-five miles southwest, to 
Appomattox Station, where they destroyed several supply trains 
laden with provisions and forage, which liad been sent out from 
Lynchburg for Lee's exhausted army. There, also, they were 
squarely athwart his intended line of retreat, now headed toward 
Lynchburg. Thus the great chieftain, who had so long guarded 
the northern frontiers of the Confederacy, and so successfully 
baffled the Union commanders who had been arrayed against 
liim, was brought to ba}'-, and the way already having been 
opened, made to sue for terras of capitulation. The Sixth and 
Second Corps were close in his rear ; the cavalry and the Fifth 
and parts of the Twenty-fourth and Twenty-fifth Corps of In- 



377 

fantry were in his front. Thousands of his men hfid thrown 
away their arms and all that would impede their progress ; these 
and many others, disheartened and sore, were constantly falling 
out by the way and giving themselves up as prisoners of war ; 
guns, hospital and supply trains were hourly falling into our 
hands. Tliere was but one thing left for him to do, by which 
he could receive the meed of praise that the world is ready to 
bestow upon a brave warrior, although the cause in which he has 
drawn his sword has not one redeeming virtue — that was sur- 
render ; and this occurred on Sunday, the 9th of April, 1865. 
The details of this final triumphant scene do not come within 
the scope of this history to record, yet the following may be of 
interest : 

Jefferson Davis records a most pathetic incident of General 
Lee, in his " History of the Confederate States of America," 
page 480. General Gordon had been halted by a large force of 
the Union army in his front ; General Longstreet was strug- 
gling with an equal or larger force in his rear. General Leo 
sent a staff officer, at this juncture, to inquire of Gordon as to 
the chance of a successful attack. " Gordon replied that his corps 
was ' reduced to a frazzle,' and that unless he was supported by 
Longstreet, heavily, he did not think he could do anything." It 
is said that when this answer was reported to General Lee, he 
replied : " Then there is nothing left me but to go and see 
General Grant." The expression is one of despair over tlie for- 
tunes of the Confederacy, and awakens the keenest sensations of 
pity for the brave man who gave it utterance, although he was 
an enemy to his country. 

On the contrary the following letter, which needs no ex- 
planation, expresses the feelings of the Union army on that 
occasion. It was written in pencil from the field of battle by 
Professor J. H. George of Norwich, Conn., at that time band- 
master of the Tenth Vermont Regiment, and is dated the day 
after the victory of Appomattox. It is characterized by a boy's 
enthusiasm, as well as by a soldier's glory in victory. The little 
colored boy, referred to in the letter, followed the regiment for 
several days, but being unable to keep up with the march was 
lost sight of : 



378 

Camp of the ) 

Tenth Vermont Volunteer Infantry, > 

April 10th, 1865. ) 

My Dear Home : — Long ere this letter reaches its destination you will 
have heard the joyful news of the suiTeuder of the Confederate army to Gen- 
eral Grant. Oh, such a time never was known as there was here yesterday! 
No one can imagine the scene! What would I have given if you could have 
been here! Men cried and shouted for joy. Guns were fired and bands 
played. Cheer after cheer from thousands of soldiers rent the air, and it 
seemed as though there would be no end to the racket. Try to picture to 
your.self several hundred acres of land, covered with troops, throwing their 
hats in the air, and yelling with all their might, battei-ies firing blanks, flags 
waving, bands playing, each one trying to outdo the other in showing how 
good he felt. I can't tell it, but I will attempt to describe what our division 
did: 

General Seymour, commanding the division, had all the flags from each 
regiment brought together, then all the bands. Then he and his staff, and 
each brigade commander and staff arranged themselves in a sort of a circle, 
and there they had it! Toasts, cheei-s and music; cheers, music and toasts. 
This was kept up until all became exhausted. Before this form of celebra- 
tion took place, I am proud to say that my band was the first to play, directly 
after the announcement of the surrender. It happened in this way : 

Of course there was great excitement and no order, when, of a sudden, I 
conceived the idea of getting the start of the other bands. I blew the "band 
call," and only five men were within hearing; the others were interviewing 
the disarmed rebs. We commenced playing with the five men and very soon 
the others, hearing us, came running in, caught up their instruments, and 
we played until we were "played out," but played only national airs— Hail 
Columbia, Star Spangled Banner, America, Yankee Doodle, etc., etc., going 
from one to another without waiting to find the music in our books. 

We three brothers are " all right," but pretty tired. They say we are 
about twenty-five miles from Lynchburg, and not far from one hundred 
miles from Petersburg. We passed through the city of Petersburg, April 3d; 
saw President Lincoln there. He was on horseback, blockaded in the street 
by a big crowd of colored people, who were shouting "God bless Massa Lin- 
coln!" They appeared to be fairly crazy with delight; also suffering for 
something to eat. The white children on the sidewalks were shouting : 
" Three cheers for the Union. Give me a hardtack! " They were all out of 
rations. 

A bright boy about twelve or fourteen years old, white, with colored 
blood, asked me if I would let him be my servant. He was determined to 
follow us, so I took him. He is with me now. I shall take him home with 
me, and father will make him his hired man. His name is Anderson Phillip. 
I have changed his name to Philip Sheridan Anderson, for our gallant Gen- 
eral Sheridan. 

Undoubtedly the war is over, and the next new song will be, " Now the 
Crviel War is Over," and I shall have it arranged for my band at once. I am 
very proud to belong to the Sixth Corps. The Sixth and Second Corps have 
a big name. " Bully for us! " 

Little Phil (General Sheridan) says, " Give me the Sixth Corps and I will 
charge anywhere" Hurrah for "Phil!" General Meade says, "He shall 
remember the Sixth Corps." Hurrah for Meade! General Grant says, " He 
can trust the Sixth Corps anywhere." Hurrah for Grant! General Lee says 

" The Sixth Corps always breaks his lines." Hurrah for the Sixth 

Corps! 



879 

Lee was a hard one to beat, but Grant with his able assistants has finally 
"knocked hira out." I hope my band will have the privilege of playing 
" Home Again " in Vermont by the Fourth of July, sure. 

Afi'y your son, 

J. HERBERT GEORGE. 

The Fifth Corps and McKenzie's division of cavalry re- 
mained at Appomattox Court Honse to attend to the paroling 
of the late Army of Northern Virginia, while the balance of the 
Army of the Potomac and the Army of the James returned to 
Burkeville, and ere long to Wasliington. Here, at Appomattox, 
the awful contest first openly initiated in Charleston harbor, 
South Carolina, April 12th, 1861, was virtually closed, and the 
long cherished dream of a Southern Confederacy vanished for- 
ever ! This anomaly of a government within the Government 
of the United States, without its consent, no longer represented 
an idea recognized by the civilized world. It never had uni- 
versal support in the South. It was a political abortion, and 
had lived far too long. 

Still there were rebels yet in arms ; some in the far south, 
and a large army, under General J. E. Johnston, in North Caro- 
lina. General Sherman, who had just reduced the rebellion in 
three States of the Union, was now quietly waiting at Golds- 
boro', confronting Johnston with forty thousand men at Smith- 
field. On the fourteenth, upon hearing of Grant's operations 
around Richmond, and of the result at Appomattox, he imme- 
diately took the ofiensive, hoping to bring his antagonist to a 
decisive battle or a capitulation. General Sherman was not dis- 
appointed. Johnston at once asked for a suspension of hostili- 
ties, and for a meeting for consultation looking to and considering 
terms for the surrender of the forces under his command. Terms 
were finally agreed upon by the two commanders, on the seven- 
teenth, and at once dispatched to Washington. The stipulations 
between Sherman and Johnston were thought to be remarkably 
favorable to the latter, and partaking somewhat of a political 
character, and as they were subject to the approval of the United 
States Government, they were disapproved. Accordingly Gen- 
eral Grant was hastily ordered to North Carolina and directed 
at once to renew hostilities. Consequently the Sixth Corps, yet 



380 

in camp at Burkeville, and Sheridan's cavalry, were ordered to 
move on to Johnston's rear. We started for Danville, Virginia, 
one linndred and twenty miles distant, on the twenty-fourth, 
arriving there on the twenty-eighth. The First Division quietly 
took possession, the other troops immediately following. The 
same day, orders were issued for anotlser advance, to commence 
on the twentj'-ninth, and had there been a necessity for it wo 
should have been striking heavily upon Johnston's rear within 
thirty-six hours. But while preparing to move, General Wright 
received intelligence of Johnston's surrender upon the same 
terms that had been accorded to Lee, and we were spared partici- 
pation in a victory that belonged solely to the noble armies of 
the Southwest. 

The corps remained at Danville until the 16th of May, then 
took cars for Richmond. Arriving on the morning of the seven- 
teenth, we went into camp near Manchester, where we remained 
until the twenty-fourth. While at Danville we published a daily 
paper, which we issued from the office of the Danville Register, 
called The Sixth Corjjs. 

At Manchester, the troops, waiting for the arrival of our 
division wagon trains from Danville, visibly recruited. The 
men eagerly visited Richmond, roamed about the deserted and 
half-ruined capital of the late Confederacy, and were now re- 
markably anxious to explore the interior of Libby Prison and 
Castle Thunder, which desire they were allowed to gratify with- 
out restraint. 

On the twenty-fourth, after havmg tried in vain to procure 
transportation to Wasliington, General Wright started his vet- 
eran corps northward. There was less murmuring than might 
have been supposed. Still, as it was a part of Johnston's stipu- 
lations with Sherman that the Government should furnisli his 
men with free transportation to the nearest praticable point to 
their homes, our own soldiers thought, perhaps justly, that there 
was no need, certainly no good reason, why they should be 
marched from Richmond to Washington. But the Sixth Corps, 
with the reputation of being glorious tighters, had gained the 
sobriquet of " Sedgwick's walkers," during the war, and were 
now good for this trip. After experiencing a great deal of 



381 

rainy weather and mud, we reached Ball's Cross Roads, three 
miles from Georgetown, on the 2d of Jnne, movin^r bj way of 
llanover Court Ilonse, Fredericksburg and Aquia creek. 

On tlie 7th of June, all the Vermont troops in the vicinity 
of Washington were reviewed by His Excellency John Gregory 
Smith, Governor of Vermont, accompanied by his Adjutant- 
General, Peter T. Washburn, Quartermaster-General P. P. Pit- 
kin, Surgeon-General S. W. Thayer, and many other gentlemen 
from the State. The organizations from the State were the 
Second, Third, Fourth, Fifth, Sixth, Eighth, Tenth and Eleventh 
Regiments of Infantry, and the First Vermont Cavalry. On the 
eighth, the whole corps was reviewed on Pennsylvania Avenue, 
by President Johnson, attended by many general officers, subal- 
terns, soldiers from the other corps, and a vast concourse of citi- 
zens. On tiie twenty-second, the veterans of the Third Division 
were mustered out of the United States service. Fourteen offi- 
cers and one hundred and thirty-six men of the Tenth Vermont 
were transferred to the Fifth Vermont — a regiment that now 
embraced some of its own, and recruits from other commands — 
and thirteen officers and four hundred and fifty-one men were 
mnftered out. Very soon the other division shared the same 
fate ; and thus the OM Sixth Army Corps, embracing men from 
all of the New England, the Middle and some of the Western 
States, tliat had fought so gallantly with the Army of the Poto- 
mac through the Peninsular campaign, at Bull Run, South 
Mountain and Antietam — that had stormed the heights of Fred- 
ericksburg, displayed such soldierly daring at Chancellorsville ; 
that had strewn the Wilderness with their slain, fighting through 
all the bloody campaigns of 1564, from the Rapidan to Peters- 
burg ; that by one of its divisions at Monocacy Junction, 
saved the capital ; thence the corps with Sheridan at Winchester, 
Fisher's Hill and Cedar Creek, then back and over the old 
ground at Petersburg, Sailor's Creek and at Appomattox Court 
House — ceased to exist. 

Leaving on all these fields, and many others here unnamed, 
its brave, noble dead, and a record of deeds and of victories 
unsurpassed by any similar organization, these veterans, battle- 
scarred and war-worn, ceasing to be soldiers, glided into the 
pursuits of civil life and became citizens. 



382 

While at Burkeville Junction, on the occasion of the pre- 
sentation of the battle-flags captured by the Sixth Corps, General 
Meade issued the following address to the corps : 

Officers and Soldiers of the Sixth Corps : — I thank you very much for these 
numerous proofs of your valor, captured during the recent campaign. I do 
not wish to make any invidious distinctions between your own and the other 
corps of this army. They performed with valor and courage the part assigned 
to them. But candor compels me to say that in my opinion the decisive 
moment of this campaign, which resulted in the capture of the Army of 
Northern Virginia, was the gallant and successful assault of the Sixth Corps, 
on the morning of the 2d of April. It was with much pleasure 1 had received 
a dispatch from your commander, assuring me his confidence in your courage 
was so great that he felt confident of his ability to break through the ene- 
my's lines. I finally ordered the charge to be made at 4 o'clock on the morn- 
ing of the second, and it was with still greater satisfaction that a few hours 
afterwards I had the pleasure of transmitting a dispatch to the General-in- 
Chief, telling him the confidence of your brave commander had been fully 
borne out. 

To you, brave men, I return the thanks of the country and of the army. 
To each of you a furlough of thirty days will be granted, to enable you to 
present these proofs of your valor to the War Department. Let us all hope 
that the work upon which we have been engaged for nearly four years is 
over, that the South will return to its allegiance and that our beloved flag 
will once more float in triumph over a peaceful and undivided country, ex- 
tending from the Atlantic to the Pacific and from the Saint Lawrence to the 
Gulf of Mexico. 

Men and oflicers of the Tenth, though mustered out of the 
United States service, still remained under military discipline, 
and were commanded by Major Jolm A. Salsbury, a very excel- 
lent officer and a good disciplinarian, but who was now disposed 
to allow his men to be as jolly as they pleased. His own com- 
mand and those other regiments of the brigade to whom the 
Major was well known, testified their respect for him, a respect 
won with them on the battlefield and in camp, by marching in a 
grand torchlight procession to his quarters, and rendering such 
other tokens of esteem as were in their power to bestow. 

On the twenty-third, we started for home, marching through 
"Washington to the railroad station, where we took cars for New 
York. In passing through the city, joined by the One Hundred 
and Sixth New York, a regiment for which the Tenth Vermont 
had conceived an affectionate regard, which was by them freely 
reciprocated, we halted at the residence of Major-General James 
B. Ricketts, our old division commander, and gave the hero nine 
rousing cheers, which the General acknowledged with a full 



383 

heart of love. Arriving at New York on the evening of the 
twenty-fourth, we were quartered at the battery. Here all mili- 
tary restraint was relaxed for the time being, and the men had 
the freedom of the city. " Yet at roll-call the next morning," 
writes Captain Davis, " every man answered to his name." He 
adds, " H this does not speak well for the discipline and charac- 
ter of the Tenth Vermont, I am no soldier." The Captain was 
a soldier and a Christian gentleman, and would not be likely to 
pardon without rebuke, what he judged to be crime or folly. 

Major Salsbury took his command to Burlington, Vt., by 
the most direct route, where they arrived at 2 o'clock a. m., on 
the twenty-seventh. The City Hall was brilliantly lighted and 
the citizens, with a large number of ladies in waiting, gave them 
a most generous and enthnsiastic reception. But in vain searched 
thousands of moistened eyes among that sun-browned and battle- 
worn company for the dear boy who had gone forth witii them 
three years ago ! Here, also, they were met by many of their 
old comrades, who had become disabled in the service, and had 
been discharged. Among those assembled to welcome them 
back to the State, perhaps no one was greeted with more hearty 
cheers than Brevet Brigadier-General William "W. Henry, a 
former Colonel of the regiment. Major Salsbury made the fol- 
lowing report to the Adjutant-General : 

General p. T. Washburn, Adjutant and Inspector-General : 

General: — I have the honor to report, that on the 22d of June, 1865, 
fourteen officers and one hundred and thirty-six men of the Tenth Vermont 
Volunteers were transferred to the Fifth Vermont Regiment, and thirteen 
officers and four hundred and fifty-one men were mustered out of the service. 
I left Washington June 23d, at noon, for Burlington, Vt., in command of the 
Tenth Vermont Regiment, arriving in New York Saturday, the twenty- 
fourth, at 8 o'clock in the evening, where we were met by Colonel Frank E. 
Howe, and remained over night. At noon, the twenty-fifth, we took passage 
on the Mary Benton, and arrived in Albany at 3 30 o'clock Monday morning, 
June 2nth, where we were well received. We left Albany at noon the same 
day and arrived in Burlington at 2 o'clock Tuesday morning, where we had 
a pleasant reception. The men were furloughed until July 3d, when they 
returned, and were paid off by Major Wadleigh. Officei's and men on the 
route behaved admirably, and won great commendation. 

I am, General, with great respect, 

Tour obedient servant, 

MAJOR J. A. SALSBURY. 



384 

The men were furloughed for six days, and at the expira- 
tion of that time retm-ned and were finally discharged — only 
four hundred and fifty out of one thousand in the beginning ! 
For the rest they had laid down their lives on the battlefield, 
fallen with disease and wounds, or exhausted their strenc th in 
the service of our country ! Noble offerings, every one ! 

COLONEL DAMON. 

George B. Damon, son of Dr. George and Lucy J. Damon, 
was born in Hatley, Canada, P. Q., March 31st, 1835. His 
parents, however, were both Vermonters, having been born in 
Lyndon, Yt., but were residing in Canada at the time of the 
birth of their son — the subject of this sketch. Soon after this 
event, perhaps sometime in 1835, they returned to Yermont and 
passed the remainder of their days in their native State. There- 
fore, except by birth, George was a Yermonter, and always cher- 
ished the memory of his early associations among the people of 
the Green Hills. He was educated in our common schools and 
the academies of Glover and Barton, Yt. He began the study 
of law in the oflice of Timothy Redfield of Montpelier, and later 
took a course in the law school at Poughkeepsie, N. Y., finish- 
ing his law studies with the late Hon. Charles Dewey of Wells 
River, but more recently of Rutland. 

He was admitted to the bar at St. Johnsbury, in December, 
1858, and soon after went to Chicago, where he formed a law 
partnership with a Mr, Deane, under the firm name of Deane 
& Damon. This relation, however, was continued but a few 
months, when Damon returned to Yermont and established him- 
self in his profession at Bradford, in company with a Mr. Batch- 
elder, where he remained until he entered the volunteer army 
of the United States, Aug. 12th, 1862. 

Upon the organization of Co. G, Tenth Regiment, Yer- 
mont Yolunteers, at Bradford, Aug. 12th, 1862, he was unani- 
mously chosen Captain. Captain Damon did not accompany 
the regiment to the front on account of temporary illness, but 
joined us in November, while we were encamped at Seneca 
Locks, in Maryland. Company G, in the meantime, was com- 
manded by Captain Pearl D. Blodgett, then his First Lieuten- 



385 

ant. He, however, assumed command immediately upon his 
arrival, and continued with the regiment and his company until 
the fall of 1863, at the heginning of General Meade's Mine run 
campaign, when he was assigned to a position elsewhere, and to 
duties of another character. 

Although retaining the command of his company for a year 
and sharing the experiences of the regiment during that period, 
Captain Damon saw little or nothing of either, in battle, until the 
last six months of the war, and probably never commanded his com„ 
pany in action. But this was from no fault of his, nor did he escape 
participation in any of the engagements in which the regiment 
took a part, or the division to which it belonged had any share. 
Previous to our experience in fighting, or our having been 
brought under fire from the enemy, he was detailed on staff duty 
at division headquarters, first upon the staff of General Carr, 
and subsequently, after the breaking up of the Third Corps and 
the regiment was assigned to the Sixth Corps, upon the staff of 
General James B. Ricketts, and also on the staff of General Tru- 
man Seymour, Ricketts' successor in the command of the Third 
Division, Sixth Corps. Captain Damon's tastes, natural abilities 
and his legal attainments admirably fitted him for these various 
stafi' appointments, as nearly all the time that he was absent from 
his regiment he filled the position of Judge Advocate for the gen- 
eral officers above named. In the discharge of the duties of 
Judge Advocate, he gave great satisfaction to his superior ofii- 
ccrs and to the members of the courts-martial on which he 
served, while his purely soldierly qualities ; his love of daring 
adventure ; his ready comprehension of orders and his high 
courage, made him a most efficient aide on the field of battle. 
Captain Damon served on the staff of General Ricketts throuo-h 
the "Wilderness campaign of 1864, and was in all of the engage- 
ments that took place between the Rapidan and Petersburg, up 
to the 6th of July, when the division was detached and sent 
north to meet the Confederate General Early's now famous in- 
cursion into Pennsylvania and Maryland. He participated in 
the battles of Monocacy, "Winchester, Fisher's Hill and Cedar 
Creek. In all of these battles the Third Division took a distin- 

(25) 



386 

guished part, and in the commander's reports, Captain Damon 
is mentioned among those who performed gallant service and 
rendered most efficient aid. He was breveted Major, Oct. 19th, 
1864, for gallantry at Winchester and Cedar Creek, and a 
few weeks later was promoted Major, the recognition in botli 
instances being appointments in the staff corps. Upon the resig- 
nation of Colonel Henry, Dec. 17th, 1864:, Major Damon, al- 
though holding the rank of Captain in his regiment, was pro- 
moted to the Lieutenant Colonelcy of the regiment, his commis- 
sion bearing date Jan. 2d, 1865. This promotion was earnestly 
requested in a petition addressed to the Adjutant and Inspector- 
General of Vermont, signed by every commissioned officer in 
tlie regiment except one, in the following terms, at the same 
time requesting the appointment of Adjutant Lyman to the 
Majority. After the usual formal address to General Wash- 
burn, the petitioners recite : 

" Captain Damon is the ranking officer of the regiment and 
entitled to the position, if the rule of seniority is followed. 
His bravery and efficiency are well known and we feel contident 
that none more worthy could be selected. We would respect- 
fully call attention to the enclosed order issued by Brigadier- 
General Seymour in relieving Captain Damon from duty at head- 
quarters of the Third Division, Sixth Army Corps, to take com- 
mand of the regiment, as an expression of tlieir opinion of the 
ability of Captain Damon by the general officers upon whose 
staff lie has served." TJie order referred to is as follovys : 

Headquaeteks Third Division, Sixth Army Corps, ) 

December 18tb, lb64. ) 

General Orders, \ 
No. 40. ) 

Captain George B. Damon, Tenth Vermont Volunteers, is hereby re- 
lieved from further duty on the division staff as Judge Advocate, and will 
report to his regiment. In parting with Captain Damon, the Brigadier-Gen- 
eral commanding desires to express the invariable satisfaction of the divis- 
ion commanders with whom the duties of the Judge Advocate have been 
performed, and takes this method of thanking Captain Damon for his con- 
stant attention and faithfulness, as well as for gallant service as an aide on 
more than one occasion on the field of battle. 

By command of Brigadier-General Seymour. 

ANDREW J. SMITH, 
Captain and Acting Assistant Adjutant-General. 



387 

The application of the regimental officers received the most 
cordial and unqualified endorsement from the corps, division and 
brigade commanders. 

How well tliis confidence of his associates and his superior 
officers was deserved by Lieutenant-Colonel Damon may be far- 
ther seen in the gallant bearing of the officers and the men of 
the regiment, and the successive victories that crowned their be- 
havior in battle under his no less gallant and skillful leadership. 
He was largely instrumental in the movement that led to the 
capture of the enemy's entrenched picket line in front of Forts 
Fisher and Welch on the 25th of March, already described in 
this volume, and which contributed so much to the success of 
the advance of the 2d of April. In reference to this brilliant 
movement of the 25th of March, Surgeon Clarke writes to his 
friend, Dr. Fry, as follows : 

" On the 26th of March, 1865, the bulk of Colonel Damon's 
regiment being on the picket line, this line was oi'dered to ad- 
vance to a much nearer position, under the enemy's fortifica- 
tions, west of the Yaughan road, and Colonel Damon not being 
out with the line, went to General Seymour, in command of the 
Third Division, Sixth Corps, and begged to be put in command 
of the line, and to that end he was temporarily detailed on the 
General's staff and ordered to command the advancing line. 
Having no horse, he borrowed mine, and the men afterwards 
told me that he rode boldly along the line where not one of 
them was allowed to stand up, with a storm of bullets falling 
around him constantly, but he and the horse came out unhurt, 
although the horse was stiff as an old stage horse for a week 
afterwards." 

In the charge on the enemy's heavy works on the 2d of April, 
Lieutenant-Colonel Damon, with Major Lyman and Adjutant Read, 
was among the first to scale the parapets on their division front, 
for which he was made Colonel by brevet. In the last battle be- 
tween infantry of the Army of the Potomac and that of the Army 
of JNorthern Virginia — the battle of Sailor's Creek — he was no 
less conspicuous for bravery and skill in handling his troops. 

Qolonel Damon was noted for and recognized as a hard and 
most enthusiastic fighter, a valiant leader of valiant men in battle. 



388 

It is not known what he would have accomplished as a disciplina- 
rian, for the regiment had by long service and often recognized 
valor, attained under former commanders, a very high and most 
reliable state of discipline, but he was a remarkably intelligent and 
capable officer. His efficiency, courage and achievements on all 
occasions in the line of duty earned for him all the honors 
that were conferred upon him, and he deserves to be held in 
grateful memory by his country for the talents and services he 
personally contributed in the righteous cause of suppressing the 
rebellion. 

The winter following the close of the war, he went to Cin- 
cinnati and entered a law partnership under the firm name of Ha- 
gan & Damon. The firm was soon dissolved and Colonel Damon 
became agent for Sargeant, Wilson & Hinckle, publishers of 
school books at Cincinnati, with office in St. Louis, Mo., where he 
remained about eight years. He then went to Boston as New Eng- 
land agent for Iveson, Blakeman & Taylor of New York, where 
he remained about six years. He then went to Des Moines, la., for 
Sheldon & Company, New York publishers, where he remained 
until his death, April 20th, 1885, 

MAJOR LYMAN. 

Wyllys Lyman of Burlington, Yt., son of Wyllys Lyman of 
the same place, was born in Hartford, Yt., April 4th, 1830. 
He obtained his education at tlie academy and the Univer- 
sity at Burlington and studied law at the Harvard Law School, 
graduating in 1854:, after which he practiced law in New 
York City until the breaking out of the civil war. He was 
commissioned Ang. 8th, 1862, First Lieutenant and Adju- 
tant of the Tenth Yermont Yolunteers ; was promoted to 
Major of that regiment in January, 1865, and mustered as 
such Feb. 24:th, 1S65, and promoted Lieutenant-Colonel, but 
not mustered as such, the regiment being then below the 
minimum number required, and on June 28th, 1865, he was 
mustered out of the United States service, at Washington, D. C. 
He served in the field with the regiment until the close of the 
war, being Acting Assistant Adjutant-General of a brigade 
which included the regiment, from December, 1862, to July, 



389 

1863, in Maryland. He was engaged with the regiment in the 
actions of Kelly's Ford, and the battles of Locust Grove or 
Payn's Farm, Ya., 1863 ; the Wilderness, Spottsylvania, Totopot- 
omy. Cold Harbor, and Petersburg, Ya., 1864 ; Monoeacy, Md., 
Winchester or Opequan, (brevet of Major received for gallant 
services in this battle), Fisher's Hill and Cedar Creek, Va., 
w^here he was severely wounded in the thigh, 1864 ; and Peters- 
burg and Sailor's Creek, Va., in 1865. He was appointed Cap- 
tain in the Fortieth U. S. Infantry, July 28th, 1866, transferred 
to the Twenty-fifth Infantry, April 20th, 1869, and to the Fifth 
Infantry, Dec. 15th, 1870, and served in North Carolina, Louis- 
iana and Texas during the reconstruction period, until 1870, 
and was severely wounded in Pitt county, N. C, in April, 
1868, in a fight with outlaws whom he was ordered to arrest, 
and who were killed. He served on the plains in the Fifth 
Infantry, under General Miles, in 1874, in a campaign against 
the Cheyennes, Kiowas and Comanches, and had a severe 
engagement with the Kiowas, in Texas, in September, 1874, 
which continued three days and nights, for which service he 
was recommended by Generals Miles, Sheridan and Sherman 
for the brevet of Lieutenant-Colonel, U. S. A., and in 1876, was 
engaged in a campaign in Montana, and took part in the fights 
with the Sioux Indians under Sitting Bull and other chiefs. He 
was Deputy Governor of the Soldiers' Home, District of Colum- 
bia, in 1884-5, and was on duty in the War Records Ofiice, 
War Department, from 1885 until July, 1892, when he was 
promoted Major, U. S. Army, and retired as such for disability 
in line of duty. 

The foregoing is an unbroken chronicle of thirty years 
of active military service. Were we to analyze it and fill 
in the spaces between the memoranda of dates and events, 
it would furnish a narrative of opulent and thrilling detail. It 
is a record worthy of the high character and fine abilities of 
Major Lyman, and justifies the esteem and confidence in which 
he was held by his friends and acquaintances. We knew him 
only as an oflicer of the Tenth Vermont Volunteers ; first as 
Adjutant, an office which he filled with the most systematic and 
untiring industry and efficiency, and as a field officer command- 



390 

ing troops. His promotion to the Majority of the regiment was 
sought practically by the unanimous request of his fellow-oflBcers 
— only one refusing to sign the request. In petitioning the Ad- 
jutant and Inspector-General of Vermont for this promotion 
these officers say, after reciting some circumstances apart from 
his qualifications for the position : " Adjutant Lyman has been 
constantly on duty since the organization of the regiment, and 
has performed the duties of his office so well as, perhaps, to 
have interfered with his own advancement. No one lias worked 
harder for the regiment or labored so zealously and disinterestedly. 
He has shown the utmost bravery in the field, yet has borne him- 
self so modestly and quietly that he has scarcely gained the 
praise he deserves. At the battle of the Opequan — Sheridan's 
battle of Winchester — when the first line had laid down, and 
our own coming up to it, began to waver and finally halted, he 
was the first to rush to the front, and under a terrible fire led 
the regiment to the charge which broke and scattered the rebel 
line. At Fisher's Hill, he behaved in a similar manner and 
showed the same gallantry during the whole campaign. At 
Cedar Creek, after bravely fighting through the first part of 
the battle, he was severely wounded in the thigh, and al- 
though his wound is scarcely healed, is now on the way to 
rejoin the regiment. We can only add that this testimonial of 
our esteem and trust is made without his knowledge." 

Here follows the signatures of all the officers of the regi- 
ment present except one, as seen by the original document now 
lying before me, which is also highly endorsed by the corps, 
division and brigade commanders. What he was, and the part 
taken by him in the battles referred to in the foregoing paper, 
was simply characteristic of Major Lyman, in all the engagements 
with which he was identified in the civil war, and in which he has 
since participated. He was a brilliant soldier, a thoroughly com- 
petent officer and is a most accomplished gentleman. Few officers 
of our army, not trained to the profession of arms in our National 
Military Academy, have rendered more important and arduous ser- 
vice than Major Lyman ; and none who have made themselves 
more familiar with the art and literature of our wars and war- 
fare generally than he. He has made a profound study of the 



391 

official records of the late civil war and of the personnel of the 
prominent officers who fought on both sides in the contest. He 
has done some literary work outside of that done in the war 
records office, the extent of which is unknown to me, but a 
book of which he is the author is in my possession. The title 
is as follows : " A Collection of Tactical Studies, translated 
and put together by Wyllys Lyman, Brevet Major, U. S. A." 
The work is published by D. Appleton & Company, New York. 
The subject matter of these pages is treated with great lucidity, 
showing careful research and skillful arrangement, and is wrouglit 
out in a most attractive style of composition. Major Lyman is 
remembered as an officer of soldierly appearance, of scholarly- 
tastes and of high intellectual and social attainments. He was 
universally esteemed for his uniform courtesy, his genial temper, 
the extent and accuracy of his general and military knowledge, 
and his chvalric courage. His services for his country richly 
deserve all the recognition they have received by promotion and 
brevet rank. Since his retirement Major Lyman has taken up 
his residence at JMiagara Falls, N. Y. 

MAJOK SALSBUKY. 

John Andrus Salsbury, youngest son of Elias and Fanny 
Livingston Salsbury, was born in Tinmouth, Rutland county, 
Vt., Aug. 20th, 1827. His ancestors came to Vermont at an 
early day from Rhode Island, and settled in Danby, where they 
lived many years and are spoken of as " prominent, useful and 
active, occupying an honorable place in society." His father, 
Elias Salsbury, moved to Tinmouth in early manhood, of which 
town he was a leading citi;<en, was a Justice of the Peace for 
many years, besides holding other prominent offices, and repre- 
senting the town in the State legislature during several terms. 
During all of his early years John was employed on his father's 
farm, improving in the meantime such excellent educational ad- 
vantages as the town then afforded. In 1852, he went to Cali- 
fornia, where he remained several years, engaged in keeping a 
hotel in San Francisco, and in the mines during the latter part 



392 

of his stay on the Pacific coast. Neither of these enterprises 
turned out to be largely remunerative ; and in 1856 or 1857, he 
returned to Tinmouth and resumed farming operations, near his 
former home. When the war broke out, he at once made prep- 
aration to enter the United States military service and began 
actively to recruit men for the volunteer regiments then being 
organized for the field. Upon the organization of the Tenth 
Regiment he was commissioned First Lieutenant of Co. C, Aug. 
5th, 1862. In tliis capacity he went to the front, and so remained 
until Nov. 8th, when he was promoted Captain of Co. I. He 
was breveted Major from Oct. 19th, " for gallantry in the Shen- 
andoah Valley and before Petersburg.'' He was mustered out 
as Captain of Co. I, June 22d, 1865. 

These changes cover the entire period of Major Salsbury's 
military service in the volunteer army of the United States. 
But the number of promotions and transfers from one organiza- 
tion to another is not always a test of merit, nor does it de- 
termine the esteem in which an oflicer is Iield. Major Salsbury 
was one of our most highly esteemed and meritorious ofiicers, 
and for a long time was the ranking Captain in the regiment. 
He was a gentleman of high character and of commanding pres- 
ence. It was said in homely phrase that " he was a yard wide 
and all wool." Sometimes, perhaps, he maintained his dignity 
when a little more familiarity would have added more speedily 
to his popularity with a certain class, which however became 
general and entirely satisfactory to himself and his friends. But 
whether his reserve was unfortunate or not, his sense of justice, 
his sterling qualities as an officer and a gentleman won for him 
at last the confidence and respect of all who knew him. He 
knew well that the first duty of a soldier was to obey orders — a 
duty that he himself ever regarded with strict fidelity, in the 
most trying circumstances, and he expected prompt obedience 
from those under his command. He acted the part of a father 
toward his men ; was careful of their interests, jealous of their 
rights and alert in all things pertaining to their comfort, when- 
ever the conditions required it. He was a most reliable officer ; 
often chosen for positions requiring sound judgment and skill- 



893 

ful management. He was a strong, masterful man and a brave 
soldier. He was prominent in all the battles where the regi- 
ment was engaged except the battle of Winchester. At the time 
of the occurrence of that action he was on his way to the front, 
returning from a twenty days leave of absence and so missed the 
battle. But he shared with the regiment such honors as were 
won by it in all the other engagements, from Locust Grove to 
Appomattox, besides gaining some distinction as commander of 
another regiment on occasions when the Tenth was not engaged. 
At the battle of Cedar Creek, he was for a short time in com- 
mand of the regiment, Colonel Henry having become completely 
exhausted, but recovering somewhat, he resumed command and 
Captain Salsbury was detailed, while the fighting was going on 
in the fore part of the day, to take command of the Eighty-sev- 
enth Pennsylvania, a veteran regiment in the same brigade, and 
at that time without an officer of the rank of Captain. He 
retained this command during the rest of the day, taking a bril- 
liant part in the last advance of our troops which resulted in 
routing the enemy, and until December following. While com- 
manding the Eighty-seventh, he was once or twice engaged when 
the Tenth was not. He was relieved by the following order : 
" The brigade commander desires to express his entire satisfaction 
with the able manner in which Captain Salsbury has discharged 
his duties as commander of this regiment." He command- 
ed his company in the last campaign, when he was not on 
detached duty, as was frequently the case, with great gallantry, 
and on June 15th, 1865, he was commissioned Major, Major 
Wyllys Lyman being at the same time commissioned Lieutenant- 
Colonel. But the regiment lacking the required number of 
men to allow a full complement of field officers and the war 
coming to an end, neither were mustered. After the war. Major 
Salsbury settled in Rutland, where he became proprietor of the 
Central House and for the next fourteen years conducted hotels 
in Rutland, Boulder, Col., and West Rutland. In 1879 he 
went to Washington, D. C, and was engaged with a local ex- 
press company until 1886. Then returning to Rutland, broken 
in health and wasted in form, he died, March, 1387. 



394 

ADJUTANT WELCH. 

George Pierce Welcli, son of Arnold and Hannah Pierce 
Welch, was born in Lowell, Mass., October, 1841. He was 
therefore a small boy at the time our Government was at war 
with Mexico. It is a singular fact that many of the rank and 
file, and the younger officers in the war of the rebellion, probably 
nine-tenths of them, were boys between the ages of four and 
sixteen years, when Generals Scott and Taylor were making the 
conquest of Mexico. Very likely much of the high spirit of 
daring and fervid patriotism displayed in the late war was im- 
bibed and nurtured by the stories of heroism and victory that 
floated up into the ears of our American youths from these far 
southern fields of battle. George passed his boyhood and early 
youth in Lowell, and attended the public schools of that " city 
of spindles" as it was sometimes called on account of the large 
and numerous cotton manufacturing corporations established 
there on the banks of the Merrimac, and the requirement of a 
large population to operate them. Later on, in his teens, he 
attended the Canaan Union Academy, at Canaan, N. H., for 
several terms, and subsequently the Williston Academy, Willis- 
ton, Vt. And here, at the age of twenty years, he began the 
study of medicine, having already chosen the profession of a 
physician, for which, by his natural abilities and his refined 
tastes, by his gentleness of manner and his sympathetic dis- 
position, he seemed well adapted. But he was not to pursue 
these professional studies after all, and when the red wave of 
war began to rock this continent of ours, he soon gave them up, 
and inspired by the patriotic ardor that moved so many young 
men, pursuing like and other peaceful callings, he enlisted, Aug. 
20th, 1862, as a private soldier, and joined Co. D, Tenth Regi- 
ment, Vermont Infantry, which had already been organized and 
was nearly ready to start for the field. He continued in the 
ranks, doing duty as a private soldier and some writing for Cap- 
tain Appleton, the company commander, until Jan. 1st, 1863, 
when he was promoted Sergeant-Major. The Sergeant-Major 
of a regiment has plenty of work without much honor and lit- 
tle opportunity to distinguish himself, while he fills a very im- 



395 

portant position, being first in rank of all the non-commissioned 
officers of the regiment. He is entrusted with the duty of mak- 
ing all details for picket and guard posts; at guard mounting, 
he must be present to dress the ranks, count the files and verify 
the details ; and he is never off duty, there being no other offi- 
cer of the same grade in the regiment. When not engaged with 
the duties above mentioned, he is occupied in making repoits, 
muster-rolls and attending to much of the vninutice that pertains 
to the routine of the camp, and perhaps the regulation of troops 
on the march and on special duty. 

Sergeant-Major Welch was exceptionally well qualified for 
the discharge of these duties, and performed tliem much to the 
satisfaction of the Adjutant, who is greatly assisted by a 
thoroughly competent Sergeant-Major. He held this position 
until March 3d, 1864, when he was promoted Second Lieutenant 
of Co. 0. With this company he went through the Wilderness 
campaign of 1864, participating in the succession of battles 
fought between the Rapidan and Petersburg, enduring with 
great fortitude tlie hardships of the campaign and on all occa- 
sions, by courage and gallantry, proved his fitness to command 
brave men in battle. He was also with his company at the bat- 
tle of the Monocacy and rendered important service in that 
memorable action. Aug. 9t]i, 1864, he was promoted First 
Lieutenant of Co. K, and with this company made the valley 
campaign, being present at the battle of Winchester, Sept. 19th, 
1864, and the battle of Fisher's Hill, three days later, and also 
the battle of Cedar Creek, one month later, Oct. 19th, 1864. 
In each of these battles the regiment distinguished itself and 
was complimented in orders for special acts of gallantry which 
went far toward securing the gratifying results finally achieved. 
Perhaps no single officer of the line was entitled to recognition 
above another in the heroic struggle made by our troops in the 
early part of tlie battle of Cedar Creek, but in that desperate 
and successful resistance to the enemy, Lieutenant Welch, with 
many other officers of the Tenth, was seriously wounded and 
was obliged to accept a discharge for wounds in the following 
December. It was then thought that the severity of his wounds 
would disqualify him for further militai-y duties, if not greatly 



396 

interfere with any continuous civil occupation, but he rapidly 
recovered, and altliough he had proved his allegiance to his 
country and fully honored the claims of patriotism, he returned 
to the field and to the regiment early in 1865, and w^as commis- 
sioned Adjutant, in which capacity he served until the close of the 
war. Adjutant Welch was an exceedingly popular and eflScient 
officer, filling all positions and performing all duties to which he 
was assigned with great intelligence, fidelity and patriotism. A 
modest and courteous gentleman, he won the respect and esteem 
of his associates and easily represented that type of a soldier of 
the Republic which exhausted the resources of chivalry and hero- 
ism in following and honoring our country's flag. At the close 
of the war, he did not resume the study of medicine, but at once 
entered upon a business career, to which he has since given his 
full attention and devoted his tine abilities and in which he has 
also been successful. He is at present a member of the large 
firm of Stirling, Welch & Co., Cleveland, Ohio. 

QUARTERMASTER WHEELER. 

Charles Willard Wheeler was born in Enosburg, Franklin 
county, Yt., April 13th, 1839. He is of Scotch and Welsh extrac- 
tion, although his parents were born in this country. He comes 
of fighting stock ; his grandfather on his father's side having 
been a revolutionary soldier, who bore the scars of British lead 
to his grave. On the maternal side, Charles is a direct de- 
scendant from the famous Clan McFarlan, in Scotland, whose 
Highland chiefs maintained their hereditary possessions by their 
strong bows and battle-brands, against both foreign and domes- 
tic foes, for more than six hundred years. Recently there has 
been published a very interesting genealogical history of this 
hardy race of McFarlans, which shows them, by many a daring 
adventure and many a fierce combat, in their ancestral home, to 
have been a brave people, staunch patriots and renowned for 
their martial spirit ; and that their descendants in this country 
contributed much, both toward the achievement of our national 
independence and the suppression of the late rebellion. No 
doubt a strain of blood from his Scotch ancestors flowed in 
Wheeler's veins — perhaps some latent impulses toward their 



307 

traditions — and with his Yankee birth and training, it did not 
take him long after the Government had been defied to arms to 
range himself with its defenders, and resolve to do battle 
against its enemies. At the call of the President for troops? 
under which the later three-years regiments of 1862 were organ- 
ized, he enlisted — Aug. 5th — and became a member of Co. I, 
Tenth Regiment, hoping, as he said, " if he proved worthy, that 
he might carry a gun." Very soon after the companies desig- 
nated for this regiment began to assemble at Brattleboro, Pri- 
vate Wheeler attracted the attention of Adjutant-General Wash- 
burn, and his business qualifications and clerical abilities becom- 
ing known to him, he was detailed to the Adjutant-General's 
office. Here he was employed to assist in making descriptive lists 
and muster-rolls, and in the organization of troops, which were 
constantly being raised and organized for the field, until the regi- 
ment was transferred to Washington and the front. He was 
mustered with the regiment and " carried his gun " through such 
service as occupied the troops of this command until Feb. 4th, 
1863, when he was detailed to the Assistant Adjutant-General's 
oSice, at brigade headquarters, where he remained five months, 
or until the 22d of July, 1863. At the expiration of this time 
he was transferred to the commissary department of the Third 
Division, Third Army Corps, and continued in that position 
until April, 1864, a period of nine months. During the fall of 
1863, he was selected as one of a detail from the regiment to go 
to Vermont on recruiting service, which was still going on in all 
parts of the State, and which offered him the opportunity of 
spending the best part of a year at home and among his friends, 
and at the same time relieving him from a winter in camp. But 
he resolutely protested against this comparatively easy service, 
clioosing rather to forego all such privileges and share the lot of 
his comrades with such privations as fell to them in the sterner 
realities of military duty. This desire, however, he nearly failed 
to realize ; for after he had been in the commissary department 
nine months, so valuable were his services, that the officer in 
charge endeavored to persuade him to remain there permanently, 
and offered to procure his discharge from the regiment, when 
he would be employed as a civilian, in the same capacity. But 



398 

all to no purpose. Wheeler had enlisted to do what he could 
toward putting down the rebellion, and he felt that the place to 
do his fighting was in the ranks with a mnsket in his hand. 
Somehow it seemed to him like shirking the duties of a soldier 
to spend his time in the office of the Commissary of Subsistence. 
During his absence from the regiment he had been promoted a 
Corporal, and he was exceedingly anxious to have an active part 
in the campaign about to open and for which the Army of the 
Potomac was undergoing a vigorous preparation. Seeing that 
he could obtain his release from clerical duties in no other way, 
Corporal Wheeler went to General Sedgwick's headquarters and 
earnestly made known his wishes. That officer was sure to sym- 
pathize with such patriotic motives, and he was permitted to re- 
turn to his company without unnecessary delay. Then followed 
rapid promotions. He was appointed Sergeant July 1st, and 
First Sergeant July 4th; Second Lieutenant, Aug. 9th, 1864:; 
First Lieutenant, Co. H, Feb. 9th, 1865, and Regimental Quar- 
termaster, May 12th, 1865. While serving as a line officer, 
Lieutenant Wheeler was repeatedly detailed on courts martial, 
where his opinions were highly respected and his assistance 
uniformly appreciated. His knowledge of descriptive lists, mus- 
ter-rolls and all army papers, was such as to make him an 
authority in these matters whenever difficult questions arose in 
regard to their form and substance. Like many other young 
officers of whose merits it has been a pleasure to speak in these 
pages, Lieutenant Wheeler was brave and efficient, cool in 
action, judicious in council and equal to the emergencies that 
arose in the various positions he was called upon to fill. He 
took part in nearly if not quite all of the battles in which the 
regiment engaged. At Cedar Creek he was severely wounded 
in the line of duty where so man}'' of his fellow-officers met 
with a like casualty. When he became Quartermaster, he was 
thorouglily familiar with all of the details of the position, and of 
course made one of the best of officers in that branch of the 
service. Soon after the war, he established himself in business 
as a merchant in general merchandise at Irasburgh, Vt., where 
he now resides. He has been successful in business and is an 
honored citizen of his town and county, having represented the 
former in the State legislature in 1886, and the latter in 1890. 



399 



SURGKON CHILDE. 



Willard Augustas Childe was born in Pittsford, Rutland 
county, Vt., Sept. 16th, 1828. He was the eldest child of Rev. 
Willard Childe, D. D., who was graduated from Yale College in 
tlie class of 1817, and soon after finishing his theological studies 
settled in Pittsford, as pastor of the Conj^regational church in that 
town. His mother was Catherine Griswold, the daughter of a 
clergyman, the Rev. Dan Kent. 

Sometime during the boyhood of Willard, the Rev. Dr. 
Childe was called to Norwich, Conn., and thence a few years 
later to Lowell, Mass. After many years of faithful service 
in these churches, he returned to Vermont, and was for some 
time pastor at Castleton. In his declining years he found 
a home in the household of his son, and there died in 1877, full 
of honors as he was of years, having been an eminent scholar in 
his day and widely known as an eloquent clergyman of his de- 
nomination throughout New England. 

Willard was fitted for Yale College, where his father ardent- 
ly desired to send him, but he himself just as ardently desired to 
enter the U. S. Naval Academy, at Annapolis, Md., as he seemed 
possessed by a dominating passion for the sea, and no doubt 
longed to become an actual participant in the thrilling scenes 
enacted by our Porters and Decaturs and other heroes of the 
American navy of whom he had read, with absorbing interest, 
in his early youth. But a three years voyage around the world 
somewhat abated his ardor for the sea, although it did not ex- 
tinguish it, and he subsequently went as supercargo to Buenos 
Ayres, Rio de Janeiro, Montevideo and other South American 
ports. Still, he never ceased to lament that his early ambition 
to enter the U. S. navy was not fully gratified. Having aban- 
doned the desire to continue a seafaring life, at least for a time, 
he entered the medical college at Castleton, Vt., then in a 
flourishing condition, and taking the prescribed course, gradu- 
ated in the class of 1858, and immediately began the practice of 
medicine at Mooers, Clinton county, N. Y. How long he re- 
mained here is not known to me ; but the time could not have 
exceeded three years, for upon the breaking out of the war of 
the rebellion, we find him again in Vermont, residing at Castle- 



400 

ton, whence he was appointed Assistant Surgeon in the First 
Regiment, Vermont Infantry, his commission bearing date April 
26th, 1861. At the expiration of his term of service with the 
First Regiment, Aug. 15th, he was discharged and on the same 
date commissioned Assistant Surgeon of the Fourth Regiment, 
then being organized and about to be mustered for three years. 
He again left the State with his regiment, Sept. 21st, 1861 ; and 
the war now having assumed more serious pliases, the duties of 
tlie medical officers became more exacting. He remained with 
the regiment about a year, going through the Peninsular cam- 
paign, which, with its battles, malaria and fevers, was rare in its 
severity, and required the most exhausting labors on the part of 
the entire corps of Surgeons in the Army of the Potomac. 

On the 6th of August, Assistant Surgeon Childe was com- 
missioned Surgeon of the Tenth Regiment Yolunteer Infantry. 
He continued as Surgeon of this regiment until it was mustered 
out at the close of the war, his own discharge bearing date June 
22d, 1865, having served four years and three months without 
intermission, in a branch of the volunteer service of the army, 
where the duties required were more arduous and exhausting in 
an active campaign than fall to the lot of any other class of offi- 
cers. This length of time, or any other considerable period of 
active service, for an army Surgeon, whoever he may have been, 
were he a worthy officer, whether in camp, on the march and 
battlefield, or in the hospital, represents an amount of skillful 
service and needed ministration to the suffering, of endurance 
and perplexities, that cannot be even approximately estimated. 

Surgeon Childe was fully occupied with the duties of his 
position from the outbreak of the rebellion until its close, and 
rendered professional service in almost every great battle of the 
Army of the Potomac, from Big Bethel to Appomattox. He 
came to us from the Fourth Regiment highly recommended as a 
skillful Surgeon, and this reputation he successfully maintained 
among his associates of the medical staff. During the last eight- 
een months of the war and until near its close he was in a 
position to direct surgical operations. As he was the senior 
Surgeon in the brigade, he became by rank Surgeon-in-Chief 
and in that capacity as an executive officer, whose duty it 



401 

was to lay out, and make details for work, he performed most 
valuable service. While Surgeon-in-Chief of the brigade he was 
also in charge of the division hospital in the field for consider- 
able of the time. In a word, from his long experience in mili- 
tary surgery and his acquaintance with the diseases prevalent in 
the camp, his professional ability and his irrepressible energy, he 
was a most efficient medical officer. He became familiar with all 
the details required of an army Surgeon and filled the various 
positions of trust and responsibility to which he was assigned 
with credit and with honor. 

Surgeon Childe was a man of many talents, an omnivorous 
reader, absorbing most that he read, and when he chose to be, a 
brilliant conversationalist. He had poetic tastes of no mean 
order, and wrote many pieces which were published, but the best 
ones have been lost. He also wrote occasionally in his young 
manhood for Boston newspapers and some magazine articles ; 
but nothing in particular of all this is at hand. 

Before me is a letter full of affectionate memories, from 
the sister of Surgeon Childe, Mrs. Edward Ashley Walker, now 
a resident of Santa Barbara, Cal., herself a brilliant writer and 
author, formerly known to the literary world as " Kate Childe." 
Speaking of certain traits of her brother's character, she says : 
" One of the most characteristic things about my brother was 
one which the world values less than those traits which might 
be cultivated, but which as life goes on seems to me immeasur- 
ably fine, that is his magnanimity and unstinted efforts in behalf 
of others, many of whom had no claim upon his generous offices. 
More than one officer now high in the navy has Dr. Childe 
to thank for his position, and his eager partisanship and large 
circle of honorable friendships gave success to many otherwise 
unrecognized aspirants for official station. What he would not 
ask or seem to want for himself, he vehemently sought for others. 
His survival of the exposures and toils of army life, and of the 
rigors and tedium of border practice, was owing to a splendid 
physique, and at last to indomitable will. His beloved father 
came in his eightieth year to make his home with his son, and 
he devotedly repaid by tenderest care that father's life-long de- 

(26) 



402 

votion. His own sufiferings were intense, and it often seemed as 
if he must succumb, bnt much as he longed for release, he would 
not die till his father's need of him was passed. He laid his 
father in the grave which his loyal first parish had provided on 
the beautiful burial hill in Pittsford, November, 1877, and was 
himself laid by his side, the following February." 

SURGEON RUTHERFORD. 

Joseph Chase Rutherford, eldest son of Alexander and 
Sally Rutherford, was born at Schenectady, N. Y., Oct. 1st, 1818. 
His parents came to Vermont in 1826, and settled in Burling- 
ton, Vt., in 1830. It was here he received the principal part of 
his education, in .the Burlington High School. At the age of 
twenty years he started out for himself. He early expressed a 
wish to study medicine, but his circumstances were such that he 
was unable to gratify this desire until 1842, when he entered 

the ofiice of Dr. Newell, then of Lyndon, and later of St. 

Jolmsbury, Vt. In 1843, he went to Derby, Vt., and in the 
following year, 1844, he resumed the study of medicine in the 
ofiice of Dr. Moses F. Colby, Stanstead, P. Q., and graduated 
at Woodstock, Vt., 1849. In 1851, he went to Massachusetts, 
and settled in the town of Blackstone, and remained there sev- 
eral years, where he had a large and successful practice. In 

1860, he located and practiced his profession at Newport, Vt., 
where he now resides. The doctor is of Scotch descent. In the 
early history of Scotland, his ancestors were celebrated as war- 
riors, and belonged to the nobility of Scotland. In later times 
they were celebrated as physicians, and they occupied high posi- 
tions in institutions of learning. There has been an almost 
unbroken line of professors in this family in the medical depart- 
ment of the University of Edinburgh, for hundreds of years. 
The last in the line was Prof. Daniel Rutherford, great grand- 
father of the doctor. He is known in history as the discoverer 
of nitroo-en. At the breaking out of the war of the rebellion in 

1861, he was commissioned by Governor Fairbanks, Surgeon^ 
and examined recruits for enlistment and held this place until 
commissioned Assistant Surgeon of the Tenth Vermont Volun- 
teers, by Governor Bolbrook, in August, 1862, and was mus- 



403 

tered into the U. S. service Sept. Ist, 1862, and on the same 
day started for the seat of war. The regiment was assigned to 
duty in the defenses of Washington, and was stationed between 
Edward's Ferr^^, Md., and Great Falls, where it did picket 
duty about eight or nine months, up and down the river 
Potomac, as has been previously stated in this history. The 
duties of a Kegimental Surgeon, with his regiment covering 
a line extending some twelve or fifteen miles, is no sinecure, as 
the ground must be gone over once a day, and oftentimes the 
Surgeon would be called to go over the ground, perhaps to the 
extreme right or left after he had just gone over the line, some- 
times in the night, and would be halted every few yards to give 
the countersign. About the 1st of October, 1862, other regi- 
ments were added to this command, and they were formed into 
an independent brigade. Colonel A. B. Jewett of the Tentli 
Yermont, being the ranking officer, the command of this brigade 
fell upon him, and Dr. Willard A. Childe being the ranking Sur- 
geon, and going to brigade headquarters, placed the care and 
responsibility of the medical department of the regiment upon 
Assistant Surgeon Rutherford. On the 27th of November, 1863, 
the Tenth Yermont Regiment received its baptism of fire and 
blood. It was in this battle that Surgeon Rutherford received 
an injury that nearly cost him his life, and left him with a 
broken constitution, and crippled him for life. The serious 
character of this injury laid him aside for fifty days or more. 
He was in every battle and minor engagement the regiment was 
in, and followed its fortunes until near the close of the war. In 
March, 1865, he was promoted to the rank of Surgeon and was 
mustered into the Seventeenth Regiment, Yermont Yolunteers, 
in time to participate in its last battle, April 1st and 2d, 1865, 
at Petersburg, Ya., and was mustered out of the U. S. service 
in July, 1865, after serving within a few days of three years. 
Twice he was offered a position in a general hospital in Wash- 
ington, D. C, but declined the offer, as he preferred to be with 
those whom he had enlisted to care for. It is with feelings of 
just pride that Surgeon Rutherford contemplates his relations 
with these two regiments. By his kindness of heart and his at- 
tention to his duties, he won the respect and esteem of officers 



404: 

and men, and he writes to say that " it is with a feeling of un- 
bounded pleasure that ho can say that the ties of friendship that 
were cemented in blood and sealed by the hardships of the 
march, the bivouac and battle, have grown stronger and stronger 
as time has wrinkled the brow and silvered the locks of the com- 
rades of nearly thirty years ago. And to-day the surviving 
comrades speak of Surgeon Rutherford with deep feelings of 
gratitude and respect ; and he has never ceased to feel that in 
grasping the hand of a member of either regiment, lie was 
grasping the hand of a brother." While in the Tenth Regi- 
ment, Surgeon Rutherford performed most arduous and skillful 
service, both in camp and on the battlefield. In 1866 the doc- 
tor was commissioned U. S, Examining Surgeon for pensions, 
which place he has held to the present time, 1893. He has dis- 
charged the duties of his office in such a maimer as to secure the 
approbation and esteem of his superior officers. In 1880, he 
was chosen Supervisor of the Insane by the legislature of Ver- 
mont, which office he held two years. He was a charter mem- 
ber of Baxter Post, G. A. R., Department of Vermont ; has 
once been chosen its commander ; twice chosen Medical Direc- 
tor, Department of Vermont, G. A. R. In 1890, he was re- 
ceived as a companion of the first class into the Military Order 
of the Loyal Legion of the United States, through the Com- 
mandery of the District of Columbia. After a life of toil and 
hardships, endured for the relief of the sufferings of others, and 
from disabilities incurred in the service of his country, he has 
retired from active life, and is now living in his quiet and pleas- 
ant home in Newport, Vt., in the peaceful enjoyment of the 
fruits of his labors — a public spirited citizen and still honored in 
the councils of his professional brothers. 

SURGEON CLARKE. 

Almon Clarke was born in Granville, Addison county, Vt., 
Oct. 13th, 1840. He is twin brother of Colonel Albert Clarke, 
well known in Vermont as a former editor of The St. Albans 
Messenger and of The Rutland Herald.^ now of Boston, Mass. 
The father was Jedediah Clarke, and the mother, Mary Wood- 
bury. In 1843, the family moved to Rochester, Windsor county, 



406 

where the boys were reared to manhood. During the latter 
part of his residence there, Ahnon studied medicine with Dr. 
William M. Huntington, who still lives and continues to practice 
his profession in the town and vicinity of Rochester. Subse- 
quently he attended lectures at the medical college at Castleton, 
and still later he entered the Michigan University at Ann Arbor, 
Mich., graduating from the medical and surgical department in 
March, 1862. Dr. Clarke then returned to Vermont and opened 
an oflSce in Barre, where he began the practice of his profession 
with high hopes, under circumstances that afforded the promise 
of more than ordinary success. But in the meantime, while he 
was establishing himself in civil practice as a physician, and 
prior to his graduation, while he was yet studying the theory of 
surgery and materia medica, the war had broken out and had 
already wrought great changes in the currents of society every- 
where, opening new and large professional advantages to the 
young and aspiring physicians of our land to perfect themselves 
in practical surgery, while at the same time it offered opportuni- 
ties for gratifying the highest sentiments of patriotism. Dr. 
Clarke was an enthusiast in his profession, ambitious to excel, in 
every way qualified to meet the highest tests required for the 
service, and was patriotic. He therefore abandoned the peace- 
ful pursuits of his calling, which had already begun to yield him 
profit and reputation in his professional vicinage, and accepted 
an appointment as Assistant Surgeon in the Tenth Regiment, 
Vermont Infantry, his commission bearing date Aug. 11th, 1862. 
Entering upon his duties while the regiment was in camp at 
Brattleboro, he continued with it in its transfer to the field, 
through all of its campaigns and battles, until April 15th, 1865, 
when he was commissioned Surgeon of the First Regiment, 
Vermont Cavalry, and at once entered upon the duties incident 
to his new and well-earned appointment. Four months later, at 
the close of the war, he was honorably discharged and mustered 
out, having been under commission as Surgeon and Assistant 
Surgeon in the volunteer army of the United States, just three 
years, lacking one day. 

Without presuming upon comparisons, it may be justly 
said that the Tenth Regiment had reason to be satisfied and 



406 

more than satisfied with its medical officers. Surgeon Childe 
came to us with nearly two years experience in the army 
and Surgeon Rutherford with a long term of successful civil 
practice behind him ; Surgeon Clarke, fresh from the anointing 
of the schools and junior to both of these ofiicers in age and ex- 
perience, had pride in his profession, and glowing patriotic ardor. 
Beside, he felt that he had his reputation to make, and deeply 
sensible of the opportunities before him, no ofiicer was more 
keenly alive to the responsibilities and duties of his posi- 
tion than he. He therefore did not spare himself, but de- 
voted iiW of his energy and all of his skill to the giving of such 
relief as lay in his power to give. By his sympathy for the sick 
and suffering he soon won not only the confidence of those for 
whom he cared, but the esteem and friendship of the entire com- 
mand. Surgeon Rutherford appreciatively says of him while he 
himself was acting Surgeon of the regiment, that he " was ably 
assisted by Assistant Surgeon Clarke. Though he had been 
graduated but a few months when he entered the service, no 
more efficient, industrious, conscientious and kind-hearted man 
ever had the care of the sick and wounded than he ; and 
this is but a feeble tribute to his worth." This generous tribute 
of Dr. Rutherford will be heartily endorsed by every surviving 
member of the Tenth Regiment. 

In the fall succeeding the close of the war, Surgeon Clarke 
located at Thetford, Yt., but soon tired of practice in a small 
country village, and in the spring of 186G moved to Sheboygan, 
Wis., where he still resides. In 1877, he was appointed by the 
Commissioner of Pensions, Special Medical Examiner of pen- 
sioners in a wide district covering several of the Western States, 
a commission which he thoroughly and most satisfactorily per- 
formed. Like thousands of others, who in one form or another 
contracted disease in the army, or destroyed a large part of their 
constitutional vitality and so became victims of semi-invalidism, 
Surgeon Clarke did not escape the too common fate of army 
life and its attendant physical drainage, and he has frequently 
been compelled to suspend the work of his profession and seek 
rest and change for considerable intervals at a time. During 
some of these periods of necessary relief from the exacting duties 



407 

of a physician, he has turned his attention to invention. Some 
twenty years ago he invented the adjustable carriage umbrella 
and also the adjustable parasol now used upon baby carriages. 
But probably the patent expired on these, if they were ever 
patented, before they came into general use, and hence the profits 
from these now universally adopted conveniences have not made 
the doctor a millionaire. Beyond such diversions as the above, 
and the occasional preparation of scientific papers for the medi- 
cal journals. Dr. Clarke has attended diligently to his practice, 
winning fair prosperity and high honors, if not distinction, in his 
profession. 

CHAPLAIN HATNES. 

Edwin Mortimer Haynes was born in Concord, Mass., April 
12th, 1836. He was educated at Shelbnrne Falls Academy, Shel- 
burne Falls, Mass., and at the University of Rochester, Rochester, 
N. Y.; ordained a clergyman at Wallingf ord, Vt., June, 1857 ; com- 
missioned Chaplain of the Tenth Regiment, Vermont Volunteers, 
Aug. 18th, 1862 ; discharged on account of resignation, Oct. 13th, 
1864. Since the war he has filled pastorates in Palmer, Mass., 
Lewiston, Me., Whitehall, N. Y., and Meadville, Pa. He re- 
ceived the honorary degree of D. D. from Dartmouth College, 
in 1885. Residence, 18 Grove street, Rutland, Vt. 

CAPTAIN ABBOTT. 

Captain Lemuel Abijah Abbott, U. S. A., was born in 
Barre, Vt., Aug. 24th, 1842, being the third son of Richard 
Flagg and Mary (Norris) Abbott, the grandson of Abijah and 
Abigail (Cutting) Abbott, and the great grandson of John and 
Mary (Allen) Abbott of Holden, Mass. (See Genealogical Regis- 
ter, page 158.) He is a descendant of " George Abbott of Row- 
ley," who, together with other Puritans, emigrated from England 
about 1638. His son, George Abbott, settled in Andover, Mass., 
in 1655. Prior to this time, however, in 1643, the venerable 
George Abbott, who, without doubt, was a nephew of " George 
Abbott of Rowley," was among the first Puritan settlers of An- 
dover. Tlie remains of over three hundred of the Abbott family 
are interred in the South Parish " burial place " at Andover, 



408 

Mass., opposite the old Abbott estate, which remained in the 
family for over a century. 

The family took part in the colonial wars, and one hundred 
and twenty-seven, including two Major-Generals, twelve Colonels, 
five Majors, forty-two Captains, eleven Lieutenants, and one Cap- 
tain and two Lieutenants of the U. S. navy, were in King 
Phillip's war, the French and Indian wars, the revolutionary 
war and the war of 1812. 

Their casualties at Cape Breton, Crown Point, Ticonderoga, 
Fort William Henry, Bennington, Bunker Hill, Wyoming, Penn., 
New Orleans, and at Bemis' Heights, near Saratoga, prior to 
Burgoyne's surrender, were twenty -eight, as far as known ; 
of which number twenty-six were either killed in battle, died in 
hospital or tory prisons. 

Up to 1843 the family is known to have had one hundred 
and twenty-five college graduates, and fourteen were in college. 
In the professions, there had been fifty-seven ministers, 
seven missionaries, thirty lawyers, fifty-six physicians, thirty- 
four teachers, six authors, one editor, two librarians, five 
manufacturers, fifty-five merchants, two sea captains, five master 
mariners, ten representatives in the General Court, nine State 
senators, two Senate presidents, thirteen representatives, two 
speakers of the house, one " attorney-general of Maine," one 
"secretary of Maine," one "judge of New York State," one 
"chief justice of Connecticut," one governor, one mayor, six 
members of Congress, one United States Commissioner of Pa- 
tents, and one Chief Justice of the United States. The forego- 
ing does not include one hundred and eleven professional men 
married by women of the family. 

Richard Flagg Abbott had four sons — Richard Aroy, 
Charles Flagg, Lemuel Abijah and Fred Lucius. He was a 
granite contractor, and over fifty years ago was an original de- 
veloper of ,the celebrated Barre granite quarries. At his death 
Captain L. A. Abbott, U, S. A., was sixteen years of age, 
and commenced fitting for college. At nineteen, the country 
needing his services in the civil war, he reluctantly gave up his 
preparatory course for college, and, together with about forty 
others, mostly his fellow-students and townsmen, enlisted in Co. 



409 

B, Tenth Vermont Volunteer Infantry. Indeed, his enlistment 
was made a condition by which the others would enlist, and was 
one cause of it, he having attended the military college at Nor- 
wich, Vt. 

He was made First Sergeant, promoted Second, and First 
Lieutenant, when, overslaughing several others, after having 
been twice wounded in the brilliant assault by his regiment at 
Sheridan's battle of Winchester, he was made Captain. In this 
fight he had part of one lip shot away, both jaws crushed and 
eleven teeth shot out. His lip, which hung by a thread, he held 
in place until he went about a mile or more to the field hospital, 
where it was sewed in place. He was painfully wounded in the 
hip by a piece of shell at the battle of Monocacy, Md., but declined 
to leave the field before his regiment. This is the battle Gen- 
eral Grant styles in his " Memoirs" as " almost a forlorn hope," 
but it saved the national capital. 

He also had a narrow escape from the explosion of a shell 
at the battle of the Wilderness. He was once offered his dis- 
charge by a board of examining surgeons on account of the 
wounds received in Sheridan's battle of Winchester ; soon after, an 
appointment on the staff of the General commanding at Harper's 
Ferry, and a Captaincy in the One Hundred and Thirty-ninth 
U. S. C. I., all of which he declined, preferring to return to the 
celebrated Sixth Corps and his gallant regiment at the front. 

With the exception of the battles fought at Cedar Creek 
and Fisher's Hill, Va., when he was absent, wounded, after 
Gettysburg, he participated in every engagement fought by the 
Army of the Potomac in Virginia, until the close of the war, 
some of the most important of which are as follows: Payn's 
Farm, Nov. 27th, 1863, and the operations about Mine run ; 
Wilderness, May 5th to 7th, 186i (wounded); Spottsylvania 
Court House, May 8th to 21st, 1864 ; Cold Harbor, June 1st to 
12th, 1864, (under constant fire from 6 to 9) ; siege of Peters- 
burg, June 18th to July 5th, 1864 ; Monocacy, Md., July 9th, 
1864, (wounded) ; Sheridan's battle of Winchester, Sept. 19th, 
1864, (twice wounded) ; siege of Petersburg, January to April, 
1865 ; assault on Petersburg, which terminated the siege April 
2d, 1865 ; Sailor's Creek, April 6th, 1865 ; and the pursuit of 



410 

and surrender of the Confederate army, under General Hobort 
E. Lee, at Appomattox Court House, July 9tli, 1865. After the 
civil war he was made Adjutant of the Ninty-seventh U. S. C. I. 
On July 2d, 1867, he was appointed Second Lieutenant, Sixth 
U. S. Cavalry ; promoted First Lieutenant and Captain, and on 
Jul}^ 3d, 1885, was retired from active service on account of old 
wounds and disability incident to long and continuously severe 
service. During his active service in the regular army he was 
thanked in an official communication by the Major-General com- 
manding the Fifth Military District, Texas, in 1868, for danger- 
ous and important services during the reconstruction period ; 
was highly complimented in written official communications for 
efficiency as Quartermaster by General L. C. Easton, Chief 
Quartermaster, Department of the Missouri, in 1870, and by Gen- 
eral Nelson A. Miles, commanding the Indian Territory expe- 
dition in 1874, being Quartermaster on his staff; was selected 
by General A. V. Kautz, commanding the Department of Ari- 
zona, in 1876, as the most suitable officer of his command to 
send to the San Carlos Indian Agency, Arizona, to prevent the 
Indians from being robbed by the Indian ring, and was a pio- 
neer in such work; was mentioned to the Secretary of War in 
the annual report of General O. B. Wilcox, commanding the 
Department of Arizona, in 1880, for efficiency in the arrest of 
certain Apache Indians, and for which duty he had been es- 
pecially selected, and received honorable mention in the official 
report of his commanding officer. Major A. W. Evans, U. S. A., 
for courageous and effective service in a fight with Apache Indi- 
ans, July 17th, 1882. He served on the staffs of Generals P. H. 
Sheridan, Nelson A. Miles, James Oakes, James Biddle, N. B. 
McLaughlin, Thos. H. Neill and others. He was instrumental, 
in 1891, in having the outer bar to Gray's Harbor, Washington, 
surveyed by the United States Government, which the interests 
of commerce demanded, and is an honorary member of the 
Board of Commerce of the city of Aberdeen, Washington, for 
life. He is also a member of Granite Lodge, No. 35, F. and 
A. M., of Barre, Vt. His life has been mostly devoted to the 
protection of the weak and helpless ; to the cause of the Union ; 
to the oppressed, during and after the civil war in the South, 



411 

and, afterwards, for about twenty years, similarly devoted to the 
settlers and Indians on the frontier. 

LIEUTENANT-COLONEL BARBER. 

Merritt Barber, son of Benjamin Barber and Caroline 
Wright, was born at Pownal, Bennington county, Vt., July 31st, 
1838 ; graduated from Williams College, Mass., 1857, having 
prepared for college under the tuition of President Arthur, and 
was for two years a college mate of President Garfield ; studied 
law in the office of Hon. A. B. Gardner at Bennington and 
graduated from the Ohio State and Union Law College, Cleve- 
land, Ohio, in 1859 ; was admitted to the bar in Bennington 
county at the June term of that year, and entered at once into 
practice in his native town ; was Assistant Clerk of the House 
of Representatives of Vermont at the sessions of 1860 and 1861, 
including the special session early in 1862, which provided 
troops to suppress the southern rebellion. He enlisted as a pri- 
vate in Co. E, Tenth Vermont, June 2d, 1862 ; was commis- 
sioned First Lieutenant of the company, Aug. 7th, 1862 ; promoted 
Captain of Co. B, Tenth Vermont, June 17th, 1864 and Captain 
and Assistant Adjutant-General of volunteers, Dec. 31, 1864, and 
assigned to duty as Adjutant-General of the Vermont Brigade. 
He was honorably mustered out of service Sept. 19th, 1865. 
On the nomination of the Hon. F. E. Woodbridge, member of Con. 
gress from the First District of Vermont, he was appointed and 
commissioned Second Lieutenant in the Sixteenth Infantry, U. 
S. A., Feb. 23d, 1866, and promoted to First Lieutenant the same 
date ; he was Adjutant of his regiment Feb. 15th, 1868, to April 
30th, 1872 ; Captain Sixteenth Infantry, March 4th, 1879 ; com- 
missioned Major and Assistant Adjutant-General, U. S. A., June 
29th, 1882, and promoted to Lieutenant-Colonel Aug. 2, 1890. 
He was breveted Major U. S. Volunteers, Oct. 19th, 1864, " for 
having borne himself with distinguished gallantry in every en- 
gagement since May 5th, 1864, particularly in the engagement 
at Cedar Creek, Va.;" Brevet Captain, IT. S. A., March 2d, 
1867, " for gallant and meritorious services in the battle of the 
Wilderness, Va.;" Brevet Major, U. S. A., March 2d, 1867, 
" for o;allant and meritorious services in the battle of Cedar 



412 

Creek, Va." He was engaged at Kelly's Ford, Mine run, bat- 
tles of the Wilderness, Spottsylvania, North Anna, Totopotomy, 
Cold Harbor, Petersburg, Ya., Opequan, Fisher's Hill (wounded), 
Cedar Creek, the storming of Petersburg, the battle of Sailor's 
Creek, and was present at the surrender of Lee's army at Appo- 
mattox. He was also with his command at Danville, Va., in the 
rear of Johnson's army when it surrendered, tlius participating 
in the surrender of both of the principal armies of the rebellion. 
Lieutenant-Colonel Barber is now at army headquarters 
in Washington, D. C. The St. Paul (Minn.) Dispatch, speaks 
as follows of him upon his departure from his post in the 
Department of Dakota, and nothing more need be added to and 
nothing taken from this deservedly honorable mention of a brave 
and meritorious soldier : 

Colonel Merritt Barber, who has served as Adjutant-General of the De- 
partment of Dakota for four years, left last Saturday for his new station at 
Washington city. Few officers in the West have been as popular as he has 
been, or their departure more widely regretted in military and social circles 
than his own. He has a fine record as a soldier, dating from his first entry 
into the service in 1862, as a private, from his native State of Vermont. He 
fought from that time to the end of the war, and won distinction in many of 
the memorable battles of the rebellion. He was engaged in the fierce con- 
flicts at the Wilderness, Cedar Creek, Spottsylvauia, and the storming of 
Petersburg, and was at Appomattox when Lee surrendered the remnant of 
his legions to the great General of the Northern forces. He was wounded 
twice during the war— at Monocacy and again at Fisher's Hill. He was bre- 
veted three times for bravery on the field— for gallant conduct, and " for 
having borne himself with distinguished gallantry in every engagement since 
May 5th, and particularly in the engagement at Cedar Creek." The latter 
was an unusual and brilliant brevet, and one rarely earned and seldom 
accorded any soldier. For a time he was Adjutant-General of the famous 
old Vermont Brigade, which achieved such signal reputation as a fighting 
brigade. He was Captain in the Sixteenth Infantry when appointed, in recog- 
nition of his distinguished services, as Major and Assistant Adjutant-General 
in the regular army in 1882. The Indian outbreak in Dakota in 1889 was an 
active and arduous period in his military career, and toward the close of the 
struggle, when General Ruger was transferred to the Department of Cali- 
fornia, he was in temporary command of the Department, and the labor and 
strain overtaxed his strength, and it required several years for his recovery. 
Colonel Barber is a man of kindly impulse and sensitive honor, and, backed 
by a splendid record, executive ability of a high order and uncommon ele- 
ments of popularity, he cannot fail to challenge the recognition of his mili- 
tary superiors, and his merit and faithful service be rewarded by the highest 
promotion. 

Colonel Barber has the distinction of having been a pupil 
of President Garfield in an evening school at North Pownal, 



413 

and a pupil of President Arthur in a district school. It is not 
surprising, therefore, that in the Garfield- Arthur administration 
he was Assistant Adjutant-General at Washington. He is a 
brother of Dr. Barber, and is well known bjmany in Bennington. 
He is a member of the Loyal Legion, also of the Sixth 
Corps Post, G. A. R., of Bennington, and of the Vermont Soci- 
ety, Sons of the Revolution, to which he derives title through 
services in the revolutionary war of hoth grandfathers of both 
parents. 

CAPTAIN DAVIS. 

George Evans Davis (the eighth generation from James 
Davis of Gloucestershire, England, 1599) was born Dec. 26th, 
1839, in Dunstable, Middlesex county, Mass., the seventh child 
of Deacon Mial and Lucy Davis. He enlisted April 19th, 1861, 
in Burlington, Vt., for three months, in Co. H, First Vermont 
Infantry, and was in the battle of Big Bethel, June 10th, 1861, 
as a private, and was mustered out Aug. 15th, 1861. He reen- 
listed in Burlington, Vt., as a private, for three years, July 31st, 
1862, iu Co. D, Tenth Vermont Infantry; was promoted to 
Second Lieutenant of tlie same company after going into camp, 
being mustered into the service of the United States Sept. 1st, 
1862 ; promoted First Lieutenant, Jan. 26th, 1863 ; promoted 
Captain of same company Nov. 2d, 1864, and honorably dis- 
charged at the end of the war, June 22d, 1865. He was com- 
mended in writing for bravery at the battle of Locust Grove, 
Va., Nov. 27th, 1863, by his Captain. He was in the battles of 
the Wilderness, Spottsylvania, North Anna River, Totopotomy 
Creek, Monocacy, Opequan, Fisher's Hill, Cedar Creek, and was 
under constant fire at Cold Harbor, June 6th to 9th, but was in 
hospital sick all the month of June, except the four days just 
named. At the battle of Opequan his right ear was cut open by 
the shell that killed Aaron P. Knight of Co. H, and at Cedar 
Creek was wounded by a minie ball in the left shoulder. From 
Aug. 1st, 1864 to January, 1865, he was in command of Co. 
H. March 23d, 1865, while on duty as Brigade Officer of the 
Day in camp, before Petersburg, he was severely injured in the 
head and spine, by being buried in the ruins of a log cabin that 



414 

was blown by a whirlwind. This kept him out of the closing 
battles of the war and has caused him constant suffering since 
1875. 

Captain Davis has been frequently mentioned in these pages 
in connection with interesting incidents, and much more might be 
said about his good qualities as a man and a soldier, which he 
possessed in common with his brother officers, but he had one 
notable characteristic, or habit — he was an inveterate writer of 
letters. Besides keeping a complete diary of occurrences, neatly 
written with pen and ink, attending promptly and methodically 
to his company reports, pay-rolls and all military papers, he 
seemed to improve the time when not engaged in other duties in 
corresponding with his friends. His industry in this respect was 
simply prodigious. No march was too exhausting, no battle too 
severe, to cause a suspension of tliis habit for forty-eight hours 
at a time. Unquestionably he suffered cheerfully and bravely 
the privations common to us all, oftentimes being deprived of 
rations, sleep and rest, but he never was without pen, ink and 
paper, or a disposition to use them when occasion permitted. 
And to the custom of carrying these materials, he owed his life, 
on one occasion, at least. It was during the battle of Cedar 
Creek ; while his company was changing position during the 
action, he was hit by a musket ball, with full force on the 
shoulder-blade, and nothing prevented it from passing through 
his body with fatal results but a few quires of letter-paper 
in his haversack, which at the time, for the convenience of 
carrying, was swung over his shoulder. The stationery was 
crimpled, some of it spoiled, his shoulder badly bruised, but the 
ball was turned from its deadly course by this little white shield 
of paper. 

Captain Davis has been active in the church, sabbath school, 
mission and Young Men's Christian Association work. He was 
the first president of the Burlington Young Men's Christian 
Association, and an officer for thirteen years ; called to order the 
first State convention of the Vermont Young Men's Christian 
Association, and was for several years a member or chairman 
of its State committee ; was one of the founders and first sec- 
retary of the Union State Sabbath School Association ; called 



415 

together, and had tlie care of, for one year, the first young peo- 
ple's prayer meeting in Vermont, that has been in continued ex- 
istence without a break since June, 1866. In 1875 and 1876, 
he gave his time to evangelistic work in Vermont as chairman 
of the Young Men's Christian Association State committee. At 
present he is Treasurer of the Vermont Shade Roller Co., in 
Burlington, Vt. 

CAPTAIN TABOR. 

Rufus K. Tabor was born in East Montpelier, "Washington 
comity, Vt., May 7th, 1839. His early life was spent on a farm 
until he was nineteen years old, when he left his home and his 
father's farm and entered the store of his uncle, Mr. A. T. Fos- 
ter, at Derby Line, Vt., as one of his clerks. He remained with 
Mr. Foster four years, or until 1862, when he enlisted in a com- 
pany then being formed for the United States service, under 
Captain Hiram R. Steele. This company became Co. K, Tenth 
Regiment, Vermont Infantry, and upon its organization he was 
appointed Second Lieutenant, his commission bearing date Aug. 
12th, 1862. 

Soon after the regiment joined the Army of the Potomac, 
Lieutenant Tabor was detailed on staff duty, and in this capacity 
he acted much of the time during his three years of service, hav- 
ing charge of the ambulance train that accompanied the brigade 
or the division to which the regiment belonged. The position 
required a man of good judgment and executive ability as well 
as of courage, and he proved himself to be a most energetic and 
faithful ofiicer — in every way well qualified for the position 
which he held so long. He was commissioned First Lieutenant 
of Co. A, June 6th, 1864, but still retained his position in the 
ambulance corps, and was assigned to General Ricketts' staff. 
He was really connected with what was known as the field hos- 
pital department and was in cliarge of the transportation of the 
sick and wounded — a service requiring great forbearance and the 
exercise of true Samaritan compassion. During the Mouocacy 
campaign and in the Shenandoah Valley, he was chief of the 
division ambulance train. 



416 

Lieutenant Tabor was promoted Captain of Co. C, March 
22d, 1865, and retained this position until the close of the war. 
Whether in the hospital department or as company officer, he 
was a most efficient officer and always secured tlie approval of 
his superior officers and was on the very best terms with every- 
body. He was a man of great originality of expression and of 
clean wit, overflowing with good nature. It is doubtful whether 
anything except good luck would have a depressing effect upon 
the usual exuberance of his happy disposition. General Kicketts 
frequently related with great gusto an incident of Tabor's expe- 
rience with a considerable body of the enemy, by whom he was 
surprised and came very near being captured. It occurred at Mo- 
nocacy, when lie was some distance from his train, in the woods 
southeast of the battlefield, watching the progress of the fight. 
He was up quite near to our skirmishers, and so intense was his 
observation that he did not notice a large squad of the enemy 
who were trying to get around our left, until they were close 
upon him. When he did discover them, he immediately sprang 
to his feet and emptied his revolvers into the ranks of his would- 
be captors, and amid a shower of bullets " retreated in good order, 
but very fast," as he himself describes his movements. In relating 
the affair at headquarters, General Ricketts asked him how many 
rebels he thought he killed in his hurried shooting before his 
retreat ? The Captain quickly replied : " I guess I killed as 
many of them as they did of me." Frequently afterward, when 
the General met Tabor, he was wont to inquire, " Well, Lieuten- 
ant, how many are you to-day ?" 

Captain Tabor made a good record, and ever felt that it 
was added glory to have been an officer in the Tenth Yermont. 
Since the war he has been in Chicago, where he now resides, 
and is at the present time at the head of a large manufacturing 
establishment at 6126 and 6130 La Salle street. 

LIEUTENANT BOGUE. 

Charles D. Bogue was born in Georgia, Franklin county, 
Vt., Nov. 9th, 1829. When a little child his parents moved to 
St. Albans, and there established their family home. There 
Charles grew to manhood. His people were Scotch, his grand- 




1st LIEUT. CHAS. D. BOGUE. 



417 

fatlier coming from Glasgow, in the early part of the century, 
and was a Freshyterian clergyman ; he settled at first in New 
York, and afterward in Vermont. His father, Decius R. Bogue, 
was a school teacher by profession, and gave instructions in the 
higher mathematics and in the languages. Subsequently he be- 
came a farmer. He was once sheriff of Franklin county; he 
also represented the town of Georgia in the State legislature. 
He was a man of ability and of high character. 

Charles D. received such education as the schools of St. 
Albans afforded sixty years ago, and in early manhood went to 
New York and entered tlie dry-goods house of Bonnell, Brown, 
Hall & Co., where he remained a number of years and acquired 
both a taste for and knowledge of this branch of mercantile 
trade. He then returned to St. Albans and began the dry-goods 
business on his own account. This he continued with consider- 
able success until 1862, when he sold out and enlisted as a pri- 
vate in the volunteer army of the United States. Upon the 
organization of Co. I, Tenth Kegiment, Vermont Infantry, he 
was appointed First Sergeant ; was commissioned Second Lieu- 
tenant of Co. C, Nov. 8th, 1862, and First Lieutenant of the 
same company Jan. 19th, 1863, and in that position served 
through the war of the rebellion, making a record for courage, 
fidelity and patriotism equal to most of his regimental associ- 
ates. He wa3 a tall, brawny man, with an erect, and even 
imposing military figure, and he was frequently detailed for staff 
duty, being for a time upon the staff of Brigadier-General W. 
H. Morris, and for a longer period upon the staff of Brigadier- 
General Carr. He possessed fine abilities and gentlemanly in- 
stincts and was, under favorable circumstances, a most agreeable 
and entertaining companion. He was also a most capable officer. 
" Major " Bogue, as he became known to his friends and busi- 
ness associates of later years, showed very marked traits, both 
physical and mental, of his Scotch ancestry. He had Scotch 
features, sometliing of hauteur, altliough not of vain pride, in 
his carriage and address, keen intellectual perception and a sensi- 
tive disposition ; he was nevertheless brave and generous, with 
all the traditional pluck of his race, a true patriot, and he earned 

(27) 



418 

the gratitude of his country. Perhaps his army life, in some 
respects was unfortunate ; it unsettled his business associations 
and broke up his affairs altogether ; and although he had many 
ardent friends, opportunities congenial to his tastes and suited to 
his abilities did not readily appear. He was with his brother- 
in-law, Mr. D. F. Groves, a prosperous lumber merchant of Chi- 
cago, for a short time; then went to Omaha, IS'eb., as clerk in a 
hotel, then in 1878, to Des Moines, Iowh, where he assumed the 
management of a hotel. Here success came to him and he soon 
married, and subsequently leased a house which he remodeled, 
furnished and renamed " The Kirkwood." This house, under 
his management, soon became one of the best and most popular 
in the West, and he accumulated considerable of a fortune out 
of its business. But grief over the death of his wife, who died 
in 1890, and loss of health obliged him to retire from business 
altogether. Therefore, after ineffectual attempts to recover his 
health, he disposed of his house and furniture and went to reside 
with his sister, Mrs. Groves, in Chicago, where, although receiv- 
ing the tenderest care, after much suffering he died April 12th, 
1892. Of this last period of his life, his sister tenderly writes: 
" His patience and gentleness were wonderful. Not a murmur or 
word of complaint escaped his lips, and he seemed perfectly re- 
signed to the Lord's will. He seemed possessed of a thoroughly 
meek and devotional spirit — loved to be prayed for and with and 
prayed much for himself until he breathed his last breath in 
peace." His body was taken to Des Moines for interment, where it 
now rests with that of his beloved and loving wife. The following 
brief notice of the last scene is clipped from the Des Moines 
Sahirday Review of the same date : 

Major Bogue, who died at the home of his sister, Mrs. Groves, in Chicago, 
on Tuesday, was for about twelve years the proprietor of the Kirkwood Hotel 
in this city. He was the successor of Mr. McCartney in 1879, and was suc- 
ceeded by him in 1891 ; he was a thorough and first-class hotel man and made 
a success of that business. During his proprietorship of the Kirkwood, he 
made ab^ut fifty thousand dollars out of the house. He was rated as one of 
the best hotel men in the West. Failing health required him to go out of 
business, and during the past year he has been an invalid and incapacitated 
for work of any kind. 



419 

LIEUTENANT JOHNSON. 

Ezekiel Thomas Johnson was born in Vermont, in 1839, 
probably in Orange county, where his people have lived for more 
than one hundred years. He is a descendant of the fifth gen- 
eration from Ralph Johnson, who came to this country from 
Kent, England, in 1647. The family of Ralph was of some 
note, becoming influential members of society, and some of them, 
at least, important factors in civil and political affairs. His son, 
William Johnson, was one of the first municipal ofiicers of 
Charlestown, Mass. Later branches of the family moved from 
the seaboard and settled in Newbury and Bradford, in Orange 
county, sometime about 1775, and were very likely to have been 
among General Stark's men during the revolutionary era. 

Ezekiel T. enlisted from Windsor, Aug. 12th, 1862, and 
upon the organization of Co. H, Tenth Regiment, was appointed 
a Corporal. He was promoted a Sergeant Dec. 28th, 1862, and 
First Sergeant March 4:th, 1864 ; commissioned Second Lieuten- 
ant of Co. E, Dec. 19th, 1864, but for some reason he was not 
mustered, and on March 22d, 1865, he was promoted First Lieu- 
tenant of Co. G. May 20th, 1865, he was transferred to Co. E. 

Lieutenant Johnson performed faithful and efficient service 
in each and all the companies with which he was identified. 
He was equally active and capable in the several grades and 
positions he filled, and was present at every engagement of the 
regiment until he was disabled by wounds. At the battle of 
Monocacy, he was in charge of a part of the skirmish line on tlie 
north bank of the river, under the command of Captain George 
E. Davis, and was there doing the duty of a Second Lieutenant, 
a rank for which he had already been named. Here he was 
severely wounded by a minie ball which struck the top of his 
head ; the missile cutting through the scalp and scraping the 
bone, produced an ugly wound. It did not heal for several 
months ; and, of course, during that time he was in the hospital. 
He rejoined the regiment, however, while we were yet in the Shen- 
andoah Valley, and returned with it to Petersburg, in December. 
Thence he continued to do valiant service for his country until 
the end of the war. 



420 

Too much praise can hardly be given to the men and officers, 
who followed the flag and fought faithfully through three years 
of the war of the rebellion, and Lieutenant Johnson was one 
who should receive honorable mention among the highly deserv- 
ing of the large number who re|)resented the fidelity and patri- 
otism of the Green Mountain State during our national struggle 
for existence. 

At the close of the war he went to Buffalo, N. Y., and was 
engaged for a number of years with a firm of ship-builders and 
harbor contractors, but subsequently removed to Bradford, Pa., 
where he now resides, and is heavily engaged in the production 
of oil. 

CAPTAIN LEWIS. 

Silas Huntington Lewis was born in Berkshire, Franklin 
county, Vt., May 16th, 1S41. He was a son of Silas Hunting- 
ton and Lucia Ellsworth Lewis. Silas, Jr., was carefully in- 
structed in the common schools of his native town, where he 
remained with his paieiits until he was fifteen years of age. He 
then left home and went to St. Albans and engaged as clerk in 
tlie mercantile business, having been employed by W. W. Post. 
He continued with Mr. Post about three years and then accepted 
a higher position with A. (). Brainerd, Esq., where he remained 
until July, 1862. His intelligence, courteous manners, and 
earnest attention to business won the confidence of his employers 
and made him a favorite with all who came to their establish- 
ment. He was a young man of clean habits, of unsullied repu- 
tation, industi-ious and ambitious of success; and to all human 
fore.-ight, the peaceful currents of his life were likely to lead to 
still more advantageous associations and a succe.-sful business 
career. But many of his friends in Franklin county and in St. 
All)an8 had already enli.st d, and others in the volunteer army 
had passed throuiih a half-dozen battles and had sent the thrill- 
ing story of their heroic achievements flamii'.g back to old Ver- 
mont, and he determined to join one of the two companies then 
being recruited in Franklin county — one at Swanton and the 
other at St. Albans, and both designated for the Tenth Regiment. 
He enlisted July 22d, 1862, and upon the organization of Co. I, 




CAPT. SILAS H. LEWIS. 



421 

Aug. 11th, at St. Albans, he was appointed a Sergeant. As a 
noncommissioned officer in this company he was associated with 
Bugue, Church, Fuller, Gilson, Wheeler and White, all of whom 
received commissions early in their military career, either in the 
same or other companies of the regiment. Sergeant Lewis was 
promoted to First Sergeant of Co. I, June 1st, 1864, and six 
days later Second Lieutenant of Co. t" . Nov. 2d, 1864, he was 
again promoted and commissioned First Lieutenant of Co. D. 
But previous to the time of receiving this last promotion he was 
detailed upon the division staff and served as aide-de camp to 
Generals Ricketts and Seymour during the last year of his term 
of service. He was an officer of impetuous courage ; and pos- 
sessing, as he did, a sanguine nature, fervid energy and an ad- 
venturous spirit, he was impelled to daring deeds. At the bat- 
tle of Cold Harbor on the 1st of June, in the famous charge of 
Ricketts' division upon the fortified line of the Confederate 
General Rhodes, the Tenth Yermont, having gained the most 
advanced position of any reached by the Sixth Corps, Sergeant 
Lewis sprang over the breastworks and captured a Confederate 
Major, a Lieutenant and several men. For this act of gallantry 
Colonel Henr}'^ recommended him for promotion to Second Lieu- 
tenant. While on the division staff, he was mentioned by Gen- 
eral Ricketts for " gallantry and efficiency " in the battles of 
Winchester, Fisher's Hill and Cedar Creek ; and in subsequent 
battles, by General Seymour. In the triumphant assault of the 
Sixth Corps upon the enemy's veorks at Petersburg, April 2d, 
1865, Lieutenant Lewis was breveted Captain "for gallant and 
meritorious conduct." 

Captain Lewis was a valiant soldier ; and while his name 
will be held in revered memory by his friends, for his many pri- 
vate virtues and their own special reasons, he, with the rest 
mentioned in these pfiges, and many who are unnamed, the 
State that gave him birth will claim as one of her intrepid 
sons, ever to share the honor and distinction accorded to Ver- 
mont troops in the war of the rebellion. On his return to St, 
Albans at the close of the war, he engaged in mercantile busi- 
ness under various partnerships until 1869, when by purchasing 
other interests, he went into business by himself, and soon be' 



422 

came a popular and prosperous merchant. His death occurred 
in 1871, as the result of an accident, and caused universal sorrow 
in the community where he resided. On this sad occasion the 
St. Albans Jfesse?iger used the following language: "It has 
been a long time since any casualty has so shocked and filled 
with sorrow the hearts of this people. * * ♦ • 

No man could have been taken from our midst whom society 
would more miss than he. He was active in nearly every 
worthy social and public enterprise, and by his frankness, his 
kindness and his agreeable manners, he made friends of all who 
knew him. Whatever faults common to us all he may have had, 
we always knew that he had a large and manly heart. Its im- 
pulses entered into all his life. The death of such a man cast a 
deep gloom over the hearts of all our people, and he will long 
be remembered and mourned as a brave soldier, a courteous 
gentleman, a kind and loving husband and father, a noble friend 
and worthy man." 

LIEUTENANT STICKNEY. 

Edward J. Stickney was born in Barre, Washington county, 
Vt., in the year 1845, although the family home at that time 
was in Boston, Mass., and thence he was carried while a babe in 
arms. His father dying when Edward was but nine months old, 
he was taken back to Barre three years later, where his mother 
came to make her home. Some few years later, while he was 
yet a little boy, his mother married again and went to Montpe- 
lier to live. Here her son came also and lived and grew to 
young manhood, and Montpelier continued to be liis home while 
he lived. He diligently improved all of the educational advan- 
tages furnished by the enlightened and enterprising citizens of 
the capital town of Vermont, to its rising generations, until he 
was seventeen years of age. He was a most affectionate and 
dutiful son, bright, attractive, full of patriotic zeal and belonged 
to the class of clean young men who were moved to take up 
arms by the simple and yet burning desire to defend with their 
lives the insulted flag of their country. He enlisted Jidy 30th, 
1862, and went to Waterbury for his examination. It so hap- 
pened that he had defective front teeth, and his mother not will- 



423 

ing that he should go to the war, and thinking of no other 
blemish that would debar him from the service, said to him as he 
went away : " Now, Ed., show your teeth." But Ed. did not 
show his teeth on this occasion, at least, and he was accepted 
as a recruit for Co. B, Tenth Regiment, Vermont Volunteers. 
Upon the organization of the company. Captain, afterward 
Major, Dillingham appointed him a Corporal. He was promoted 
a Sergeant, March 27th, 1864 ; First Sergeant on the 1st of 
September following, and Second Lieutenant Dec. 19th, the same 
year, and First Lieutenant March 22d, 1865. He is mentioned 
as a most kind, trusty and brave officer, and an earnest patriot, 
shrinking from none of the hardships and dangers of the service, 
although his constitution never was robust. But why repeat the 
story of these qualifications, or tell of the achievements so true 
of so many who were found in all of our regiments from all of 
the Northern States ? Lieutenant Stickney filled with credit to 
himself and his comrades all the grades in his company, from 
private to First Lieutenant, fought in all the battles and skir- 
mishes of his regiment, and returned to his home in Montpelier, 
after the expiration of his full term of service, a veteran soldier 
at twenty years of age. He died at Montpelier, I think, on the 
12th of January, 1875. On the occasion of his death, Mr. G. 
H. Hartwell of Southbridge, Mass., in whose employ he had 
been for four years, writes in part as follows of his employee and 
friend : " He was remarkably attentive to business, a diligent 
and untiring worker. He was kind and in every particular a man 
and a gentleman ; and by his kindness and gentlemanly deport- 
ment he won not only the esteem of young and old, but the 
affection of all who knew him best." 

CAPTAIN FULLER. 

Austin W. Fuller was born in Cornish, N. H., Sept. 9th, 
1841. His parents died when he was quite young and he was 
adopted and reared by his uncle, the late Hon. Austin Fuller 
of Enosburgh, Vt., for whom Austin was named. He received 
a common school education, ending with a year at the Bakers- 
field Academy, Bakersfield, Vt., which he most diligently im- 



424 

proved. He then began life for himself. When he was a little 
more than seventeen years of age, he began an apprenticeship 
at the printer's trade, in the office of the St. Albans Messenger^ 
St. Albans, Vt., and served three full years at the craft, or until 
March, 1861. In the meantime he had become a member of the 
old Ransom Guards of St. Albans, a somewhat noted military 
organization before the war, where he became familiar with the 
company movements and drill of our State militia, and acquired 
considerable taste for such exercises. Under the jSrst call of 
President Lincoln for seventy-five thousand troops to recover the 
forts and arsenals of the United States, whicli had been forcibly 
seized by traitors to the Government, the Kansom Guards, with 
other similar organizations in the State, enlisted for three months 
and became Co. A, First Kegiment, Vermont Volunteer Infantry. 
The history and reputation of this regiment, together with its 
important services in the field at a critical period of the war, are 
too well known to require repetition here. Young Fuller ex- 
changed his composing stick for a musket and went to the front 
with the regiment, to share in the fortunes of his company dur- 
ing its term of enlistment in this early part of the rebellion 
epoch. Returning to St. Albans, he resumed his occupation as 
a printer at his old cases in the Messenger office, until, as he 
says, "he was deeply impressed with the need of the Govern- 
ment for more troops to continue its resistance of the treasonable 
ago-ressions of the South." He again enlisted on the 9th of 
August, 1S62, and became a member of Co, I, Tenth Regiment, 
Vermont Infantry. Upon the organization of the company, he 
was appointed Second Sergeant. Three months later, on Jan. 
19th, 1863, he was promoted Commissary Sergeant. June 6th, 
1864, he was commissioned Second Lieutenant of Co. K. Thence 
onward as a commissioned officer and sometimes company com- 
mander, he took a conspicuous part in all the battles in which 
the regiment participated, succeeding the date last named — Cold 
Harbor, Bermuda Hundred, Petersburg, Monocacj', Winchester, 
Fisher's Hill and Cedar Cicek. At the battle of Cedar CreeU, 
he was severely wounded in the last triumphant charge which 
resulted in the complete rout of the Confederate army, and it 




CAPT. AUSTIN W. FULLER. 



425 

seemed as if his fighting days were over and that he would be 
no longer fit for military service. He was discharged the fol- 
lowing December for wounds received in this action, and he sub- 
sequently received two brevets — that of First Lieutenant and 
then of Captain, for gallantry at Cedar Creek, Oct. 19th, 1864. 

Captain Fuller now returned to his home in Vermont, and 
it was probably expected that he would remain there, or at all 
events, would not reenter the military service. But within a 
few months he was appointed a Second Lieutenant in the vet- 
eran reserve corps, where he served for three years, completing 
a term of abnost six years of continuous military service. Six 
months of this time, he was on duty as one of the body-guard of 
President Andrew Johnson at the Executive Mansion, Washing- 
ton, D. C. At the expiration of his term of service here, he 
went to North Carolina, and was in charge of a section of the 
Freed men's bureau for over two years. He was discharged 
from the U. S. service June 15th, 1868, being the last volunteer 
officer of his grade to be mustered out of the military service of 
the Government. 

Since the close of the war Captain Fuller has resided in St. 
Albans for the greater part of the time, and has been engaged 
in the mercantile business. June 1st, 1890, he was appointed 
postmaster at St. Albans, by President Harrison, which position 
he still holds. 

Captain Fuller was an earnest patriot, a most intelligent 
and painstaking ofiicer and a gallant soldier. He would face 
the most desperate situations coolly, and with a smile on his face. 
The man and the soldier may each find an illustration in his con- 
duct at the battle of Payn's Farm. He was then the Commis- 
sary Sergeant and a non-combatant ; at least, he was not required 
to go into battle ; but seeing the regiment hotly engaged and 
his comrades falling, he picked up a musket which had fallen 
out of a wagon, borrowed some ammunition from one of the 
men, and rushed into the thickest of the tight and remained 
there fighting heroically until the regiment was relieved ; and 
these manly and soldierly qualities were characteristic of him all 
through his military career. 



426 



LIEUTENANT 8HEDD. 



George P. Shedd was born in Chester, Windsor county, Vt., 
Feb. 6th, 1837, and came of Welsh stock. His parents moved 
to Brandon, same State, when he was a mere child, where they 
lived until George was twelve years of age; and then, in 1849, 
moved to Kichmond, Chittenden county. Here the boy attended 
the district school for a considerable part of five years, and 
worked in his father's blacksmith shop during the time he was 
not in school — about evenly dividing his time between work and 
study ; but wliether occupied with one or the other, he was 
equally industrious at both. In 1856, or when he was seventeen 
years of age, he gave up school, learned the carpenter's trade 
and began work for liimself, and being industrious and economi- 
cal, having no bad habits to support, he made fair progress in 
the world. On the 9tli of August, 1862, he enlisted from Rich- 
mond, and became a private in Co. D, Tenth Vermont Regiment. 
He was promoted Corporal of Co. D, Jan. 17th, 1863, and Ser- 
geant, Jan. 1st, 1864, and commissioned Second Lieutenant of 
the same company, June 15th, 1865. As private and ofiicer. 
Lieutenant Shedd was engaged in nearly all of the battles par- 
ticipated in by the regiment — even falling into line and taking 
part in a fight, when by reason of some special detail or other, 
he was excused from such duty. He was a good shot and 
when shooting at the enemy within range, he thinks that he 
wasted none of his ammunition. At the battle of Winchester he 
received a severe gun-shot wound in liis thigh, which disabled 
him for more than three months, and he was placed in the hos- 
pital at Sandy Hook, Md., Philadelphia and Burlington. But 
he returned to his regiment as soon as he could and bore a con- 
spicuous part in the regiment's assault at Petersburg, April 2d, 
1865, and was in the battle of Sailor's Creek, on the 6th. On 
the whole. Lieutenant Shedd was a man of sturdy good sense 
and a good, brave soldier. Captain George E. Davis speaks of 
liim as " cool and conscientious, rather slow in speech and 
motion, but su7'e, and true in his loyalty to the flag and brave in 
battle ; a most kind and friendly man, strictly temperate in 
speech and life, and greatly beloved by his associates." Since 



427 

the war he has been a contractor and builder, and resides at 
Moberly, Mo. 

LIEUTENANT WHITE. 

Thomas H., son of Ezekiel and Laura "White, was born in 
Topsham, Orange county, Vt., Feb. 16th, 1838. In his boyhood 
and youth he was employed in a manner usual to country lads 
in New England. In the meantime he improved to good advan- 
tage the opportunities for instruction afforded by the common 
schools which were accessible to him. When of age he learned 
the trade of house joiner and carpenter, and diligently pursued 
this occupation until Aug. 6th, 1862, when he enlisted. He be- 
came a member of Co. G, Tenth Regiment, Vermont Volunteer 
Infantry. Upon the appointment of the non-commissioned 
officers, he was made second in the list of corporals ; but he at 
length surpassed them all — at least, those who survived the 
term of their service and remained with the company — both in 
the rank he attained and the apparent value of his services. He 
was promoted Sergeant, May 12th, 1864, First Sergeant, Feb. 
26th, 1865, and Second Lieutenant of Co. C, March 22d, 1865, 
although he was not mustered until nearly three weeks later. 
As Corporal, Sergeant, First Sergeant and Lieutenant, he proved 
himself a true and faithful soldier of the Republic, zealous and 
adequate to all the duties required in the several positions which 
he held. He fought in nearly all of the battles in which the 
regiment was engaged except the action at Sailor's Creek, and 
he would have been in that but for his previous ill condition and his 
heroic over-exertion, which nearly cost him his liberty and his life, 
on account of which he was ordered to the hospital ; but in most 
of the others he bore a conspicuous part. He was a most excel- 
lent duty Sergeant, always on the best of terms with the men, 
and enjoyed the entire confidence of his superiors in rank, who 
frequently entrusted to hiin responsibilities above his grade ; 
and they never had reason to be disappointed at his judgment 
and skill, or his courage. That one who had shown himself 
worthy of trust in a subordinate position would have proved 
himself successful in directing the movements of men in battle, 
as an officer of the line, there can be no doubt, had there been 
more battles to fight, or had he received his commission at an 



428 

earlier date. But he did exceedingly well during the remaiader 
of his term of service and was a popular officer. 

Lieutenant White returned to Vermont at the close of the 
war, and in the following October he went to Minnesota, where 
it seems he remained until 1870, when he removed to the Pacific 
coast, finally settling down at Shingle Springs, Cal., since wliich 
time he has resided there. During most of tlie time he has been 
in California, he has been engaged in general mercantile busi- 
ness at Shingle Springs, and at Lotus, a town ten miles north of 
there. He is a Mason, high in the ranks of the order, a member 
of the G. A. R., and Commander of Placerville Post, No. 108, 
Placerville, Cal. 

Lieutenant White has written a series of articles, quite re- 
cently, giving an account of the services of his regiment and 
covering the entire period of its existence. These articles have 
all been published in the Bradford (Vt.) Opinion and are re- 
plete with interesting and oftentimes thrilling war incidents, con- 
taining both personal and individual experiences. Much that is 
grand, ludicrous and pathetic has become matter of animated 
description. Some of his papers have been widely copied in 
other journals, and they would furnish a most entertammg hro- 
chure of war memories, should he be induced to put them in 
such shape at some future time for general circulation. 



The following are the names and rank of officers of whom 
no memoranda can be obtained upon which to base biographical 
sketches. Most of them were valuable officers, who valiantly 
contributed to the reputation and success of the regiment by 
their courage and efficiency in all, or nearly all, of its battles ; 
endured the fatigues of the march and the discomforts of the 
camp to the full extent of their comrades, and remained with 
the troops until they were mustered out at the end of the war. 
There were others who no doubt were just as able and brave, 
and who would have proved themselves equally worthy in every 
respect, had they not, in the very beginning of their military 
career, been overtaken by disease, or met with otlier accidents 
incident to a military organization in the field during its season- 
ing period and so felt obliged to yield to their misfortunes and 
leave the service altogether. 




2d LT. THOMAS H. WHITE. 



429 

The first class, here mentioned, are those whose addresses 
cannot be found, and those who apparently do not care to be 
herein represented by sketches. 

Charles H. Reynolds was a private in Co. I, and enlisted 
from St. Albans, Aug. 2d, 1862. He was appointed Quarter- 
master Sergeant Jan. 8th, 1863 ; commissioned First Lieutenant 
and Kegimental Quartermaster April 6th, 1864, and Captain 
and A. Q. M., U. S. Volunteers, Dec. 12th, 1864. He was a 
" good fellow," a popular officer and an excellent Quartermaster. 
He is at present living in Swanton, Yt., where he has served 
the Government as postmaster during one presidential term, 
since the war. 

Rev. John B. Perry of Swanton, Yt., was appointed Chap- 
lain of the regiment, March 23d, 1865, to succeed Chaplain 
Haynes, resigned, and remained with it until the end of the 
war, being mustered out July 7th, 1865. Chaplain Perry had 
little experience, having seen barely two months service with the 
troops, but he was an excellent man, attentive to his duties and 
highly respected. He has since died. 

The others follow in tlie order of the company letters : 
Captain Henry II. Dewey, Co. A, was a meritorious offi- 
cer. He had the distinction of commanding the regiment in the 
last charge upon the enem}'^ at the battle of Cedar Creek. 

First Lieutenant William R. Hoyt ; private. Sergeant and 
First Sergeant of Co. I ; Sergeant Major, Second Lieutenant 
Co. C, and First Lieutenant of Co. A. 

First Lieutenant Isaac L. Powers ; Sergeant and First 
Sergeant of Co. A, Second Lieutenant Co. H, and First Lieu- 
tenant Co. C. He was wounded June 3d, 1864, at Cold Harbor. 

Second Lieutenant Alexander Wilkey; private, Corporal, 
Sergeant and First Sergeant Co. G, and commissioned Second 
Lieutenant Co. C. 

Captain Henry G. Stiles; Sergeant Co. H , Sergeant Major 
and Second Lieutenant Co. G, First Lieutenant and Captain Co. 
E ; taken prisoner June Ist, at Cold Harbor, paroled Nov. 19th, 



430 

1864. Captain Stiles was an officer of high character and abil- 
ity. He now resides at Indianapolis, Ind., and is general freight 
agent of the Cincinnati, Hamilton & Dayton Raih-oad Co. 

Second Lieutenant Waltek Graham ; private. Corporal, 
Sergeant, First Sergeant Co. E. He was taken prisoner at Mo- 
nocacy, Md., July 9th, 1864, paroled Feb. 22d, 1865, and 
commissioned Second Lieutenant Co. E, June 15th, 1865. 

Captain Hiram Platt, Co. F, was in the battle of Locust 
Grove or Payn's Farm, Va., Nov. 27th, 1863, and in the Mine 
run campaign. Kesigned April Ist, 1864. 

First Lieutenant Samuel Greer, Co. F; promoted from 
private, Corporal, Sergeant and Second Lieutenant of Co. C. 
He was a brave and most reliable officer ; was severely wounded 
at Cedar Creek, Oct. 19th 1864, while standing loyally by his 
Colonel and assisting him, when disabled, from the field. 

Brevet Major Edward P. Farr ; First Sergeant Co. G, 
Second Lieutenant Co. E, First Lieutenant Co. G ; appointed 
Captain and A. Q. M., U. S. Volunteers, March 6th, 1865, Bre- 
vet Major U. S. Volunteers, March 13th, 1865, for meritorious 
Service during the war. He went to Texas with the troops 
under the command of Major-General H. G. Wright in the sum- 
mer of 1865, and was not mustered out until May 19th, 1866. 
Major Farr was an intelligent and popular officer, possessing 
high soldierly and social qualities, which won him friends and 
reputation. His present residence is Pierre, S. D, 

First Lieutenant Almon Ingram; promoted from Ser- 
geant, First Sergeant, Second Lieutenant to First Lieutenant 
Co. G. 

Second Lieutenant Andrew J. Clogston ; promoted from 
private, Corporal, Sergeant and First Sergeant to Second Lieu- 
tenant Co. G. 

Captain Salmon E. Perham went out as Second Lieuten- 
ant of Co. H ; was promoted to First Lieutenant and Captain 
of the same company. He was a sturdy, conscientious soldier, 
and an officer who would be likely to be the first to execute any 



431 

orders he might deliver, or that were delivered for execution by 
liis company. He was for a long time in charge of the pioneer 
corps of the Third Division, Sixth Corps, and most faithfully 
and ably performed the duties of that position ; died in the sol- 
diers' home, Topeka, Kan., 1893. 

First Lieutenant Artemas H. Wheeler; Sergeant, First 
Sergeant of Co. H, Second Lieutenant Co. D, and returned to 
Co. H as First Lieutenant ; participated in every battle of the 
regiment — three times wounded, but not sufficiently to disable 
him — never in the hospital or off duty from sickness ; now re- 
sides at Perkinsville, Vt. 

Second Lieutenant Henry H. Adams ; Corporal and Ser- 
geant of Co. C ; promoted Q. M. Sergeant and Second Lieuten- 
ant Co. H ; resides in Chillicothe, Livingston county. Mo. 

Captain William White was promoted through all the 
grades from Sergeant, First Sergeant, Second and First Lieu- 
tenant to Captain of Co. 1, with which he left and returned to 
the State. He was a thoroughly drilled and disciplined soldier 
of the English type. He was twice wounded, once at Cold Har- 
bor, June 1st, and again, severely, at Cedar Creek, Oct. 19th, 
1864: ; present residence, St. Albans, Vt. 

First Lieutenant Darwin K. Gilson; promoted from Ser- 
geant to Second Lieutenant Co. I, but not mustered. He was 
then appointed First Sergeant and later on First Lieutenant of 
the same company ; residence, St. Albans, Vt. 

Second Lieutenant George Church ; promoted from pri- 
vate. Corporal, Sergeant of Co. I, and Sergeant Major. 

Captain Alexander W. Chilton entered the service from 
Swanton, Vt,, where he was a school teacher, as Second Lieu- 
tenant of Co. F. He was promoted First Lieutenant of Co. I, 
and on Aug. 9th, 1864, he was commissioned Captain of Co. K, 
in which position he served until the end of the war. Captain 
Chilton was highly esteemed by his comrades as a brave and 
trusty officer and a most earnest patriot. 

First Lieutenant Lyman C. Gale enlisted from Rocking- 
ham, Windham county, Vt., Aug. 12th, 1861. He was appoint- 



482 

ed First Sergeant of Co. F, Fourth Vermont Volunteers. 
He was discharged, and mustered First Lieutenant of Co. K, 
Tenth Eeginient, Sept. 1st, 1862; resigned July 30th, 1864. 
For the greater part of the time that he was with the Tenth he 
served on the staff of Brigadier-General W. H. Morris. 

First Lieutenant Edward Vinclette was a Sergeant and 
First Sergeant of Co. F : he was then passed over one grade to 
First Lieutenant of Co. K. 

Second Lieutenant Charles P. Hadlock was Corporal 
and Sergeant of Co. K, and was commissioned Second Lieuten- 
ant, June 15th, 1865. 

It is a matter for sincere regret that fuller details of the service 
performed by these officers could not be had and that more could 
not be said of their acknowledged efficienc}'', but further informa- 
tion necessary for what would be so pleasant a task is unattainable. 
Of those officers referred to as having resigned either in 1862, 
or early in 1863, were Lieutenant-Colonel John H. Edson, resigned 
Oct. 16th, 1862 ; Second Lieutenant Maximilian Hopkins, Co. A ; 
First Lieutenant W. H. H. Sabin, Co. C — once promoted from Sec- 
ond Lieutenant and had the making of a good soldier in him — re- 
signed on account of protracted sickness, Jan. 19th, 1863 ; Captain 
Giles F. Appleton, Co. D, resigned Jan 26th, 1S63; Captain Madi- 
son E, Winslow, Co. E, resigned Dec. 25th, 1862 ; Second Lieu- 
tenant Stephen D. Soule, Co. E, resigned Jan. 12th, 1863 ; First 
Lieutenant Jerome C. Dow, Co. H, resigned Jan. 5th, 1863 ; 
First Lieutenant Charles M. Start, Co. I, resigned Dec. 5th, 
1862 ; Second Lieutenant Ernest C. Colby, Co. I, resigned 
Jan. 16th, 1863. 

LIEUTENANT LEAVENS.* 

Leander Cushman Leavens enlisted from Berkshire, Vt., 
Aug. 13th, 1862, and joined Captain Chandler's company, 1, at 
St. Albans ; served as private and Corporal until September, 
1863, when by reason of " night-blindness," brought on by the 
hard marches of the Gettysburg and Culpeper campaigns of that 

• This should have gone with officers in the same service, but came too 
late. 




i:,t LI. W. H. H. SABIN. 



433 

season, he was compelled to quit the ranks. He served as clerk 
to Captain Charles H. Leonard, Assistant Adjutant-General, 
First Brigade, Third Division, Third Army Corps, until Feb. 24th, 
1864, when he was discharged, and appointed Second Lieutenant 
in the Thirty-second Regiment, U. S. C. T., and joined the regi- 
ment at " Camp Wm. Penn," Philadelphia, where it was being 
organized with Colonel Geo. W. Baird commanding. He was 
assigned to Co. D, Captain A. Woodward, a noble man, who 
was killed in action in South Carolina the year following. The 
regiment sailed from Philadelphia, April 23d, 1864, with sealed 
orders, which on being opened at sea sent it to Hilton Head, S.** 
C, where it arrived on the 27th. Early in May it was transfer- 
red to Morris Island, a low, barren reef of sand, the nearest 
Union ground to Charleston. Here, with fragments of two or 
three other regiments, it joined in the bombardment of Fort 
Sumter and Charleston, and participated in all the accompany- 
ing engagements of that season, being constantly under fire from 
Fort Moultrie and the batteries of the enemy on Johnson's and 
Sullivan's Islands, and sharpshooters of Fort Sumter, eleven 
hundred yards away, until relieved, Aug. 27th, 1864, in a terri- 
bly depleted condition. The regiment arrived at Hilton Head, 
Oct. 2d, when Lieutenant Leavens was detailed by Major-General 
John G. Foster, commanding the Department of the South, for 
duty as Assistant Commissary of Subsistence and Acting Assist- 
ant Quartermaster, and stationed a month at Beaufort and then 
put in charge of the great storehouse, bakery, and accumulated 
supplies at St. Helena Island. He was also put in command of 
the island, with a force of men as guard, etc., and so remained 
until mustered out with the regiment, Aug. 22d, 1865, after 
three years and nine days of service. He was promoted to First 
Lieutenant, Oct. 12th, 1864, and participated in the battles at 
and about Pocatalago, under General Foster, who was cutting 
the Charleston & Savannah Railway, pending the arrival of Gen- 
eral Sherman from Atlanta. Since the war he has followed 
mercantile business mostly at West Berkshire. He represented 
Berkshire in the legistatm-e in 1880 ; was Colonel and aide-de- 
camp on the staff of Governor Dillingham, 1888-9, and chief 
(28) 



434 

deputy collector of customs under Collector Benedict, at Rich- 
ford, 1889 to 1893. 

MAJOR WOODRUFF. 

Charles A. Woodruff enlisted from Burke, "Vt., June 5th, 
1862, became a member of Co. A, and served as a private until 
March 9th, 1864, when he received promotion. He was, later 
on, advanced several grades and served gallantly through the 
war, being mustered out Aug. 18th, 1865. He afterward 
entered West Point and became an officer in the regular army, 
where he has earned well merited promotion. Following is his 
record as a soldier, and also his present grade in the U. S. army : 
He enlisted and served as a private and Corporal in the Tenth 
Yermont for more than three years during the civil war and was 
wounded four times; was commissioned Lieutenant but not 
mustered on account of wounds ; discharged for disability, and 
granted a full pension, which he surrendered September, 1866. 
He passed a competitive examination and entered West Point 
in 1867, graduated in 1871, and was commissioned Second Lieu- 
tenant, Seventh Infantry, June 12th, 1871 ; First Lieutenant 
Aug. 9th, 1877, on which date he was three times severely 
wounded by Indians ; was promoted Captain and Commissary 
of Subsistence March 28th, 1878 ; Major and C. S., Dec. 27th, 
1892. He is at present stationed at San Francisco, California, 
in charge of the U. S. Purchasing Office and Depot of Commis- 
sary of Subsistence. 

SERGEANT CROWN. 

Augustus H. Crown was born in Milton, Yt., Dec. 30th, 
1844. His father, George W. Crown, was a farmer, and Au- 
gustus lived with him and worked on the tarm until he was 
eighteen years of age. His life for the most part was the usual 
one led by the majority of 2?ew England farmers' sons — plenty 
of hard work in the summer with three months schooling 
in the winter. There were, however, some slight variations 
from this monotony, in Augustus' favor — lie was allowed to 
attend two terms of a select school in addition to the usual 
district school, so that he obtained a fair knowledge of the 




SEEGT. AUGUSTUS H. CROWN. 



435 

common branches of instruction furnished by the grade of 
schools to which he had access. On the 22d of July, 1862, he 
enlisted as a volunteer and became a member of Co. D, Tenth 
Kegiment, Vermont Infantry ; and he now entertains an excus- 
able pride in the thought that he carried a musket through the 
full period of the regiment's term of service. But he came near 
missing this proud opportunity, for when he presented himself 
for examination. Surgeon Phelps, the examining officer, rejected 
him, and it was only after the earnest interference of a number 
of influential friends in his behalf that he was allowed to be 
mustered. Very likely the qualities which led him to persevere, 
and to persist in his endeavor to enter the army after being once 
rejected, also made him an earnest patriot and a conscientious 
defender of the flag after he had taken the mustering oath. He 
was promoted Corporal, Jan. 1st, 1864, and Sergeant, June 8th, 
1865, and mustered out June 22d, 1865. Sergeant Crown was 
an excellent soldier, always preferring duty, although hard and 
dangerous, to idleness ; and there was no service too severe for 
him to attempt if duty called him into it. fie was in all the 
skirmishes and battles in which the regiment participated, al- 
though not always engaged with the regiment. There was in 
1864-5, a sort of provisional or extemporized corps of sharp- 
shooters, made up of men from different regiments in the divis- 
ion who had shown expert marksmanship, and these were em- 
ployed in the same manner as troops especially enlisted as sharp- 
shooters. Sergeant Crown being a good shot, was in this, 
perhaps irregular, organization, in which there were few more 
eflicicnt and none more deserving. He was a modest and un- 
assuming man, but with much quiet force, and one who is unre- 
servedly trusted, and worthily so, by his fellow-men. Return- 
ing to Vermont at the close of the war, Sergeant Crown worked 
on his father's farm during the summer of 1865, after which he 
spent two terms at the Fairfax Literary Institute, Fairfax, Vt. 
In April, 1866, he settled in Tonawanda, Erie county, N. Y., 
where he now resides and has been engaged in business ever 
since. He has tilled many places of trust in the village in which 
he lives. At present, he is President of the village of Tona- 
wanda, President of the Board of Water Commissioners, Presi- 



436 

dent of the Board of Education, Secretary of the Tonawanda 
Gas Light Co., Secretary and Treasurer of the Tonawanda Tri- 
poli Co, and a Director in the First National Bank. He is a 
member of Scott Post 129, G. A. 11.; has served as Adjutant 
and Commander ; he has served as Secretary and was twice 
elected Master of Tonawanda Lodge 247, A. F. and A. M., and 
is a member of the Executive Committee of the Republican 
County Committee of Erie county, N. Y. 

COKPOBAL SCOTT. 

Alexander Scott, only son of Alexander and Mary Ann 
(Day) Scott, was born in Montreal, Canada, Aug. 19th, 1844. 
His parents moved to Burlington, Yt., in 1850 ; here he received 
his education at the public schools. His father enlisted in Co. 
I, Fifth Kegiment, Vermont Yolunteers, at the organization of 
that company, in Burlington, Vt., in 1861, and died in hospital 
at Annapolis, Md., Oct. 19th, 1862. 

Alexander entered the service as a private in Co. D, Tenth 
Yermont Yolunteers, Aug. 2d, 1862 ; was promoted to Corporal ; 
after the battle of Payn's Farm, he was assigned to the Color 
Guard and participated in all of the battles of the regiment until 
Oct. 19th, 1864, when he was severely wounded in the right 
thigh. He was confined in the hospitals at Baltimore, Md., and 
Montpelier, Yt., until April, 1865, when he rejoined his regi- 
ment on the march to Danville, Ya. He returned with his 
regiment to Burlington, and was discharged with them there, 
July 3, 1865. Major Lyman, in recommending him for a medal 
of honor, which he obtained, thus speaks of his services : 

On the Potomac, in Maryland, above Washington, in 1862, he was selected 
for responsible duty— to prevent rebel sympathizers signaling across the 
river to White's guerillas, and in pursuit and arrest of rebel spies in the 
vicinity of Sugar Loaf Mountain, Md. 

In the night after the battle of Orange or Locust Grove, Nov. 27th, 1863, 
he accompanied the Captain of his company in search of a Surgeon to attend 
a wounded Sergeant of the company, and in the darkness they lost their 
direction, and wandering in the woods took our works for the rebel front, 
when he, to save his Captain the risk of capture, crawled up and ascertained 
that they were outside of our lines and in front of our own works. 

He now joined the Color Guard, and served with it until mustered out in 
1865. He was with the colors in every engagement until disabled by a wound 
in October. 1864. 




COUP. ALEXANDER SCOTT. 



437 

At the battle of Monocacy, Md., July 9th, 1864, when the regiment was 
ordered to fall back in the face of the enemy under a heavy fire, had crossed 
a corn-field and was ascending a steep hill in full view of the enemy, the 
Color-Sergeant, becoming exhausted, gave Scott his flag, saying he might be 
taken, but Scott should save the color, and soon the Color Corporal gave out 
and Scott took and carried both flags until the Color Sergeant reported for 
duty on the 15th. 

At the battle of Fisher's Hill, Va., Sept. 22d, 1864, Corporal Scott, with 
the Color Sergeant, was the first over the rebel works on our portion of the 
front. 

At the battle of Cedar Creek, Va., Oct. 19th, 1864, at about 9 A. m., when 
the regiment charged to recapture the guns of Battery M, Fifth Artillery, 
he was knocked down, as he reached the guns, by a rifle ball striking his left 
shoulder after passing through all the folds of his blanket roll, and the shock 
for the rest of the day disabled his left arm. 

In the afternoon, on the charge which dislodged the rebels from the stone 
wall in the open field, and while rapidly advancing, the colors being far in 
advance of the regiment, and he was in touch with the Color Sergeant, he was 
shot in the thigh bone and fell, and the Color Sergeant was also presently 
killed at the same place. This wound disabled him for duty until April, 
1865, when, though still suffering from his wound, he rejoined the regiment, 
and served with it until it was mustered out in June, 1865, and during all the 
above period with the Color Guard, Corporal Scott refused promotion for the 
honor of remaining in that important and hazardous service. 

After the war he was engaged as a clerk in the firm of 
Hnngerford & Wainwright, in Burlington. In 1866, he moved 
to Flint, Mich., where he was engaged in the lumber business. 
In 1870, he moved to Washington, D. C, where he received an 
appointment as draughtsman in the U. S. patent office. In 1875, 
he was promoted to skilled draughtsman, and in 1882, to Assist- 
ant Chief of the Draughtsman's Division, his present position. 
He inspects all drawings filed in the office, has charge of all 
drawings made, and all questions on this subject are referred to 
him. 

In the Grand Army of the Republic, he is a member of 
Lincoln Post No. 3, District of Columbia ; has served as inspec- 
tor and as aide-de-camp on the staff of the Department Com- 
mander. 

THOMAS L. WOOD. 

Thomas L. Wood enlisted from Randolph, Vt., Aug. 6th, 
1862, and became a member of Co. C, Tenth Yermont Volun- 
teers- He went to the front with the regiment, but the severi- 
ties of the service overcame him and his apparently robust 



~m 




PROF. J. HEEEERT GEORGE. 



439 

* 

At that time there were no provisions for other than com- 
pany musiciaus in our volunteer army, the authority for enlist- 
ing regimental bands having been suspended or withdrawn 
altogether. Consequently the highest musical functionary that 
accompanied the Tenth regiment to the field was a much be- 
laced and batoned Drum Major. Our Drum Major was a pleas- 
ant gentleman, Mr. Russell Fisk, and belonged to the non- 
commissioned staff. But it finally turned out that no authority 
for such an officer existed, and Drum Major Fisk was discharged, 
Jan. 8th, 1863. Still, while he remained there was an attempt 
made to organize the company musicians into a fife and drum 
corps, and young George was appointed Sergeant Fifer of this 
corps, if there is such an anomalous position. However this 
may be, later on he was appointed Principal Musician and was 
allowed to organize a band from among those who had enlisted 
as fifers and drummers, and also to have detailed from the ranks 
a sufficient number of men of suitable qualifications to complete 
a band organization. Instruments were procured, the money 
for them being quickly subscribed by the music lovers of the 
regiment, and in an amazingly short time Principal Musician 
George, who had now become Band Master, was prepared to 
enliven the camp with strains of music that seemed to come 
from home. 

George was an excellent musician. He had mastered sev- 
eral instruments and played the B flat cornet in the Newbury 
brass band when he was fifteen years of age. He was now capa- 
ble of giving general instruction on each instrument in the regi- 
mental band. He was also an enthusiastic leader ; so the band 
prospered, was often in requisition at corps and division head- 
quarters, and with General W. H. Morris, a fine musician himself, 
commander of our brigade for some time, George was a favorite 
and he received great benefit from the General's kind and criti- 
cal suggestions. This band was also employed at grand reviews 
and at dress parade ; played in camp at funerals of our dead com- 
rades, enlivened the weary steps of marching columns, and 
around bivouac fires tired soldiers went to sleep with familiar 
strains of music floating over them. The band continued in 
working existence, through some vicissitudes it is true, until the 



440 

surrender at Appomattox, when it was the first within hearing 
to salute the redeemed flag of our country with the thrilling 
measures of the Star Spangled Banner. The old band, now 
loved and revered, returned to Vermont with the regiment and 
played their last tune together — " Home Again " — on their 
arrival at Burlington. 

The personnel of the baud, furnished by the leader, Mr. 
George, with other interesting matter for this sketch is as 
follows, although all were not members at the same time : 

E Flat Cornet— J, H. George, W. W. Munsell. 

B Flat Cornet— Warren McClure, Chas. H. Green. 

E Flat Altos— Nathan Hamilton, E. J. Foster, R. W. Wells. 

B Flat Tenors— L. M. Kent, Will Clark, J. N. George. 

B Flat Bass— J. H. Goldsmith. 

E Flat Bass— Richard Moon, Dan Barker, W. W. Garvin. 

Drums— N. M. Puffer, 0. C. B. George, D. B. Sexton. 

Cymbals— Delos Stewart. 

Munsell was a thorough musician, George observes, and 
acknowledges great assistance from him in keeping up the band. 
N. M. Puffer was universally conceded to be the best band snare 
drummer in tlie Army of the Potomac, and De Witt B. Sexton 
could "beat the world beating the bass drum.'' He could 
whistle the medley to every tune the band played, about one 
hundred and fifty selections. Dick Moon was " old reliable " on 
the bass. Who does not remember his voice as he sang " Rocked 
in the Cradle of the Deep ?" E. J. Foster, one of the youngest 
soldiers in the regiment, who apparently would endure more than 
any man, was a good drummer and an excellent alto soloist. Others 
could be spoken of with equal praise. They were all good mu- 
sicians — picked from a thousand. 

Sickness and death sometimes interfered with, but never 
killed the band. Garvin was captured at Monocacy, taken to 
Danville, Va., and exchanged just in time to die of the ill treat- 
ment received while in the hands of the enemy. Dan Barker 
became exhausted in the retreat from Monocacy and died in 
Baltimore, soon after. O. C. B. George died in Washington in 
December, 1863 ; L. M. Kent and J. N. George have died since 
the war ; Hamilton is a dentist in Richford, Vt.; C. H. George 
is a North Dakota farmer ; Goldsmith is at Wcathersfield, Vt.; 
Will Clark at Barre ; Wells at Burlington, and Dick Moon at 




DE. E. J. FOSTEKIEDDY. 



441 

New Britain, Conn. There are three others beside Mr. George 
who were members, about whom we can speak more at length. 
The following sketch of E. J. Foster will be of interest to his 
surviving associates : 

E. J. Foster, brother of L. R. Foster, Jr., enlisted from 
Moretown, as drummer of Co. B, at the age of fifteen. lie 
was small, slight and fair, and much like a little girl, which gave 
him the sobriquet of " Little Nellie," or " the daughter of the 
regiment." He was one of the youngest who went into the 
war and was a pet among the men. He was of a sunny nature 
and his face was wreathed with smiles. As the company lay at 
Conrad's Ferry, in the spring of 1863, the Surgeon thought be- 
cause of his youthfulness, his aesthetic nature and slight indispo- 
sition, that he had better be sent back to the hospital. But the 
men desiring to keep him with them, gave him a frightful pic- 
ture of hospital life and made him such good promises that he 
afterwards eschewed the Surgeons and remained with the regi- 
ment until it was mustered out of service. With the exception 
of a short furlough to his home in Vermont, the last spring of 
the war, he was never absent from the regiment during its term 
of service. After the organization of the regimental band, he 
being of a naturally musical turn of mind, was taken into that and 
given an alto horn, upon which he improved in playing until he 
was given the solo part to play. He still has in his possession 
the " solo-alto horn " given him by the regiment, which he cher- 
ishes with fond memory. He continued the study and practice 
of music after relegation to citizenship, and became more than 
an ordinary performer on the organ and piano. He also culti- 
vated his voice for singing. He resumed his studies at school, 
which he continued until he took up the study of medicine. He 
was drilled to some extent in allopathy and was graduated from 
the Homeopathic College in Philadelphia, from which he received 
the title of M. D. Some time afterwards he graduated from 
the Massachusetts Medical College and received the degree of 
C. S. D. In November, 1888, he was adopted legally, accord- 
ing to the law of Massachusetts, by the Rev. Mary B. G. Eddy 
of Boston, and Eddy was added to his former name, so that in 
Boston he is known by the name of Dr. E. J. Foster Eddy. 



442 

His own mother died when he was about twelve years of age. 
His mother b}'' adoption and he have two beautiful homes ; one 
on Commonwealth Avenue, Boston, and a country residence in 
Concord, N. H. He has been especially favored and his lot is 
an enviable one. 

JSorman M. Puffer was another of the younger and one of 
the youngest soldiers in the regiment. His age and that of 
Foster Eddy's was about the same, having both been born in the 
same year, although he entered the army a year earlier than 
Foster, having enlisted as a drummer in the Second Yermont 
Regiment, sometime in June, 1861. He was discharged in the 
following December, the band having been discharged at that 
time in pursuance of a general order from the War Department, 
discontinuing the enlistment of regimental bands and discliarg- 
ing a certain number of those already in existence. In the fol- 
lowing year, July 19th, 1862, Puffer reenlisted as one of the 
musicians of Co. E, Tenth Regiment. He served with this regi- 
ment until Sept. 30th, 1864, when he was transferred to the 
veteran reserve corps and mustered out June 29th, 1865. He was 
a briglit, active young man, brave, efficient and useful. It may here 
be said that the musicians of the regiment during an action were 
employed in the very important and dangerous service of carry- 
ing the wounded from the battlefield, a service which was at- 
tended by great exposure, and not unfrequently required daring 
courage and resulted in deeds of heroism. Since the war Mr. 
Puffer has resided in Bennington. In 1872 he entered the em- 
ploy of Major A. B. Valentine, and in 1884 he became a mem- 
ber of the "Valentine Knitting Co.," but in 1887 withdrew, 
selling out his interest, and established, with a partner, the 
" Bennington Knitting Company," and has since, with his asso- 
ciate, conducted a prosperous business under the last mentioned 
firm name. 

De Witt B. Sexton enlisted from St. Albans, Aug. 5th, 
1862, and became a member of Co. I, and as such he went to 
the front, carried his musket and knapsack until sometime in 
June, 1863, when he was detailed to the band, just then being 
orgsmi^ied by Herbert George. Although a mere boy, De Witt 
was known to his friends as " Sexton," or more frequently as 




NORMAN M. PUFFER. 



443 

"Sex." It might be said that he was thus known to nearly 
everyone, for everybody seemed to know him and he appeared 
to know not only every one he met, but all that was ^oing on 
within the Union lines. He was one of the most enterprising, 
social, jovial and kind hearted of men. He would go a great 
way and sacrifice much for a friend ; and as he was oftentimes 
employed with all the members of the band in removing and 
assisting the wounded from the battlefield, he would freely ex- 
pose himself to danger in order to help a disabled comrade be- 
yond the deadly fringe of battle. His spirits never flagged 
and he was always ready for fun or serious work. He was the 
life of the band on tiresome marches and around its bivouac 
fires, as well as one of its most skillful musicians, having joined 
it on its organization, and continued with it to the end. Since 
the war, he has been for most of the time in the service of the 
Central Yermont Railroad Co., and is at present a conductor on 
the road running between Rutland and Bellows Falls. 

James Herbert George, the efiicient band master, by whose 
energy it was created and in great part sustained, was well-fitted 
for the work he did. He was skilled in the use of all the instru- 
ments employed in the band, and after overcoming many of the 
difliculties incident to the selection and training of such an 
organization, he had the satisfaction of knowing they were suc- 
cessful and dulj'' appreciated. He was no less bravely devoted 
to his duties of removing and caring for the wounded in time of 
action. Since the war he has followed music as a profession and 
has been successful and popular as a teacher and conductor of 
music. He is at present Supervisor of Music in the city schools 
of Norwich, Conn. 



444 

Names of surviving members of the regiment, alphabetically 
arranged, whose present addresses are known to me and are not 
elsewhere given : 

Aiken, Hiram, Rochester, Vt. 

Bailey, George, North Danville, Yt. 

Bailey, Henry J., Lyndon, Vt. 

Banks, A. M., Bradford, Vt. 

Bartlett, Alonzo F., Manchester, N. H. 

Bartlett, Oscar F,, Warren, N. H. 

Bond, Thomas, Boston, Mass. 

Boutwell, A. C, Sherburne, Vt. 

Boyd, Charles H., Springfield, Vt. 

Bridge, Olin, Portland, Me. 

Brown, Joseph, West Danville, Vt. 

Bushnell, Edward, Brattleboro, Vt. 

Burleson, Robert B., Cambridge, N. Y. 

Cable, Thomas, St. Johnsbury, Vt. 

Chatfield, Benjamin G., Lowell, Mass. 

Clark, Joseph, Barton, Vt. 

Clark, U. A., Brookfield, Vt. 

Clement, Dwight E., North Orange, Mass. 

Clogston, Lieut. Andrew J., Littleton, N. H. 

Cole, Ira C, Greensboro, Vt. 

Cole, John, Walden, Vt. 

Cobb, William H., Middlebury, Vt. 

Conley, Charles, St. Johnsbury, Vt. 

Corliss, J. F., Thetford, Vt. 

Currier, Charles D., Fairfax, Vt. 

Clough, John, Washington, Vt. 

Daley, John, Gaylord, Minn. 

Densmore, Jason, Lebanon, N. H. 

Dimmick, William C, Warren, Mass. 

Douce, George, M. D., Beacham, Vt. 

Dunn, Daniel, Chester, Vt. 

Emory, Edward, Washington, Vt. 

Emory, C. E., Washington, Vt. 

Emory, Charles, Chelsea, Vt. 

Emery, George A., East Somcrville, Mass. 



U5 

Evans, Edward P., riiiladelpbia, Pa, 

Fenn, Austin, Olsbury, Kan. 

Ferris, H. M., Brandon, Vt. 

Finn, John, West Randolph, Yt. 

Fisher, Lewis E., Boston, Mass. 

Fitzgerald, Edward, Howard Lake, Minn. 

Faucreau, Napoleon, Montreal, Canada. 

Freeman, Julius, Northampton, Mass. 

Flinton, Nelson, Portland, Me. 

Gassett, Oscar, Brattleboro, Vt. 

George, C. H., St. Thomas, N. D. 

Getchel, Garom, St. Johnsbury, Yt, 

Goldsmith, James H., Springfield, Yt. 

Green, A. H., Middletown Springs, Yt. 

Griswold, W. A., Washington, D. C. 

Hall, Benjamin, Charlotte, Yt. 

Haskell, Robert, Barnet, Yt. 

Hebard, Milan, Randolpli, Yt. 

Hickej, James, Marshfleld, Yt. 

Hiiliard, Charles L., Brattleboro, Yt. 

Hopkins, Stephen D., St. Albans, Yt. 

Hosford, Jonathan N., Terre Haute, Ind. 

Hoy, James, South Londonderry, Yt. 

Hunt, Nelson, West Danville, Yt. 

Ingraham, Lieut. Alanson, Wellesley, Mass. 

Kelley, C. A., Hawley, Mass. 

Kelley, Benman, A., North Burke, Yt. 

Kelley, Emery, North Burke, Yt. 

Kidder, Loren G., Brookfield, Yt. 

Kellogg, C, Randolph, Yt. 

Law, Harrison, East Wallingford, Vt. 

Learned, Alvah N., Chester, Yt. 

Lawrence, H. A., Ryegate, Yt. 

Labare, George, Ascot, P. Q. 

Mason, George E., Brookfield, Yt. 

Matteson, S. J., Pownal, Yt. 

Martin, Charles N., Brookfield, Yt. 

McClure, Warren, Bridgeport, Washington. 

McKinstry, Azero P., Winnebago City, Minn. 



446 

McMurphy, A. H., Randolph, Vt. 
Miles, George B., Waits River, Yt. 
Morrell, J. A., West Barnet, Vt. 
Murray, William, Robertsons Station, P. Q. 
Nye, Captain Chester F., Burchard, Neb. 
Paige, Sergent A., Masonville, la. 
Patterson, E. Z., White Bear, Minn. 
Pepper, A. H., Washington, Vt. 
Pepper, Warren, Washington, Vt. 
Poor, John H., Hardwick, Vt. 
Porter, A. H., Cleveland, Ohio. 
Porter, Charles E., Fall River, Mass. 
Post, Henry G., Brooklyn, N. Y. 
Raymore, John W., Brookfield, Vt. 
Rice, Christopher, Rutland, Vt. 
Rowell, E. B., Manchester, N. H. 
Rodgers, O. P., Cabot, Vt. 
Sears, Andrew, Vergennes, Vt. 
Sanborn, William, Topshara, Vt. 
Scribner, Prentiss S., Wolcott, Vt. 
Seymour, D. W., East Braintree, Vt. 
Smith, Richard, Enosburgh, Vt. 
Smith, Horace T., Malcomb, La. 
Smalley, Aaron K., Waterbury, Vt. 
Smalley, Alfred B., Waterbury Centre, Vt. 
Sprague, Harvey J., Bridgewater, Vt. 
Swail, W. H., Detroit, Mich. 
Taylor, Smith, Chelsea, Vt. 
Tu'ttle, Edwin C, Topsham, Vt. 
Thompson, Charles, Manchester, N. H. 
Whitney, David, Sibley, La. 
Ware, 1). W., Springfield, Mass. 
Whitcomb, George H., Springfield, Vt. 
Woodard, R. A., Middletown Springs, Vt. 
Wallace, William H., West Barnet, Vt. 
Wellman, Adin, Sedgwick, Kan. 
Whitehill, W. H. H., State Center, La. 
Wise, George W., Barre, Vt. 
Woodward, George H., Bridgewater, Vt. 
Van Deusen, A. C., Washington, D. C. 



447 







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FINAL STATEMENT. 

The final statement of the Tenth Regiment is as follows : 

Original members — Officers, 38 ; Enlisted men, 977 ; total 1,015 

Gain— Recruits, 288; Transferred from other regiments, 3; 

total 291 

Aggregate 1,30G 

LOSSES. 

Killed in action— Officers, 6 ; Enlisted men, 85 ; total 91 

Died of ■wounds — Officers, 3; Enlisted men, 55; total 58 

Died of disease — Enlisted men 153 

Died in Confederate prisons 32 

Died from accident 2 

Total of deaths 336 

Promoted to other regiments—Officers, 10; Enlisted men, 20; 

total 30 

Honorably discharged— Officers, 23; Enlisted men, 195; total. . 218 
Dishonorably discharged— Officers, 2 ; Enlisted men, 4; total.. 6 

Deserted— Enlisted men 58 

Finally unaccounted for 5 

Transferred to Y. R. C. and other organizations 108 

Losses other than by death 425 

Total loss 761 

Mustered out at various times— Officers, 36 ; Enlisted men, 509 ; 

total 545 

Aggregate 1,.306 

Total wounded 406 

Total taken prisoner 71 



iisriDEix: 



BY J. .T. GAKKETT. 



PAGE. 

Abbott, Capt 103 

Letters on battle of Monoc- 

acy 225 

Wounded 255 

Biographical sketch of 407 

Adams, Lieut 431 

Appleton, Capt 2 

Eesigned 432 

Aseltyne, Corp 324 

Ayers, Lieut 275 

Band, the 438 

Baker, Col. J. C, letter of 341 

Barber, Lieut.-Col , 411 

Bascom, Reed 1 

Birney, Gen , 53 

Blodgett, Capt 150 

Bogue, Lieut 41(5 

Botts, John Minor 51 

Burnell, Capt 89 

Brandy Station 40, 48, 52, 65 

Bristow Station, battle of 47 

Carr, Gen 54 

Carter, Lieut 

Cedar Creek 280 

Casualties at 311 

Chandler, Capt 2 

Maj 20, 27 

Lieut.-Col 270 

Chase, Camp 14, 19 

Cheney, Maj 83 

Childe, Surg 10 

Biographicrl sketch of ."99 

Chilton. Capt 431 

Church, Lieut 431 

Clark, Lieut. B. Brooks 321 

Clark, Lieut. Joseph II .357 

Clarke, Asst. Surg. . . .10. 59, 332, 404 
Clogston, Lieut 430 



PAGE. 

Cold Harbor 133 

Casualties at, June l.st 141 

June 3d 149 

Crown, Sergt 434 

Daggett, Quartermaster 91 

Damon, Capt 9 

Lieut.-Col 329, .331 

Report of .344 

Biographical sketch of ."^84 

Darrah, Capt 55 

Biographical sketch of 151 

Davis, Capt 20 

Communication from 190 

Biographical sketch of 413 

Davis, Col 24 

Davis, Lieut 91 

Dean, Adjt 91 

De Trobriand, Gen 23, 4.s 

Dewey, Capt 429 

Dillingham, Capt 2, 57 

Mortally wounded 255 

Biographical sketch of 207 

Dodge, Bvt. JNLaj 87 

Early, Gen -182, 193, 205, 213, 249 

Edgerton, Lieut 92 

Edson, Lieut.-Col 10 

resigned 432 

Elliott, Brig. -Gen 34 

Evans, ^laj 82 

Ewell, Gen 49, .3t>(}-371 

Farr, Bvt. .Maj 430 

Farnsworth, ( ^apt 90 

Fisher's Hill 248,278 

Foster, ("apt 275 

Foster, E. J 441 

French. Maj. -Gen .33, 43, 40 

Freeman, Corp 275 



503 



PAGE. 

Frost, Capt 2 

Killed 144 

Biographical sketch of 145 

Fuller, Capt 422 

Crale, Lieut 431 

George, J. H., letter from.. .378, 438 
Gettysburg, battle of 3.5 

Referred to — 41 

Gilson, Lieut 431 

Graham, Lieut 4.30 

Grant, Gen. U. S 103, 122, 187 

Order of • • .240, 244, 248, 250, 329 

Grant, Gen. L. A 123 

Grover. Brig. -Gen 24 

Greer, Lieut — 4-30 

Hadlock, Lieut 432 

Hall, Edwin C 360 

Hallock, Gen 33, 39 

Harper's Ferry 32, 33 

Harris, Lieut.-Col 50 

Haynes, Chaplain 10, 407 

Henry, Gen 10, 25, 43 

Wounded 137 

Heport of 305 

Biographical sketch of 348 

Hicks, Capt 283 

Hill, A. P 46 

Hill, Lieut., wounded 2.55 

Biographical sketch of 273 

Hoadley, Corp 275 

Hooker, Gen 32, 33 

Hoyt, Lieut 429 

Hunt, Capt 2, 27, 42 

Heport of 281 

Resigned 329 

Biographical sketch of 352 

Irish, Lieut 275 

Ingram, Lieut 43o 

Jackson, Stonewall 47 

Janes, Lieut.-Col 80 

Jewett, Col. ..10, 25, 34, 35, 42, 55, 71 
Johnson, Lieut 419 

Keifer, Gen 102 

Report of 303 

Kelly's Ford 48, 50 

Kingsley, Bvt.-Maj 25, 57 

Biographical sketch of 157 



PAGE. 

Ladies in camp 67 

Leavens, Lieut 92, 432 

Lee, Gen 36, 37. 49 

Lewis, Capt 420 

Longstreet, Gen 36 

Lyman, Adjt .10, 42, 49 

Maj 329 

Biographical sketch of 388 

Mahoney, Sergt 195, 203, 295, 324 

Mansur, Corp 276 

Mclutyre, Dr 94 

Meade, Gen 33, 37, 38, 39, 49, 53 

Milroy, Gen 33 

Mine Run 51 

Monocacy, composition and 
losses of Union forces at 

battle of 206,207 

Casualties at 208 

Romantic episode of 221 

Morris, Gen 33 

Newton, Lieut 139 

Nye. Capt 323 



Parker, Rev. Dr 

Payn's Farm (Locust Grove) 

battle of 51, 

Peabody, Willie 

Petersburg 327, 

Perham, Capt 

Perry, Rev. John B 

Piatt, Capt 28, 40, 

Pleasant, Mr 

Pleasanton, Gen 

Powers, Lieut 

Powell, Lieut.-Col 

Powell, Lieut 

Puffer, N. M 



Quimby, Capt. 



69 

110 

234 

340 

430 

429 

430 

32 

29 

429 

78 

92 

442 

90 



Read, Adjt 354 

Reed, Capt 86 

Reynolds, Quartermaster 429 

Rice, Bvt. Lieut.-Col 80 

Richmond... 340 

Ricketts, Maj.-Gen...70, 96, 142, 187, 
188, 198, 205, 211, 228, 385 

Ripley, Maj. -Gen 2 

Ripley, Bvt. Brig. -Gen 340 

Robinson, Lieut 92 



504 



PAGE. 

Romantic episode, a 221 

Roster 443 

Rutherford, Asst. Surg 10, 404 

Sabin, Lieut. W. H. fl 432 

Sailor's Creek, battle of 368 

Salsbury, Capt 28, 34 

Report of 383 

J3iograpliical sketch of 394 

Sawyer, Lieut 93 

Scott, Corp 436 

Sedgwick, Gen 38, 49 

Seneca Lock 19, 30 

Creek 24 

Mills 29 

Sexton, De Witt B 442 

Seymour, Gen 07, 329 

Report of 34(5 

Shaler. Gen 98 

Shedd, Lieut 426 

Sheldon, Capt 242 

Biographical sketch^f 235 

Sheridau, Gen 134, 241, 279 

Sickles, Gen 34 

Smith, John Gregory (59 

Spinola, Gen 40 

Spofford, Judson 357 

Spottsylvania, battle of 113 

Steele, Capt 2, 160 

Stetson, Lieut 137 

Stickney, Lieut 422 

Stiles, Capt 429 

Stoughton, Lieut.-Col 48 

Stuart, Gen. J. E. B 29, 44 

Swan, (Jorp 30 

Tabor, Capt 415 

Thomas, Gen .. 231, 258 

Thompson, Capt. L. D 319 

Thompson, Capt. J . S 357 

Trundell. Mr 32 

Tyler, Brig.-Gen 33 

Valentine, Maj., biographical 

sketch of 167 

Experiences of a Quarter- 
master 171 

Vermont, Tenth, organization 

of, ordered 1 

Organized 2 



PAGE. 

Vermont, Tenth— Continued. 

At Brattleboro 10 

Go into camp in Virginia. . . 14 

First death 21 

Enjoy Thanksgiving 24 

Killed and wounded at bat- 
tle of Locust Grove 36, 57 

Go into winter quarters — 64 

Christmas in camp 68 

At the Wilderness 94 

At the battle of Spottsyl- 
vania 113 

Between the Annas 129 

At the battle of the Monoc- 

acy 184 

Hold a town meeting 246 

At the battle of Winches- 
ter 246 

At Cedar Creek 286 

Casualties at Cedar Creek. . 311 

Hold an election 318 

At the battle of Sailor's 

Creek 368 

Arrival at Burlington 383 

Roster of 443-500 

Final statement £01 

Vin<.'ette, Lieut 432 

Wallace, Gen 187, 198, 200 

Warren, Gen 46, 62 

Warrenton 41 

Welch, Adjt 394 

Wheeler, Lieut 431 

Wheeler, Quartermaster 396 

White, Capt 431 

White, Lieut 427 

White's Guerillas 26 

Whipple, F. D 23 

Whitney, Capt 90 

Wilderness, The 94 

Wilkey, Lieut 429 

Winchester, Sheridan's battle 

of 241 

Killed and wounded at 261 

Narrative of, by Capt Ab- 
bott 262 

Winter. Lieut 93, 282 

Winslow, ('apt 2 

Wood, Tlios. L 437 

WoodrutT, Maj 434 

Wright, Gen 301, 310, 374 



y 



